Representations of Islam in the Politics of Mosque Development in Sydney
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REPRESENTATIONS OF ISLAM IN THE POLITICS OF MOSQUE DEVELOPMENT IN SYDNEY KEVIN M. DUNN Lecturer, School of Geography, The University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW 2052, Australia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: August 2000; revised January 2001 Abstract The negative constructions of Islam which circulate at (inter)national levels include Muslims as fanatical, intolerant, militant, fundamentalist, misogynist and alien. The various constructions of Islam had varying utility for mosque opponents in Sydney, Australia, during the 1980s and 1990s. Fanaticism and intolerance are constructions of Islam which have now had centuries of articulation in the West. These constructions have attained great potency as a result of their reiterative deployment. In Sydney, they were used to influence planning determinations and political decisions within local authorities. The charges of militancy and misogyny did not easily convert into a planning ground for opposing a mosque, but they were used to heighten public unease and widen opposition. Local authorities also refused development consent for mosques on the grounds that the proposals were ‘out of character’ with surrounding development, drawing on the construction of Muslims as alien and ultimately out of place. The discourses of opposition to mosques did not simply rely on the stereotypes of Islam, but also drew heavily on cultural constructions of what constituted a local citizen and the local community. Mosque supporters attempted to deploy counter-constructions, of Muslims as moderate, tolerant, peaceful, clean living, family-orientated, ordinary local citizens. A social construction approach is used to examine the politics surrounding mosque development in Sydney. This reveals both the socio-spatial impacts of identity constructions (of a minority group and the imagined dominant community) as well as the important role of space and locale. Key words: Islam, Sydney, stereotypes, social constructivism, mosques, citizenship SOCIALLY AND SPATIALLY and Islamic centres. Two forms of content CONSTRUCTED INTOLERANCE anaylsis were drawn on to reveal the construc- tions of Islam. This first involved an assess- During the 1980s and 1990s, in Sydney, ment of manifest content within Australian Islamic groups repeatedly ran into vociferous media, using as a case study the newspaper opposition to their building of places of wor- reporting of the African Muslim nation ship. Such local level land-use disputes and Algeria. Second, the latent content – mean- inter-communal tensions reveal the manner ings – within the discourses surrounding in which stereotypes, and social constructions mosque developments in Sydney was used to generally, are consumed and reproduced. reveal the everyday operation of constructions This paper first reports on the key stereotypes of Islam and local citizenship. Further details of Islam in Australian media. The lineage of on these methods are provided later. these stereotypes is unpacked. Finally, the A social construction, or constructivist, local utility – deployment and impact – of approach to identity and representation is constructions of Islam are revealed within now well established within Geography (Bon- debates over the establishment of mosques nett 1996, pp. 872–877; Jackson & Penrose Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie – 2001, Vol. 92, No. 3, pp. 291–308. # 2001 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden MA 02148, USA 292 KEVIN M. DUNN 1993; Waitt et al. 2000, pp. 96–99). The core Peake 2000; Valentine 1993). The policing of premise of this theoretical stance is that space, and the local deployment and creative identities (nations, ‘races’, classes, genders, articulation of identities and stereotypes, are etc.) are social constructions rather than all crucial to social constructions. The every- natural or biological givens. These construc- day (referred to here as the ‘local’) is where tions should be unsettled or revealed as con- social constructions (trans)form and material- structed (Bonnett 1996, p. 872; Jackson & ise. In this paper I demonstrate that this Penrose 1993, p. 203; Kobayashi & Peake 1994, materialisation is dependent on power rela- p. 230). In newspapers, and in other forms of tions, the accumulated strength of stereotypes, media, ethnic minorities and other less power- and the local comprehensibility of social ful groups are constructed as Other, as ‘ethnic’ constructions. The everyday, the local, is a or foreign (Goodall et al. 1994, p. 54). Uneven critical site of symbolic contestation. The local power relations are reproduced in this is not simply a repository for the expression