4 j

prior

above

rights

for

Links

by

a All

and

information

retrieval

Published

198

It

law,

permission

rights

should

organization.

contained

furthers

Oxford

education

to

Madison

Oxford

by

and

third

reserved.

licence

system,

Library

You

be

you

in

British

University

The

the

party

only.

University

sent

in in

CPI the

Avenue,

by

must

must

University’s

any

writing

moral Enquiries

or

or

publishing

United

of

Great

to

No

Oxford

Group

Library

websites

under

transmitted,

not

third

Congress

impose

the

first

ISBN

©

part

New

Press

rights

Printed

Press

of

Clarendon circulate

Oxford

Rights

States

(UK)

disclaims

party

terms

concerning

Cataloguing

of

Oxford

Edition

are

York,

978—0—19-955122—4 Data

objective

is

OXIORD

worldwide.

UNW1tSITY this

address

of

this

in

United

Control

Impression:

a

and

Ltd,

provided of

Department,

website

the University

the

agreed

department

in

same

available

this

NY

publication

America

University

Published

Street,

bound any

any

Croydon,

authors

UK

above

of

work Kingdom

sooi6,

reproduction

Number:

condition

in

with

form

referenced

responsibility Oxford

excellence

and

by

Publication

Oxford,

PRESS

i

by

Press

by

in

Oxford

have

United

of

Oxford the in

or in

Press,

may

cRo

any

Oxford

the

certain

is

by 2014

2014933502

appropriate

2014

on

been a

oxa

other

be 4YY

in

in

University any

in

or

outside

States registered

any

University

reproduced,

this research, Data

for

University

good

as

asserted

6np,

other

means,

form

acquirer

expressly

the

work.

of

the

faith

reprographics

America

countries

materials

of

trade

scholarship, without

Press,

scope

Oxford.

Press

and

stored

permitted

mark

at of

the

the

the

in of CHAPTER 22

POST-PLEISTOCENE TRANSFORMATIONS OF HUNTER-GATHERERS IN EAST ASIA The Jomon and Chulmun

JUNKO HABU

EAST Asia is an exciting area for the study of post-Pleistocene cultural transformation. Prehistoric hunter-gatherer cultures in East Asia, namely the Jomon culture of the Japanese archipelago (hereafter Japan) and the Chulmun culture of the Korean Peninsula (hereaf ter Korea) are known for their artistic pottery and other elaborate artefacts, the production and use of which were closely intertwined with changes in Jomon and Chulmun societies (e.g. Cho and Ko 2009; Kaner 2009). furthermore, Jomon and Chulmun data allow us to test conflicting theories about the mechanisms of long-term culture change. Topics to be examined include the impact of the global and local climate change vs. human activities, domestication vs. environmental management, specialized vs. broad-spectrum economies, sedentism vs.mobility,egalitarianism vs. socialstratification, and continuity vs.discontinuity to the following agricultural phase. finally, but not least importantly, bioarchaeological data from these regions help us to understand not only the population history of these regions but also changes in health conditions and lifeways of these people (e.g. Fujita et al. 2007; fukase and Suwa 2008; Kimura 2006; Suzuki 1998; Temple 2007; 2008). Overviews of the Jomon and Chulmun cultures are available in such references as Habu (2004; in press), Underhill and Habu (2006), Imamura (1996), Kobayashi (2004), Norton (2007),and Nelson (1993).Rather than repeat the contents of these publications, this chapter concentrates on issues that are key to understanding the importance of East Asian data in world hunter-gatherer archaeology and anthropology. Emphases are on the issues that are relevant to recent discussions in the field of historical ecology (Balée2006; Thompson and Waggoner 2013). These issues include long-term sustainability, collapses and subsequent recoveries of human socio-economic systems, human impacts on the biosphere, and the examination of the processes operating among temporal scales ofvarying duration. 508 JUNKOHABU

CHRoNoLoGY return 2004, cal BP, Beforemoving on to the key issues listed above,a brief overviewofthe chronological frame Kobay work willbe useful.As discussed elsewhere (Habu 2004;2008),temporal and regional varia Cal bility within the Jomon and Chulmun cultures is extremely large.The only common cultural schola element for the entire span ofthese periods isthe presence ofpottery. Thus, it is more appro introd priate to think about Jomon cultures and Chulmun cultures rather than about the Jomon Habu culture and the Chulmun culture. Both the Jomon and Chulmun periods are divided into cate ti several sub-periods on the basis of pottery chronology (Table22.1). Each sub-period is fur fields, ther subdivided into multiple phases based on typological chronology of pottery. et al. The calendar dates for the sub-periods shown in Table 22.1 are still tentative, for the frame chronological placement of Jomon data, Japanese archaeologists moved slowly in system Ken’ic atically adopting radiocarbon dates (see Habu 2004, 37—42).Because Japanese archaeolo Japan gists were relying heavily on the relative chronology based on their fine-grained typology Rel of pottery, which goes back to the works by Yamanouchi (1932; 1937; 1939),most of them ited ( had assumed that radiocarbon dates were of little use in establishing a relativechronological is dat framework until the 1990s. oldest New AMS 14C dates since the late 1990s have significantly contributed to our under site oi standing of Jomon absolute dates (Kobayashi 2007; 2008; Kokuritsu Reldshi Minzoku (c.11, Hakubutsu-kan 2003; Nihon Senshi Jidai no 14C Nendai Henshu Iinkai 2000; Nishimoto from 2006). The correspondence between pottery chronology and calendar dates, however, has essar yet to be finalized. For the beginning of the Jomon period, radiocarbon dates for the carbon rare. ized adhesion on potsherds excavated from the Odai Yamamoto I site in Aomori Prefecture lowin lute c:

