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Gender, Knowledge and Power in Radical Culture
POETESSES AND POLITICIANS: GENDER, KNOWLEDGE AND POWER IN RADICAL CULTURE, 1830-1870 HELEN ROGERS submitted for the degree of D.Phil University of York History Department and Centre for Women's Studies September 1994 CONTENTS PAGE Acknowledgements Abstract Introduction - Poetesses and Politicians: Rethinking Women and Radicalism, 1830-1870 1 I Poetesses and Politicians 2 II Rethinking Women and Radicalism, 1830-1870 12 Chapter One - The Politics of Knowledge in Radical Culture, 1790-1834 25 I Reason, Virtue and Knowledge: Political and Moral Science in the 1790s 27 II "Union is Knowledge": Political and Moral Economy in the 1820s and 1830s 37 Chapter Two - "The Prayer, The Passion and the Reason" of Eliza Sharples: Freethought, Women's Rights and Republicanism, 1832-1852 51 I The Making of a Republican, 1827-1832 i The Conversion 54 ii "Moral Marriage": A Philosophical Partnership? 59 iii The Forbidden Fruit of Knowledge 64 II "The Lady of the Rotunda" 72 III "Proper Help Meets for Men": Eliza Sharpies and Female Association in Metropolitan Radical Culture, in the Early 1830s 81 IV "The Poverty of Philosophy": Marriage, Widowhood, and Politics, 1833-1852 94 Chapter Three - "A Thinking and Strictly Moral People": Education and Citizenship in the Chartist Movement 102 I Chartist Debates on Education as Politics 111 II "Sound Political Wisdom from the Lips of Women": Chartist Women's Political Education 120 III Chartist Women and Moral and Physical Force 130 IV Conclusion "What Power has Woman...?" 138 Chapter Four - "The Good Are Not Always -
Popular Political Oratory and Itinerant Lecturing in Yorkshire and the North East in the Age of Chartism, 1837-60 Janette Lisa M
Popular political oratory and itinerant lecturing in Yorkshire and the North East in the age of Chartism, 1837-60 Janette Lisa Martin This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of York Department of History January 2010 ABSTRACT Itinerant lecturers declaiming upon free trade, Chartism, temperance, or anti- slavery could be heard in market places and halls across the country during the years 1837- 60. The power of the spoken word was such that all major pressure groups employed lecturers and sent them on extensive tours. Print historians tend to overplay the importance of newspapers and tracts in disseminating political ideas and forming public opinion. This thesis demonstrates the importance of older, traditional forms of communication. Inert printed pages were no match for charismatic oratory. Combining personal magnetism, drama and immediacy, the itinerant lecturer was the most effective medium through which to reach those with limited access to books, newspapers or national political culture. Orators crucially united their dispersed audiences in national struggles for reform, fomenting discussion and coalescing political opinion, while railways, the telegraph and expanding press reportage allowed speakers and their arguments to circulate rapidly. Understanding of political oratory and public meetings has been skewed by over- emphasis upon the hustings and high-profile politicians. This has generated two misconceptions: that political meetings were generally rowdy and that a golden age of political oratory was secured only through Gladstone’s legendary stumping tours. However, this thesis argues that, far from being disorderly, public meetings were carefully regulated and controlled offering disenfranchised males a genuine democratic space for political discussion. -
John Malcolm Ludlow the Christian Socialist
JOHN MALCOLM LUDLOW AND THE CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST MOVEMENT, 1848-1852 by Ellen King Neff Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program Diite YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY March, 1973 ii AB3T?i.Ac·r JOHN ttA.LCOLM LUDLOW AND THE CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST MOVEMENT, 1848-1852 Ellen King Neff Master of Arts Youngstown State University, 1973 The thesis contains a11 investigation of t he roll played by John Malcolm Ludlow in the formation of the Crxistian Socialist movement in England between 1848 and 1852. Ludlow, with Frederick Denison Maurice and Charles Kingsley, both Anglican clergymen, was appalled at t he con dition