of way. This process if often spatialised. Social meanings constructed from above. In Aus- constructions are not just geographically ex- tralia, local and national representations of pressed, they are also geographically (re)pro- Muslims are mutually reinforcing, and pre- duced (Bonnett 1996, pp. 875–877). For dominantly negative. Mosque opposition at example, constructions of citizenship are the local level, for example, is (mis)informed spatially articulated. Australian media repre- by the stereotypes of Islam that are repro- sentations award, and continually reinscribe, duced in the national media. There is an the power to Anglo-Australians to describe intertextuality between the local and national themselves as ‘us’ and refer to the country as discourses, knitted together in a symbolic web. ‘ours’ (Bell 1993, p. 68). Sites like talk-back The local is the scale at which citizenship is radio are potent places for awarding what observable and measurable. Hage (1998, pp. 42–46) has termed the status of national ‘spatial manager’. Spatial man- AN ACCUMULATED WESTERN HERITAGE agers are those who are empowered to speak OF ISLAMAPHOBIA on the direction of ‘our’ country and voice opinions on who should be allowed into it or Mosque opposition has been a primary ex- excluded, and about how difference (the pression of the racism suffered by Muslims ‘they’ who are different) should be managed in Australia.1 Anti-Muslim feeling or Islama- or tolerated. The status of manager or citizen phobia in Australia has been chameleon-like, pertains at the local level (Sandercock 1998, evolving and changing its emphases, and p. 3), with members of dominant cultural developing new strains. The Macassan fishers groups typically exercising a greater pro- and Malay pearlers were forcefully excluded prietory confidence than those of cultural or relegated to a lowly labour force and social minorities (Isin & Siemiatycki 1999, pp. 10–13). positions within a ‘racial’ hierarchy (Choo The construction of local belonging and the 1993; Manderson 1988). The Afghans faced a privilege of spatial management is demon- specifically fearful response from Anglo-Celtic strated in this paper. Australia at a time when the White Australia Social constructions of identity are given life Policy was being given legislative and instru- through their articulation. Through repeti- mental teeth. They were seen as dirty, treach- tion they can achieve a remarkable durability. erous, brutal, non-British and a menace to In a sedimentary-like process the reinscription white women (Stevens 1989, pp. 148–166). of social constructions (Muslims as fanatical, This was a stereotype born of a developing real Australians as white, etc.) can come to be Orientalism and a bloody colonial history of widely accepted as unproblematic, and as a Afghan-British conflict (Stevens 1989, pp. 1, natural given (Butler 1990, p. 140; 1993, p. 10). 6–9, 164–166). Albanians were officially de- Ordinary and safe space is then assumed to be fined as enemy aliens (Carne 1984, pp. 186– white/heterosexual space. Deviance, by way of 188). From the 1970s, Muslim migrants from normative transgression, in such spaces is seen Turkey and Lebanon were portrayed initially as ‘unusual’ or ‘out of place’ (Kobayashi & as naive, sexist peasants who at best were factory # 2001 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG ISLAM IN THE POLITICS OF MOSQUE DEVELOPMENT IN SYDNEY 293 fodder and at worst were welfare bludgers or Sydney and the Werribee College in Mel- workers’ compensation rorters (Ethnic Affairs bourne were attacked by arsonists (HREOC Commission of New South Wales 1985, pp. 1991, pp. 146, 152; Trad 1992, p. 7). Racist 164–165; Mackie 1983, pp. 79–82, 132–133). violence against Muslims, and the related anti- Later, the Lebanese and other Arab Muslims Muslim feeling that circulated in the media, were constructed as violent and barbaric, a resulted in many Muslims becoming fearful of stereotype that drew on old and new oriental- leaving their homes. These discriminations isms (The Committee on Discrimination were perceived to have constructed ‘a hostile Against Arab Australians 1990; The Human and threatening environment’ for Australian Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Muslims (HREOC 1991, pp. 145–153). How- (HREOC) 1991, pp. 395–396; Kheir 1991, pp. ever, the Islamic Council of NSW (1989, p. 21) 47–48). In the 1980s and 1990s, the main- had concluded before the Gulf Crisis occurred stream Australian media and conservative that there was a ‘deeply in-grained ideological commentators became concerned about the antipathy against Islam’ in Australia (see also status of women within Islam (Sawer 1990, Goodall et al. 1994, pp. 61–63). Indeed, many p. 19). More latterly, African Muslims, and Australians have a deep hostility to, or