Table 22.1 Approximate dates (calibrated T sp)for the six Jomon and four Chulmun sub—periods(modified from Habu in press)

Sub-period Jornon Chulmun As di Final 3300—2400 calBP N/A Jomo Late 4300—3300cal s 4000—3300cal BP direc

Middle 5500—4300cal BP 5500-4000 cal BP tion a Early 7000—5500 calBP 7000—5500cal BP rela an e Initial 11,000—7000cal BP N/A econi Incipient 16,000—11,000cal BP 11,500—7000cal BP sphei of pe • Basedprimarilyon radiocarbon dates from the Kantoand Tohokuregions. struc Modifiedfrom Im(1997).Forslightlydifferent dates, s see Norton (2007)and Lee(2006).The beginning of the peric Incipient Chulmun period is based on Cho and Ko’s(2009) cussi tentative estimate. peric POST-PLEISTOCENE TRANSFORMATIONS Of HUNTER-GATHERERS IN EAST ASIA 509 returned ages of approximately 13,800—12,700uncal np,or c.16,500—14,900CalBP (see Habu 2004,28—36).Because of the lack of dendrochronological data for calibration before 12,450 cal ni’, these dates for the Odai Yamamoto pottery should be considered as tentative (see Kobayashi2008). Calendar dates for the end of the Jomon period show regional variability. Traditionally, scholars assumed that the end of the Jomon period in Kyushu, which was marked by the introduction of wet rice agriculture from continental Asia, was dated to c.2500 cal B? (see Habu 2004, 258;in press). More recently, a series ofAMS dates obtained from Kyushu indi cate that the end of the Jomon period, which was marked by the appearance of rice paddy fields, dates to as early as c.3000cal B? in south-western Japan (Fujio et al. 2005; Harunari et al. 2003; Nishimoto 2006), but not all scholars have accepted this new chronological framework (Uno 2008). Using a small number of new AMS dates from the Tohoku region, Ken’ichiKobayashi (2008) tentatively suggests the end of the final Jomon in north-eastern Japan as 2450—2350cal iw. Reliable radiocarbon dates for establishing Chulmun absolute chronology are still lim ited (see Lee 2011). Raised design pottery from the Osan-ni site (Han 1995;Nelson 1993) is dated to 7050 ±120 uncal Bp (KSU-515) or c.8000cal Bp, which is commonly used as the oldest reliable date for Chulmun pottery. According to Cho and Ko (2009), the Kosan-ni site on Cheju Island is associated with ‘archaic’plain ware, which dates to 10,000 uncal B? (c.l 1,500 cal np) or older if its stratigraphic context was intact. However,radiocarbon dates from the Kosan-ni site (Kuzmin 2006,366) show wide variability;making further study nec essary. Reliable radiocarbon dates to determine the end of the Chulmun culture are also rare. Ambiguity of the criteria for drawing the boundary between the Chulmun and the fol lowing Mumun periods is another factor that complicates the discussion of Chulmun ahso lute chronology.

TEMPORAL AND REGIONAL VARIABILITY OF THE JOMON AND CHuLMuN CULTURES

As discussed above, marked regional and temporal variability has been observed among Jomon and Chulmun cultures. Changes through time were not necessarily gradual, nor directional from simple to complex. In some cases, the growth and decline of the popula tion and changes in aspects of cultural complexity (see Habu 2004, 15—16)occurred within a relativelyshort time span. Cyclicalchanges are also observed. These data provide us with an excellent opportunity to understand the complex relationships among environmental, economic, and social factors, including (1) changes in, aswell as human impacts on, the bio sphere, including climate change and diseases, (2) subsistence/food diversity, (3) mobility of people, goods, and information, (4) technological innovations, and (5) rituals and social structure. Of the six Jomon sub-periods, the incipient Jomon period (c.16,000—11,000cal 3P) shares a number of cultural characteristics in common with the preceding Palaeolithic period. Since the incipient Jomon falls outside of the post-Pleistocene, the following dis cussion focuses primarily on the initial to final Jomon and the incipient to late Chulmun periods.

which

tural

to

hunter-gatherer

available the

but

Zone

Kyushu

from

Peninsula, agricultural

punctuated

(see

the

nounced.

the

The

sequences

ized pelago

regional

if

Lee

the

of limited

ducted.

2004,

Many

former

clearly

ornate

Jomon its

as regions),

sity

Kanto,

Honshu, and

510

Hunter-gatherers

the

we

It

In

south-western

Detailed

well

Two

maximum

end

diverging

more

development

also (2001),

availability

second

is

and

by

practice,

average

a

China

I.

are

46—50). seventh

JUNKOHABU

flourished

also

of

previous

but

pottery

Rice

shown

are

as Chubu,

of periods

the

area, important

number

The

Habu

boundary

in

larger

these

to

evidence Shikoku,

Put

Shikoku,

average

the

probably

into

may

dated

important

Nelson

by

Koyama’s

expansion

analysis

phase,

was period

(from

identify

lack

site

it

pathways

but

during

Jomon

another

2004,

in

century

three

and

characteristics

increased

have

three

Tokai,

average

culture

paper of

(see

possibly

of

size

to

Koyama’s

of

Honshu,

of

in

evidence

site

lines

the

the

c.7000—4000

is

(1993),

and

ritual

large-scale

as

is

and

occurred

systematic

of

as

more

of

chapter

been

Koyama

the

major

two

not data.

distinct

the

period.