of the 1\orking classes in England at mid-century, but opposed to the political remedies proposed by the Chartists. By 1850, after much searching, the three men, with a small group of followers, decided upon a practical method of extending Christianity to Socialism. They estab lished producers' associations made up of working men who were willing to try an alternative to capitalism that would be a reconciling rather than a destructive force in English society. An over,riew of the entire thesis is contained in the first chapter. The movement evolved from the turmoil suffered by England as a result of the Industrial Revolution. A great reform era began in the 1820's as E.ngland was recovering from the wars of the French Revolution. The second chapter of the paper is an explanation of events that led to the condition of England in 1848. YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY 288869 LIBRARY iii In 1848, Ludlow and his friends published their first newspaper. -
Communism As a Way of Life, the Communist Party Historians’ Group and Oxford Student Politics
1 The Ingrained Activist: Communism as a Way of Life, the Communist Party Historians’ Group and Oxford Student Politics When Richard Lloyd Jones came to look back on his wartime school days at Long Dene, a progressive boarding school in Buckinghamshire, one particular incident stuck in his mind.1 He remembered being kept awake during the hot summer of 1944. It was not the heat alone that was responsible for this. Nor was there any particular physical reason why he should have been so wakeful. Part of the school’s ethos was a strenuous emphasis on the pupils participating in forms of outdoor and rural work such as harvesting. All that fresh air and exercise should have been quite sufficient to exhaust even the most active of small boys. What kept Richard Lloyd Jones awake was the incessant talking of a young, hyperactive ‘Raf-Sam’. Lloyd Jones did not recall exactly what it was that so animated the juvenile Samuel, late into that sticky summer’s night, but a reasonable assumption would be that it was politics, specifically communist politics, as the nine-year-old Samuel was already practising his skills as an aspiring communist propagandist and organiser.2 1 Lloyd Jones later became Permanent Secretary for Wales (1985–93) and Chairman for the Arts Council of Wales (1994–99). 2 Richard Lloyd Jones quoted in Sue Smithson, Community Adventure: The Story of Long Dene School (London: New European Publications, 1999), 21. See also: Raphael Samuel, ‘Family Communism’, in The Lost World of British Communism (London: Verso, 2006), 60; Raphael Samuel, ‘Country Visiting: A Memoir’, in Island Stories: Unravelling Britain (London: Verso, 1998), 135–36. -
Holyoake Archive
George Jacob Holyoake Archive (HOLYOAKE) © Bishopsgate Institute Catalogued by Stefan Dickers August 2005 Table of Contents Table of Contents p.2 Collection Level Description p.3 HOLYOAKE/1: Correspondence p.7 HOLYOAKE/2: Diaries p.20 HOLYOAKE/3: Printed Material p.48 HOLYOAKE/4: Press Cuttings Volumes and Serialised Articles p.78 HOLYOAKE/5: Loose Press Cuttings p.81 HOLYOAKE/6: Publications and Notebooks p.84 HOLYOAKE/7: Miscellaneous Manuscripts p.87 HOLYOAKE/8: Miscellaneous Articles p.96 HOLYOAKE/9: Biographical Material p.97 HOLYOAKE/10: Travelling Tax Abolition Committee p.102 HOLYOAKE/11: Garibaldi Special Fund Committee p.104 HOLYOAKE/12: Holyoake Testimonial Fund p.108 HOLYOAKE/13: Photographs p.109 2 HOLYOAKE Holyoake, George Jacob 1831-1985 (1817-1906) Name of Creator: Holyoake, George Jacob (1817-1906) co-operator and secularist Extent: 24 boxes and miscellaneous items Administrative/Biographical History: George Jacob Holyoake was born in April 1817, the son of a Birmingham whitesmith, and, at the age of eight, began work with his father at a local foundry. He started evening classes at the Birmingham Mechanics Institute in 1836 where he first came under the influence of the ideas of Robert Owen. He also became a member of the Chartist movement in Birmingham, although remained an supporter of moral force and refused to engage in rioting in Birmingham in 1839. In 1840, Holyoake applied to become a lecturer at the Birmingham Mechanics Institute but was rejected and became a Owenite social missionary, first in Worcester and later, in a more important position in Sheffield. During this time, he began contributing articles highly critical of Christianity to the periodical The Oracle of Reason, and, when the journal’s editor Charles Southwell was imprisoned for blasphemy in 1842, Holyoake became its editor. -
