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SPT Korice 1-2-2010 Institute for Political Studies 1 ISSN 1450-5460 U DK N o. 1-2/2010 II Vol. 2 Serbian Political Thought ISSN 1450-5460 UDK 32 No. 1-2/2010, Year II, Vol. 2 Serbian Political Thought is published two times a year Serbian Political Thought was founded in 1996 and publishing was renewed in 2010. Due to lack of financial means, its publishing was postponed to 2011. Publisher Institute for Political Studies Svetozara Markovića 36, Belgrade, Telephone +381 11 33 49 204, +381 11 30 39 380 www.sptips.rs www.ipsbgd.edu.rs e-mail: [email protected] Director Živojin Đurić Editor in Chief Đorđe Stojanović Deputy Editor Dejana Vukčević Foreign Editorial Board Mamoru Sadakata, Dean/Professor, Graduate School of Law, Nagoya University, Nagoya Iver B. Neumann, Research Director, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo Anastasia Mitrofanova, Professor, Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow; Research Director, Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies, Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry, Moscow Goran Kovacic, Associated Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana Domestic Editorial Board Milan Jovanović, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade Dušan Pavlović, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade Ljubiša Despotović, Faculty of Culture and Media, Megatrend University Živojin Đurić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Đorđe Stojanović, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Dejana Vukčević, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Sanja Šuljagić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Petar Matić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Mladen Lišanin, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Secretary of the Journal Mladen Lišanin Translators Ana Matić Andrijana Stamenković Milica Bjelobaba Graphic Designer Miroslava Karajanković Printed by ESELOGE d.o.o. Belgrade 300 copies 2 Contents Editorial 5 Dušan Pavlović How Democratic Institutions Emerge 7 Aleksandra Mirović Moving Conceptual Limits of Civil Disobedience: The Case of Serbia 23 Dušan Vučićević Lijphart’s Conceptual Map of Democracy: The Case of Serbia 41 Darko Gavrilović, Đorđe Stojanović Bring Back the State: New Challenges of Stabilization in the Former Yugoslav Territories 61 Ljubiša Despotović Political Myths of Liberalism: Freedom, Power And Inequality 75 Miloš Knežević Democratism and Elitism: Fragments on Elites, Democracy and Elitism 99 Bogdana Koljević Rethinking the Question of Otherness and Democracy in European Philosophy 113 Miroslava Filipović, Marija Đorić The Left or the Right: Old Paradigms and New Governments 121 Radoslav Gaćinović Phenomenology of Modern Terrorism 145 Dejana Vukčević The Scope and Objective of Treaty-Based Flexibility Arrangements in The Area of European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) 159 Citing and Referencing 175 3 4 Institute For Political Studies Editorial The Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade continues its project of publishing the scientific journal “Serbian Political Thought” started in 1996 (the reason for not publishing this journal since 1996 until today was purely financial), with the goal of introducing European and international scientific circles to contemporary courses in political science and research in Serbia. Serbia, with its numerous issues ensuing from the breakup of Yugoslavia- nationalism, ethnic conflicts, state- and nation-building, parallel with its multiple issues of the postcommunist transition toward democracy and market economy, has remained a very interesting country from the aspect of interdisciplinary scientific studies. Nevertheless, Serbia is neither a new state, nor a new society, and has a contiunous tradition of political thought, implicating the whole spectrum of politicological topics that follow the most contemporary scientific trends worldwide. We are assured of the necessity to publish the journal in English so as to efficiently present the development of political thought in Serbia. The Institute for Political Studies has been for over four decades one of central gathering places for a wide circle of intellectuals involved in political science in Serbia. We are proud to present to you the edition of their most significant articles in English, so that we can shed more light on main courses of Serbian political thought. For that reason this issue of the journal publishes a wide range of papers representing a cross section of the most significant trends in the Serbian political scene. Naturally, the illustrativeness of the cross section is directly influenced by the criteria and insights of the Editorial Board. As a result, the main mission of our journal is to establish an exchange of ideas with our eminent colleagues and their scientific research intitutes from Europe and the whole world. For that reason, we would like to invite all colleagues interested in collaboration to contact us without hesitation. Editorial Board 5 6 Institute for Political Studies UDK 316.334.3:321.7 Serbian Political Thought Manuscript received: 10.06.2010. No. 1-2/2010, Year II, Vol. 2 Accepted for publishing: 10.08.2010. pp. 7-21 Original scientific paper Dušan Pavlović Faculty of Political Science, University of Belgrade How Democratic Institutions Emerge Abstract The paper discusses the emergence of democratic institutions. It assumes that institutions can be created if they are compliance-inducing, and tries to answer the question when and why institutions bring about compliance. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, I discuss the emergence of institutions generally by applying the concept of the social dilemma. In the second part, I look into the compliance-inducing capability of democratic institutions. Key words: Institutions; rational choice institutionalism; social dilemma; equilibrium; consolidation of democracy. Introduction The title of this paper suggests that the main issue which I will discuss here is the phenomenon of emergence of democratic institutions (which is also partly contained in the issue of emergence of institutions as such). That is correct. However, as will be shown later, the emergence of institutions cannot be separated from the question: “when can institutions bring about compliance?” I will argue that institutions are created if they are compliance-inducing. Without compliance, there are no institutions. There is no automatic correlation between the emergence of institutions and their compliance-inducing character. It would be possible to imagine institutions which just emerged only to collapse or change their character in short time. The reason for such collapse is the absence of compliance-inducing capacity. I am, therefore, interested in exploring how compliance-inducing institutions emerge. The issue of emergence and compliance by democratic institutions can be divided in two parts: (1) power to induce compliance in the course of their establishment, (2) power to induce compliance as they are sustained (when they have existed for a long time). By this I wish to indicate that not only are there two areas in the research of institutions, but that the research of these two areas leads to different conclusions on when and how institutions bring about compliance. In the latter case - of an existing democratic system - the likelihood of compliance is far greater. The reason 7 is that institutions are comparatively autonomous, in other words, there is a higher probability that socio-economic conditions in a consolidated democratic system will generate compliance with democratic institutions. Democracy always survives in economically developed countries since dependence on income creates rise-aversion and generates the need for physical security (Przeworski 2005: 265). And this is what institutional routines and rules provide. Compliance in an institutional vacuum Illustration from the previous section demonstrates that it is easy to defend the institutions’ endogeneity thesis when a society is wealthy and when institutions have been functioning for some time. In comparative literature there is general agreement that economic development affects the stability of democracy, i.e. the power of democratic institutions to commit actors to a particular behaviour (Przeworski et al. 2000; Landman 2003: 65-93). There is less research on what is the probability that institutions will emerge and induce compliance in the context of undemocratic or collapsed undemocratic regimes. Uncertainty as to whether democratic institutions can commit anyone to compliance is higher since socio-economic conditions are far worse in that context. Therefore, I am interested in what can be said about the emergence and compliance by democratic institutions if we assume an unfavourable socio-economic context. The question is: how do institutions emerge, can they even emerge and when is compliance first introduced if they emerge in the context of unfavourable socioeconomic conditions. Let us then imagine that a non-democratic regime is organising the first free elections or that they are being organised in the context of an institutional vacuum. Here we can find some enlightening historical examples. When the Allies departed from occupied and war-ravaged West Germany and Japan after World War II, they left behind democratic and market economy institutions. These institutions took root and they still govern political and economic relations in these countries. When the US occupying forces left Haiti in 1934, they also left behind democratic and market institutions. Yet, these institutions did not
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