(1978;

early

needed

to

and

size,

(Habu

Neolithic

of

way,

late

excavation

AD. site

Hokkaido

between

Kyushu

that

site

of

Kyushu),

south-western

note

middle

artefacts.

necessarily

grown

target

distinct

steadily

between

evidence

sedentary

for

Shikoku, Hokuriku

and

density

as (1978;

increased

The changes

as

size

reveals

the

followed

7).

1984)

in

Unfortunately,

later phases.

1978;

c.3000

2450—2350

that

were

(Crawford

the

excavations

Norton

analysis

press),

following (hereafter

resources

long

cal

on

than

Jomon

and Jomon

from

courses

and 1984)

four

the

record.

in

north-eastern In

and

than

work.

the

that BP,

noted

to

1984).

that

and

and between

lifeways.

regions;

subsequent Zone

time

Zone steadily

the

The

those

infer

Jomon

(2007)

Okinawa

I

main

showed

Korean

site the

for

period,

Zone

half

Jomon

Kyushu

divided

occurred

residents

it

2800

Jomon

cal

2006;

In

Satsumon

and first

Zone

as

of

This

Nevertheless,

span

occurred

II,

of

site

initial

I

size

regional

of

no

islands

of

early

post-Pleistocene

of Hokkaido,

ap

hereafter

the

from

where

seem

I Chulmun

cal

data

During

south-western

the

phase,

Peninsula

and density

evidence

population

zone

Japan

and

for

Lee

Hokkaido, II)

population

than

of

(see

the

Jomon

culture,

and

Korean

BP state

to

at

used

as

beginning

the

the

(see

to

of

the

Jomon

then

post-Pleistocene

and

2011).

of

site

(see

the

around

culture

is

in

above).

during

south-western

those

be

the

c.1

north-eastern

the

societies)

the

initial Zone

Jomon

characterized

and

Chulmun

Figure

wild

Zone

density

sites,

the

final

temporal

did

more

above).

1,000—7000

of

declined

the

Peninsula

lasted

during

transition

final

Japanese

estimates

Zone

of

was

Rice

subsistence

site

estimate

Epi-Jomon

the

I)

11,000,

not

(eighth—twelfth

food

In

general

to

of

Jomon

Honshu

north-eastern

and

II

similar

cultural

and

22.1).

reveal

phase,

from

size

the

tvas

the

subsistence

characterized

1950s

were of

paddy

the

Il/Chulmun

adopt

period

through variability

the

resources

Chulmun

and

Japan

middle

latter

archipelago

Japan. is much

to

7000,

late

for

cal

(Koyama

(see

In

Honshu

by

the Jomon

patterns

much

to

more

regional

due

(Kinld

c.4000—2500

the

and

transformation,

intensification

the Zone

rice

fields

culture,

those

a

these

ap,

Chulmun

has

third

Habu

areas,

larger

and

lower

and

the

to

following

Jomon,

Japanese

higher

1960s

was

Honshu.

direct

specialization.

cultivation

and

are

continuously

yet

century

two

and

I,

became

cultures

of

in (the

regions

late

indicated

by

the

4000

1978;

century

disparity

2001,

site

influences (Hokkaido,

site

than

character

the

a

to

amount

Chulmun

northern

facts:

and

Chugoku

agricul

and

distinct

site

than

period,

Tolioku,

Korean

be

reached

density,

Jomon

cal

density

cal

archi

Yayoi

1984).

Thus,

24—6; in

AD),

pro

was were

con

was

den

and final

oc

the the np,

EP

the

in

at

in

in

of

th K as of fo F’ Ii,

POST-PLEISTOCENE TRANSFORMATIONS OF HUNTER-GATHERERS IN EAST ASIA 511 Role of other f(

• Need to

Situation in Ful

• Damage

• Damage

• Volunta

Damage on

• Fukushi

• Compo

• Tea leai

Diverse res

- producti

- solar en

- relocatic

Decontami

Rescue Ex

Joban Fre FIGURE 22.1 Map of sites in Japan and South Korea mentioned in the text, and regions of Japan. Summary as well. At about the same time, in north-eastern Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the southern Kuril Islands, the Okhotsk culture (seventh—thirteenth century AD) flourished with its • Energy focus on sea mammal hunting and fishing. These two cultures formed the foundation for the proto-Ainu culture (c. twelfth—sixteenthcentury AD), which partly overlapped with • FoodS

• Econoi

• Nation

• Global 512 the

roles sisted

dle Ryukyu

evidence Parallel

Yayoi-Heian century evidence

Environmental

of Nagaoka Environment resulted environmental turn

erous to and between Honshu (3) level insular

Nagaoka the

manly after rise level Mazukari lower Holocene many

Takamiya’s

According Jomon

A Shellmidden

Okhotsk.