0074077C.Pdf (7.398Mb)
POST GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY. DEPARTMENT IV. SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY (CHRISTIAN ETHICS). Thesis :- ROBERT OWEN AND CHRISTIAN SOCIALISE, FINLAY FRASER, (Ormond College? Melbourne). f 1. Contents Chapter 1. Introduction. ...... 1 - 16 Chapter 11 .... Robert Owen and New Lanark. 17 - 31 Chapter 111 ... Owen's Welfare Propaganda and Is Socialistic . Experiments 32 - 53 Chapter IV . Owen and Religion. .... 54 - 64 Chapter V .... A ReYiew of Owen's Life and Teachings ..... 65 78 Chapter VI. .... The Christian Sooialists . 79 - 102 Chapter Vj.i .... Later Christian Socialism. 103 - 112 Chapter Vlll . Modern Socialism. .... 113 - 127 Chapter IX .... The Christian Ideal . 128 - 146 Bibliography . ..... 147 - 149 2. - Summary -* M -i - * * - Chapter I . Background to Mpvementa under Re view t- Land Tenure in medieval times in Britain - Enclosures - Revolts of peasants against encrouohments of nobles etc. - Position in Scotland - Results of War of Roses - Rise of New Commercial lords who turned arable lands into sheep runs - Sir Thomas MorAs "Utopia* - Reformation in England and Scotland Socialistic schemes of the 17th. Century - Peter Chamberlain - Peter Plookboy - John Bellairs - Land changes in the 18th. uentury - More enclosures in England - Jacobite Risings in -X Scotland - Beginning of Industrial Revolution - Introduction of machinery in industry - State of religion in the 18th. and early 19th. centuries - Oxford Movement - Rise of Socialism on the Continent - St. Simon> Fourier* Blanc and Proudhon in France - Republic of 1848 which influenced Lassalles, Bakuni, Marx and Ludlow. Chap t e r II .^ Robert Owen and New Lanark. <••»-•»- •_.<*.-» -* * •« • -» .* ..* ~* . mattm i .•— • ••• mm •*!••• •• Early Life - Manager of Drinkwater's Factory - David Dale at New Lanark and the state of his mills - Owen marries Dale's daughter and becomes managing director of the Mills - .His endeavour to improve the social life of the workers at the mills - New partners - Education of the young - The Presbytery of/ 3. -
Introduction: Secularity Or the Post-Secular Condition
Notes Introduction: Secularity or the Post-Secular Condition 1. For a discussion of the ‘death of God’ discourse, see, for example, J. W. Robbins ‘Introduction: After the Death of God’, in J. D. Caputo, G. Vattimo, and J. W. Robbins (2009) After the Death of God (New York, NY: Columbia University Press), esp. at pp. 1–10. 2. Anon. (25 February 1968) ‘A Bleak Outlook Is Seen for Religion’, New York Times, 3. 3. Once an important secularization theorist, Berger reversed his long-standing position on secularization in P. L. Berger (1999) The Desecularization of the World: Resurgent Religion and World Politics (Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center). 4. For a summary of the secularization debates, see R. Warner (2010) Secularization and Its Discontents (London; New York: Continuum); D. V. A. Olson and W. H. Swatos (2000) The Secularization Debate (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers); S. Bruce (ed.) (1992) Religion and Modernization: Sociologists and Historians Debate the Secularization Thesis (Oxford: Oxford University Press); I. Katznelson and G. Stedman Jones (eds) (2010) Religion and the Political Imagination (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). For a call to abandon the notion of secularization, at least where historians are concerned, see D. Nash (2004) ‘Reconnecting Religion with Social and Cultural History: Secularization’s Failure as a Master Narrative’, Cultural and Social History 1, 302–25. 5. T. Asad (2003) Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press), p. 46. 6. J. Habermas (2008) ‘Notes on Post-Secular Society’, NPQ: New Perspectives Quarterly 25.4, 17–29. In March of 2007, Habermas delivered his now famous lecture on ‘post-secularism’ at the Nexus Institute of the University of Tilberg, Netherlands. -
Appendix A: Local Chartist Portraits1