Kyushu

UNDERsTANDING

temperate

hydroisostatic

JUNKOHABU

in

from evergreen

key

affected

primarily

rise 7000

and

forest

than

forming incipient

period

by

Islands),

AD),

East

of

in of (Zone

environmental

(3) and

and

(corresponding and

the was

eustatic

sheilmidden

period

cal

agriculture

cultigens

major

was

the

state

Asia

period.

zone

and Although

(2003)

to people’s

Nakano is

Nakano Last

n

Chulmun

deciduous of

covered

forest

determinism

I on

active

present-day a

periods)

Tsuji

the basically

above) to

the

were

(4) key formation

was

the

in changes,

changes hunting-gathering,

Glacial

change

early

equivalent work

Yayoi-Heian

(Shinzato During

roughly

eastern

zone

factor

(2009,

lifeways.

sea a medieval

2009; Change

2009; caused has

by people

(c.9000

sea

and

factor

cultures.

is

Jomon

forest

water

to indicates

marine divided

Maximum been

(isostatic

in

followed

whereas in

level

in

south-western took

Yokoyama 73), Yokoyama sea

the is

CuLTuRE

the

Hokkaido,

corresponds

south-western

byhydroisostatic

vegetation

that the

of widely

2010).

This

cal of

in

trade reported

often

level

change

by rise

sites

place.

following the

(also

the The

north-eastern silt recent

a?;

MEcHANIsMs

significantly into

that

7000

the

by

by

change

that

proto-Ainu

(see networks

Jomon

inundated (LGM:

on accepted.

and

Aichi

new

warming

referred

another 2009). Flotation no 2009),

marine

the

four

in

(2)

from uncal

discussion

coastal

was

(Tsuji

Habu

sand

to

means

ocean evidence

Honshu,

population medieval

due Prefecture),

temperate

Honshu,

period

c.19,000

the

vegetation

caused

Yokoyama

and CHANGE the

ap,

between

regression to

changes.

hunter-gatherer

affected

deposits,

trend

et

2009),

to

coastal

Japan,

plains at

cultural

volume

culture

as implies,

latter

the

al. other

sea Gusuku

Shikoku,

of

(often

indicates the

by

2011).

cal Gusuku

Shikoku, Japanese

during

the

water

mixed remained

sea

and

might period

post-Pleistocene

late valleys

Japan the

which

The

aspects

zones:

BP) (2009) were has

because

boundary

and

post-Pleistocene

however,

referred

levels

period

OF

combination (4)

Sheilmidden

Takahashi

excavation

load) to

and

revealed

the

that

other and

forest

have

period

once

is (e.g.

archipelago

and warm even

7000

period,

points

(1)

of

located

small LONG-TERM

first

Kyushu

(Kosugi

of

they

China.

sites

(Kosugi

the to

Shinzato

been Kyushu. minor

between

that assumed

cold

ice-sheet

when

in

cal

as

temperate half

(c.

that

biosphere,

out

actually

until

(2009) has

western

which

of

the

BP

the

10 human

period).

of

twelfth—fifteenth submerged

(Zone temperate

In

the of

sea 1989;

that the

during

from

revealed

transformation

m was

1989;

the

initial

Okinawa

the

perspective

The

2010).

north-eastern the

to

below

melting)

initial level

is

suggests

sea

the

played

eustatic

caused

II).

end

have

Hokkaido,

lifeways

called

deciduous

Hokkaido

Lee

Holocene

boundary

Lee

No

which

level

to

the

sea

changes

ample

of the Jomon

conif

mid

2011;

under clear

sub

2011;

(the

early

key

level

the

the

and

pri that

was

sea

sea

in of

in

the

excavation

variability north—westerr

with

is

suggest

number

et that

Kobayashi’s

as

enhance Asia

of

high-resolut relationship

Subsiste

Subsistence history because

because

2004,

the

have

the

(e.g. 2002; A

methods human-er

ronment opment

al. 4800 different types 1977; New

plants, sea and

2003;

den

food-pro (see Jomon

controve waterlog

Food cooling

(e.g.

2009;

cooIin

past

as

Craw,

floral

the sites, signi that

cal

2009

57—f envh

and

Nor

frm

Hal

of

our a

in

fis

of of

K of

ar

di ol

BI re

r

s

r C I

1

( F POST-PLEISTOCENE TRANSFORMATIONS Of HUNTER-GATHERERS IN EAST ASIA 513 the sea as a result of the Holocene transgression, particularly in south-western Japan. The excavation of the Mazukari sheilmidden and resulting early and middle Jomon data from north-western Kyushuprovided by Nagaoka and Nakao (2009)indicate that micro-regional variability in hydroisostatic changes can be observed, which affectedthe distribution of sites with waterlogged nut-storage pits in the intertidal zone. A controversial topic regarding the environmental changes in Holocene insular East Asia is the cooling climate that is said to have occurred at c.4200 cal BR While many scholars suggest that the cooling climate was the direct cause of the rapid decline in Zone I in the number and sizeof settlements in the latter half of the middle Jomon period (e.g.Kawahata et al. 2009; Tsuji 2002; Yasuda 1989), Habu (2008) and Habu and Hall (2013) point out that cooling climate was not necessarily the main cause of these cultural changes. Ken’ichi Kobayashi’s(2008) data also indicate that these cultural changes may have occurred as early as 4800 cal B? before the cooling climate hit the Japanese archipelago. New environmental data, including pollen, phytoliths, and diatoms, could significantly enhance our understanding of human—environmental interaction in post-Pleistocene East Asia (e.g. Kawahata et al. 2009; Kitagawa and Yasuda 2004; 2008; Yi 2011). The problems of Jomon and Chulmun absolute chronology discussed above and the relative scarcity of high-resolution environmental data, however, make understanding the timing and causal relationships between environmental changes and archaeological data challenging.

Subsistence, Settlement, and Society

Subsistence data from the Jomon and Chulmun periods are extremely large. In the early history of Jomon and Chulmun archaeology, subsistence studies were under-represented because of the scarcity of zooarchaeological and palaeoethnobotanical specialists and because of the generally poor preservation of faunal and floral remains (see e.g. Habu 2004, 57—60).However, systematic flotation and water-screening of soil samples over the past several decades, including those from shelimiddens and waterlogged sites, have significantly enhanced our understanding of Jomon and Chulmun subsistence (e.g. Crawford 2011; Crawford and Lee 2003; Itou 2011; Lee 2011; Takamiya 2003; Tsuji 2002;2009). Food diversity, together with its correlate subsistence diversity (i.e. diversity in the methods of food acquisition), is a critical factor in the discussion of Jomon/Chulmun human—environmentalinteraction. Many archaeologists have suggested that the rich envi ronment of Japan and Korea with a wide variety of food resources enabled the early devel opment of ‘complex’hunter-gatherer cultures in these regions (e.g. Kim 2006; Kobayashi 1977;Norton 2007). In terms of food diversity measured by richness (i.e. the number of different nominal classes of items observed in the sample), an expansion of target resource types from c.11,000 to 7000 cal B? is evident in the Jomon and Chulmun data. Faunal and floral studies revealed that the Jomon and Chulmun diet in this period incorporated plants, fish, and shellfish,including domesticated plants (Crawford 2011; Crawford and Lee 2003; Habu 2004, 248—50).On the south-west coast of Korea, an abundance of shelimid den sites, including the Tongsam-dong, seems to imply a heavy reliance on marine food (see the results of carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis below). Developments of new food-processing technologies, such as the removal of tannic acid from buckeyes (Aesculus 514 JUNKOHABU POST turbinate) (Itou 2011) and adoption of several cultigens (see below), further increased food Jomon) in the Chu diversity measured by richness. on marine food, pr

Many scholars suggest that this expansion of target resources resulted in a general shift • Tongsam-dong sh from hunting terrestrial mammals to collecting plant and marine food. By the middle (Choy and Richard Holocene, limited types of food plant and/or marine resources such as nuts, tubers, and fish Studies by Yone were intensively exploited and stored. In other words, early Holocene diversification in food in the northern T( richness eventually led to the process of subsistence intensification and specialization. In marine food than partictilar, the development of large early and middle Jomon (c.7000—4000cal BP) settle very small. Yonedl ments in north-eastern Japan is likelyto have been supported by mass exploitation of plant • from nine sheilmic food. In central Japan, abundant so-called chipped stone ‘axes’(probably used as digging tion between terre tools) are thought to be a reflection of an intensive exploitation of plant roots, such as the people were relyin roots of yam, bracken, kuzu vine, and lilies. Reports of storage pits with nut remains and et als (1992) result an abundance of chestnut pollens from several large Jomon settlements, including Sannai including male—fei Maruyama in Aomori Prefecture, make several scholars think that chestnuts, acorns, and In my previous other nuts became Jomon staple food during and after the Middle Jomon period. Ultimately, hand with the div analysis of starch grains may provide clues to determine the importance of plant roots and subsistence specia various nuts in overall Jomon diet, but the results are still preliminary (Shibutani 2008; pIe are known as 2010). Reports of acorn (Quercus) remains from several Chulmun sites in central-western a few exceptions s Korea, including Amsa-dong and Misa-ri, are also indicative of the importance of nut not apparent unti] collecting. ment, I argued tin The heavy reliance on plant food may have required a form of environmental manage more likely seasor ment or plant cultivation. Thus, one of the controversial topics is the importance of culti span (Habu 2001; gens in Jomon and Chulmun subsistence and diet (Bleed and Matsui 2010; Crawford 2008; Jomon pit dwellin 2011). Several cultigens were utilized by jomon and Chulmun people (e.g. Crawford 2006; residential mobii 2011; Lee 2011; Kurob and Takase 2003; Yoshizaki 1995). Commonly reported taxa from ments such as Sa early to final Jomon sites (see Habu 2004, 59) include egoma and/or shiso mint (Perilta), functions should I bottle gourd (Lagenaria), lacquer tree (Toxicodendron),barnyard millet (Echinochloautitis), tive (e.g. Imamura and beans (Leguminosae), including azuki and soy beans. In particular, charred remains of interpretations of Echinochloautilis have been reported from over 20 Jomon sites. Many of these are located role of mobility ir in the northern part of Honshu and Hokkaido (Takase 2007; Yamada 2007), but many of mobility in south these findings are small in number, and examples associated with reliable 14Cdates are lim hunter-gatherers ited. Among these, barnyard millet from the Tominosawa in Aomori Prefecture wasdirectly storage pits and di AMSdated, giving the dates of c.4$00—4300cal BP (Nishimoto et al. 2007). Changes in su1 Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis of human skeletal remains has contributed changing Jomon significantly to our understanding of Jomon and Chulmun diet. For the Jomon period, 2006; Kobayashi regionally specific patterns have been detected. Minagawa and Akazawa’s(1992) work in the long-distance dicates that Hokkaido Jomon people at the Kitakogane site (early Jomon) relied heavily on 33). Technologic marine food, possibly marine mammals, whereas residents of the Sanganji shellmidden such as lacquerw (middle—finalJomon) in the southern Tohoku region, the Kosaku sheilmidden (late Jomon) 2010). Beliefsyst in the Kanto region, and the Kitamura site (late Jomon) in the Chubu region relied more In order to un heavily on terrestrial resources. It is worth noting that the stable isotope data from the two change, it is critic shellmidden sites in Tohoku and Kanto, Sanganji and Kosaku, indicate low dependence on the sequence oft marine food. None of these studies indicate that C4 plants, including barnyard millet or the Sannai Maru grass, contributed significantlyto the Jomon and Chulmun diet. on plant food oc Isotope data also seem to indicate similarities between shelimidden sites in western Japan Jomon, which w; and southern Korea. Residents of two sheilmidden sites in western Japan, Tsukumo (late tice represented I POST-PLEISTOCENE TRANSFORMATIONS OF HUNTER-GATHERERS IN EAST ASIA 515