Appendix A: Local Chartist Portraits 1 Bell, William (1815-92) Dorothy Thompson has written that William Bell of Heywood, near Rochdale, 'does not appear before 1842 [when he was arrested for sedition] or afterwards as an active or vocal Chartist', but on both counts she is incorrect. A godson of Thomas Carlyle, Bell was born near Carlyle's home of Ecclefechan in Scotland; he later settled in Salford to practise his trade as a fustian-cutter. By late 1839 Bell was regarded by the Salford Chartists as a 'young man of great talent and a very promising speaker'. In March 1840 he represented the Salford RA at a regional delegate meeting and by October he was Secretary of the Salford branch of the NCA. In April1841 he was nominated to the NCA General Council. During 1841 Bell fulfilled numerous speaking engagements and, in January 1842, he moved with his wife and three children to Godsen Lane, Heywood. By mid-1842 he had become a full-time lecturer. An active trade unionist, he represented the fustian cutters of Heywood at the Trades Delegates Conference in Manchester during the 1842 Plug Plot strikes; he was arrested for his part in the disturbances and subse quently imprisoned for six months. After his release Bell resumed lecturing as a vocation, but was eventually forced for financial reasons to take a job at the Heywood Ironworks. He remained active in Chartist politics, representing Heywood at the National Convention in December 1845. He also participated in local government in Heywood and was an active promoter of co-operatives. -
Radicalism in Bristol in the Nineteenth Century
RADICALISM IN BRISTOL IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY by DAVID LARGE BRISTOL RECORD SOCIETY, UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL 1981 BRISTOL RECORD SOCIETY Hon. General Editor PROFESSOR PATRICK McGRATH Hon. General Secretary Mr DAVID LARGE RADICALISM IN BRISTOL IN THE Hon. Treasurer Miss MARY E. WILLIAMS NINETEENTH CENTURY Radicalism in Bristol in the Nineteenth Century is based on a Public Lecture given by Mr David Large in the University of Bristol in November 1980. This lecture was the first of a series of bi-annual lectures arranged by Bristol by DAVID LARGE Record Society. Bristol Record Society is at present publishing a volume of documents relating to the history of Bristol every year, and this is issued free to members. The volume for 1980 was A Calendar of the Bristol Apprentice Book 1532-1565, part ii, 1542-1552, edited by Elizabeth Ralph and Nora M. Hardwick. The volume for 1981 will be The Accounts of the Constables ef Bristol Castle in the Thirteenth Century, edited by Margaret Sharp. The annual subscription is £3.00 for private members; £5.00 for insti tutional members within the U. K.; and £7 .00 for intitutional members outside U .K. Details of membership and list of publications may be obtained from David Large, Hon. Secretary, Bristol Record Society, Department of History, University of Bristol. , AVON COUNTY UGRARY 2 60CT 1981 Cla51i No AJl,ao. I .. s rvp\1 .(',{,,, (,� I BRISTOL RECORD SOCIETY, UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL 1981 Produced for the Society by Alan Sutton Publishing Limited RADICALISM IN BRISTOL IN THE NINE-TEENTH CENTURY by DAVID LARGE BRISTOL RECORD SOCIETY, UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL 1981 RADICALISM IN BRISTOL IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY by DAVID LARGE The purpose of this paper is to explore an element in the political life of Bristol in the nineteenth century which was certainly never dominant but which was rarely totally absent and which was at times more appealing than might be expected. -
The Life of Robert Owen, Philanthropist and Social Reformer, an Appreciation
:CD s CM HH IBB ROBERT OWEN HISTORICAL CHARACTER STUDIES WITH PORTRAITS MARIE ANTOINETTE MIRABEAU To follow : AMELIA OF SOLMS& MARIE STUART CROMWELL WILLIAM III ANNA OF HANOVER PRINCESS OF AHLDEN MADAME DE MAINTENON PILLARS OF THE REFORMATION LIFE OF MRS. SHERWOOD Robert Sutton, 43 The Exchange, Southwark THE LIFE OF ROBERT OWEN PHILANTHROPIST AND SOCIAL REFORMER AN APPRECIATION BY R. E. DAV1ES N 01 ROBERT SUTTON, 43 ^HE EXCHANGE SOUTHWARK 1907 0\J ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ' Born humbly, like the greatest of earth's sons, His genius found the means to curve his way. His goal, no vulgar one, no cult of gold, Riches came to him unsolicited, As 'twere impelled by hand invisible. These