Jomon) in the Chugoku region and Todoroki (early Jomon) in Kyushu,were heavily reliant on marine food, probably fish (Minagawa 2001). Analysis of human and dog remains from Tongsam-dong sheilmidden indicates that their diet was also dependent on marine food (Choy and Richard 2010). Studies by Yoneda (2010) and Chisholm and Habu (2003) suggest that Jomon people in the northern Tohoku region and the Hokuriku region may have had higher intake of marine food than those in southern Tohoku, Kanto, and Chubu, but the sample size is still very small. Yoneda’s (2010) work also shows great diversity among individuals excavated from nine sheilmidden sites in the Kanto and Tokai regions: the data show linear distribu tion between terrestrial and marine food sources, suggesting that Kanto and Tokai Jomon people were relying on a varying degree of a combination of the two resources. Chisholm et al.’s(1992) results of carbon isotope studies also detected differences between individuals, including male—femaledifferences. In my previous work, I emphasized that the process of sedentarization went hand in hand with the diversification in the richness of target food resources and the following subsistence specialization (Habu 2004; in press). Although Jomon and Chulmun peo ple are lmown as examples of ‘sedentary’ hunter-gatherers, most scholars agree that, with a few exceptions such as in southern Kyushu (e.g. Pearson 2006), signs of sedentism were not apparent until c.7000 cal BP. Using models of hunter-gatherer subsistence and settle ment, I argued that early Jomon sedentism was not necessarily year-round sedentism but more likely seasonal sedentism, and the degree of sedentism changed within a short time span (Habu 2001; but see Kobayashi 2004). Ogawa’s(2009) study of life histories of early Jomon pit dwellings in the Tokyo Bay area supports this view of flexibilityin early Jomon residential mobility. I also proposed that, even for extremely large middle Jomon settle ments such as Sannai Maruyama, the possibility of seasonal mobility and changing site functions should be considered (Habu 2004;2008). Not all scholars agree with this perspec tive (e.g.Imamura 2006;Okada 2003). These differences are coming not only from different interpretations of the available settlement data, but also from different perspectives on the role of mobility in hunter-gatherer lifeways.Data to infer Jomon and Chulmun residential mobility in south-western Japan and Korea are still limited. Seguchi (2009) suggests that hunter-gatherers in the Lake Biwa area established fully-sedentary systems that relied on storage pits and dugout canoe transportation. Changes in subsistence strategies and settlement systems were inextricably linked to changing Jomon and Chulmun social landscapes (Choe and Bale 2002; Habu 2004; Lee 2006; Kobayashi 2004; Pearson 2006). Developments of social networks are evidenced by the long-distance trade of exotic items (e.g.obsidian, jade, and asphalt; see Habu 2004,221— 33). Technological innovations can be seen in the production of various types of artefacts such as lacquerware and transportation technologies including dugout canoes (see Habu 2010). Beliefsystems are reflected in ritual artefacts and mortuary practice. In order to understand the causes, conditions, and consequences of long-term culture change, it is critical to examine these lines of evidence with a fine-grained time-scale so that the sequence of these changes can be modelled and further tested, for example, data from the Sannai Maruyama site seems to indicate that subsistence specialization with a focus on plant food occurred first from the end of the early Jomon to the middle of the middle Jomon, which was foHowedby a decrease in settlement size and a decline of ritual prac tice represented by clay figurines (Habu 2008; Habu and Hall 2013). This may indicate that 516 JUNKOHABU p over-specialization among hunter-gatherers, which leads to the loss of subsistence and food Chisholm, B., diversity; can contribute to a rapid decline or a seeming ‘collapse’in their socio-economic hunter-gatki systems, followed by a shift to a new subsistence strategy among reduced populations. As 6973. PulliT D. and K a working hypothesis, this idea has the potential to be applied to multiple cases in not only Cho, Zvelebilteds prehistoric but also historic and contemporary situations. To further test the hypothesis, Choe, C. P.and more AMS radiocarbon dates are needed to identify the precise timing of these incidents in tion in prehi relation to changing climate. Starch grain analysis of grinding stones and other artefacts, as Choy,K. and P well as residue analysis of pottery, may be the key to understanding the typets) of plant food Archaeo ogtc resources that played a critical role in these changes. Crawford,G.V 77—95.Maid Crawford,G.V CONCLUDING REMARKS Crawford, G. Anthropolog Crawford, G.’, the above, it is clear that the rich Jomon and Chulmun data provide excellent oppor- From 77,87—95. tunities to explore key issues in hunter-gatherer archaeology today. Results of these stud- Fujio,S.,Iman ies can be used for comparative studies with post-Pleistocene hunter-gatherers and early Kgakz Kenk agriculturalists in other parts of the world, including hunter-gatherers on the Northwest Fujita, H., Asa Coast of North America, California, and Neolithic China. The diverging pathways Japanesefm between north-eastern Japan and south-western Japan/Korea after c.4000 cal u make us Fukase, H. an reconsider the regional boundaries that we currently use to describe the post-Pleistocene Japanese m hunter-gatherer cultures in these regions. PhysicalAm While the amount of data from Jomon and Chulmun sites continues to grow tsee e.g. Habu, J.2001. Crawford 2011;Kim 2006;Kosugiet al. 2007—10;Lee2011),the total number of rescue exca- Earlyjomor vations per year in Japan has been declining since the late 1990s due to a slower economy : Habu, J.2004. and a resulting decrease in large-scale land development projects tHabu 2004, 20). These Habu, J.2008. circumstances not only provide scholars with an opportunity to reanalyse the large amount Habu, J.2010. of data that have been accumulated over the past several decades, but a new generation of Anderson,] 159—70. Car archaeologists who are conducting their research in a new socio-political environment Habu, In pr will likely set new goals and approaches to the study of Jomon and Chulmun archaeologi- J. worldpiehi. cal materials. Active information exchange between Jomon/Chulmun archaeologists and Habu, and F scholars working on post-Pleistocene hunter-gatherers and agriculturalists in other parts of J. sistencesp the world willbe critical. scaleeconoi Habu, J.,Mat Quaternarj REFERENCES Han, B.i995. —______- Harunari, H., Balée,W 2006. The research program of historical ecology.Annual Review of Anthropology Nihon Kok 35, 75—98. the 69th Ai Bleed,P and Matsui,A. 2010. Why didn’tagriculture developin Japan?Journal ofArchaeologicat Im, H. 1997. Method and Theoryi7, 356—70. was Sinsuk

Chisholm, B. and Habu, J. 2003. Stable isotope analysisof prehistoric human bone from the KoreanHh Furuyashild site, KamfldtaTown, Aomori, Japan. In J.Habu, J.M. Savelle,S.Koyama,and Imamura, K. H. Hongo teds), Hunter-gatherers of the North Pacfic Rim, 221—33. Suita:National Museum Imamura, K. ofEthnology. Anthropolc POST-PLEISTOCENE TRANSFORMATIONS OF HUNTER-GATHERERS IN EAST ASIA 517

Chishoim, B., Koike, H., and Nakai, N. 1992. Dietary patterns of Japanese Jomon hunter-gatheers. In C. M. Aikens and S. N. Rhee teds), Pacfic Northeast Asia in prehistory, 69—73.Pullman: Washington State University Press. Cho, D. and Ko, I. 2009. Hunter-gatherer ceramics of Neolithic Korea. In P. Jordan and M. Zvelebilteds), Ceramicsbeforefarming, 149—66.Walnut Creek, CA: LeftCoast Press. Choe, C. P.and Bale, M. 1. 2002. Current perspectives on settlement, subsistence and cultiva tion in prehistoric Korea. ArcticAnthropology39, 95—121. Choy, K. and Richards, M. P. 2010. Isotopic evidence for diet in the Middle Chulmun period. Archaeologicaland AnthropologicalScience2, 1—10. Crawford, G. W 2006. East Asian plant domestication. In M. T.Stark (ed.), ArchaeologyofAsia, 77—95.Malden, MA: Blackwell. Crawford, G. W.200$. The Jomon in early agriculture discourse. WorldArchaeology40,445—65. Crawford, G. W 2011. Advances in understanding early agriculture in Japan. Current Anthropology 52 5331—45. Crawford, G. W and Lee, G.-A. 2003. Agricultural origins in the Korean Peninsula. Antiquity 77,87—95. Fujio, S., Imamura, M., and Nishimoto, T. 2005. YayoiJidai no kaishi nendai. Sokendai Bunka Kgaku Kenkyu [Sokendai Review of Cultural and Social Studies] 1,73—96 (in Japanese). fujita, H., Asakura, K., and Ogura, M. 2007. Age- and sex-related dental caries prevalence in Japanese from the Jomon Period. Journal of Oral Biosciences49, 198—204. fukase, H. and Suwa, G. 2008 Growth-related changes in prehistoric Jomon and modern Japanese mandibles with emphasis on cortical bone distribution. American Journal of PhysicalAnthropology136,441—54.

Habu, J.2001. Subsistence-settlementsystemsand intersite variability in theMoroisophase of the Early Jomonperiod ofJapan. Ann Arbor: International Monographs in Prehistory.

Habu, J.2004. AncientJomon ofJapan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Habu, J.2008. Growth and decline in complex hunter-gatherer societies. Antiquity 82, 571—84. Habu, J.2010. Seafaring and the development of cultural complexity in Northeast Asia. In A. Anderson, J.H. Barrett, and K.V.Boyleteds), Globaloriginsand the developmentofseafaring, 159—70. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.