valued he at their intrinsic worth, At most, a power of lessening human ills. Philanthropist he was, and without cant, Or fads, or humbug, that blinds not but fools, He practised in his life the Christ idea Of altruism and self-sacrifice That some but prate of.' J. C. A. Robert Owen OWEN, the father of Eng- ROBERTlish Socialism, was the son of Robert Owen, saddler, ironmonger, and post- master at Newtown, Montgomeryshire, and Anne his wife. He was born on the 1 4th May, 1771, and was the youngest but one of seven children. When very young he attended school kept in Newtown Hall, and at the age of seven had received all the instruction required in that primitive time, and so became usher. His usher- ship served to pay for his schooling. c Owen, in his Autobiography,' gives some interesting reminiscences of his schooldays. -
The Dream of Christian Socialism an Essay on Its European Origins
TRIM TAIL 6 1/8" FROM BACf OF SPINE ..LTRIM HEAD 3/16" ABOVE FINAL TRIM _____ FRONT EDGE OF SPINE TRIM FACE 6 1/8" FROM FRONT OF SPINE--+- The Dream of Christian Socialism An Essay on Its European Origins BERNARD MURCHLAND Among highly educated clergy and laymen in Britain, France, and Germany in the nineteenth century, religious socialism was a bright dream, which antedated and op posed Marxism. Religious socialists rebelled, for alto gether traditional reasons, against individualism in par ticular. Their movement contributed to the growth of Fabianism and non-Marxist socialism in Europe and America. Until now, there has been no easily accessible history of religious socialism. In this timely survey, Bernard Murchland relates a tale for the general reader that offers essential background for the current debate over the re ligious merits of competing political and economic sys tems. The author's notes and bibliography direct the reader to widely scattered materials on the subject. Bernard Murchland, professor of philosophy at Ohio Wesleyan University, has written many books and articles on religious and existential thought. He is the editor of Antaeus, a newsletter for the humanities. ISBN 0-8447-3470-5 ISBN 978-0-8447-3470-5 ~ American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research ~ 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 -" TRIM BOTTOM AT 91/2" FRONT EDGE OF SPINE ------j SMALL COVERS The Dream of Christian Socialism An Essay on Its European Origins Bernard Murchland The Dream of Christian Socialism An Essay on Its European Origins Bernard Murchland American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington and London Distributed to the Trade by National Book Network, 15200 NBN Way, Blue Ridge Summit, PA 17214. -
British Labour and the Confederacy
ROYDEN HARRISON BRITISH LABOUR AND THE CONFEDERACY A NOTE ON THE SOUTHERN SYMPATHIES OF SOME BRITISH WORKING CLASS JOURNALS AND LEADERS DURING THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR "Then all those, or the descendants of all those, who have aided in the rebellion, by sympathising with the rebels or otherwise, will cry out with an exceeding bitter cry, for its record to be struck from the page of history and its shame to be blotted from the memory of man." Reply to Mr. Lindsay's Speech at Sunderland, August 1864, by S. A. Goddard. There are few legends relating to the history of the Labour Movement which have enjoyed the influence and popularity of the story of how British workmen responded to the American Civil War. Their sup- posed unanimity in opposition to the Slave Power and their resistance to every ruling class project for intervention on its behalf were thought to be a serviceable example and inspiration, not only by the stalwarts of the International and the Reform League, but by the organisers of the anti-war campaigns of 1878 and after. Even today a writer on ,,Peaceful Co-existence" finds it an instructive example of the power of the working class in international relations.1 Like all good legends this one has endured because it has helped to sustain faith in certain ideals and because it does not fly in the face of the facts, it merely enhances their proportions. Historians have helped to perpetuate this legend and some of them have even improved upon it by ascribing to Karl Marx an important role as organiser of Pro- Federal sentiment2; a role to which he made no claim and to which he has little or no title.