Habu, J.In press. Early sedentism in East Asia. In C. Renfrew and P. Bahn teds), Cambridge worldprehistory.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Habu, J.and Hall, M. E. In press. Climate change, human impacts on the landscape, and sub sistence specialization. In V Thompson and I.‘vVaggonerteds), Thehistoricalecologyofsmall scale economies,65—78.Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Habu, J.,Matsui, A., Yamamoto, N., and Kanno, T. 2011. Shell midden archaeology in Japan. Quaternary International 239, 19—27. Han, B. 1995. Kankoku no kodai bunka. Tokyo:Nihon Hoso Kyokai(in Japanese). Harunari, H., Fujio, S., Imamura, M., and Sakamoto, M. 2003. YayoiJidai no kaishi nendai. Nihon KokogakuKyokaidai 69 kai sokai kenkyu happyoyoshi [Abstracts of presentations at the 69th Annual Meeting of the Japanese Archaeological Associationl, 65—8(in Japanese). Im, H. Sinsukki Sidae ui siki-kupun. In H. Im ted.), Hankuku-sa 2: Kusukki Munhwa was Sinsukki Munhwa, 305—16. Seoul: Kuksa Pyonchan Wiwonwhae [National Institute of Korean History] (in Korean). Imamura, K. 1996. PrehistoricJapan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Imamura, K. 2006. Archaeological theory and Japanese methodology in Jomon research. AnthropologicalScience114, 223—9. 518 Itou, Kaner, Kawahata, Kim, Kitagawa, Kimura, Kitagawa, Kobayashi, Kobayashi, Kobayashi, Kobayashi, Kobayashi, Kosugi, Kokuritsu Koyama, Kurob, Koyama, Kosugi, Lee, Kuzmin, Lee, Lee,

tsuite. 35, Beyond ruins Reviews Matsuzald, ing,

ture nut Zenhan-ki Sannai etry. Kenkyu-hi variability Rekishi and

Anthropology 2003. Kokogaku, kara (in Taikei, Mumun [Geographical affluent

J.-J.

Y.

J.-J.

1. JUNKOHABU 43—50

G.-A.

Japanese). 93—119.

preservation S.

K. 2006.

during

Anthropological 2011.

K.

miru

in

Y., M.

T.

2006. Tanso 2009.

Aomori-kenritsu

Y. 2001.

Yano S. S.

156—9. Maruyama

affluent J. J.

foragers, and Japan Minzoku

28,

2006.

H., Taniguchi,

Relishi

K.

transition. T. K. 1989. V. i978. (in

1984. T.

and and

K. 2011.

Resource Aomori-ken

Nihon-shi, in

vols.

Hojo-kin H.

2008. no Walnut 2004.

964—74.

2006. the 2004. 1977.

Takase,

Long-term

from

Japanese). 14 teds), Yamamoto,

from

the 2007.

Yasuda,

Yasuda,

Tokyo:

during 52, 2009.

Robustness jitsu-nendai

Jomon Jomon Kanshinsei

Review

foragers,

nendai Jomon

The

Moroiso 1—12.

Minzoku

Jomonjidai

54—79. S3o7—29.

Jomon

Jomon

around

Hakubutsu-kan Chronology

Book

fisher-hunter

Jomon

and

AMS

shellfish

Creek,

Y.,

PhD patch

K.

Changes

transition

Science Kiban

Kodansha

the Tokyo:

29—56.

Jidai.

Y.

Y subsistence

period 2003. of sokutei Nishida,

Kamegaoka

Aomori-shi Kyoto-kan innovation.

Review: 2004. Oxford: 2008.

phase reflections.

168—91.

mid-Holocene

thesis. sekai

jidai H.,

Japan] tanso

Jomon

sharing

ofthe

ni CA:

Hakubutsu-kan

Tokyo:

no

Kenkyu

gathering

Tokyo: 114, Jomon,

Dosei-sha

no okeru

Ohkushi,

of

in

The

Development

of

to no of

Left no

kenkyu. 14

University rei from (in Y., environments

to

whole

Oxford: 62A, Japan. Oxbow

J. 13—22.

the

the

Kokogaku.

sites

Kokogaku

and among

(in

shakai influence

Habu

farmer. Kenkyu Chuo

nendai.

Mizunoe, nendai

Japanese). Coast Tokyo-wan

sites. Oxford:

Aoki-shoten

In

Early

Sannai

(C) Yayoi

earliest

Japanese). 359—74

population. foraging

P.

to in

Jomon

Quaternary

(in

K., Kadai

Hypsithermal

Jordan

(z),

Koron-sha (2001), Oxbow Quaternary

foragers. agriculture

northeastern

to Jomon Press.

In

Jidai

mY

sokutei

Japanese). of

Ktyo

Yokoyama,

Maruyama

Oxbow.

[National 2,

of

Sakura: pottery bunka.

and

Kenkyu

(in

C.

K.,

Wisconsin—Madison.

femur

257—69.

and

climatic

bango

Kosugi, no

no

and

Grier,

to

Japanese). period Subsistence-settlement

[Bulletin and

distribution (in

Senri

kaigan-sen In

zakkoku human o

farming

International

M.

(in

In Japanese). in

shaft National

Yano,

International C.

Seika riyo-shita in 17520529:

J.

Tokyo: Museum

climatic

East

Zvelebil

Y. T. change oflapan.

Japanese). Japan

(9) Y., Grier,

Kim, Ethnological

prehistoric

Taniguchi,

assessed

Kobayashi, of

activity

K.

iseki Kimoto,

Hokoku-sho.

Asia.

saibai.

in

Aomori

and of

Dosei-sha

(eds) with

J. Museum

no

on

interval.

teds), Higashi-Nihon Kim,

prehistoric

Castanea Heisei

Asian

of

ni

Antiquity 184,

hensen.

J.

chestnut

at by 123—5,

In

special-reference okeru Uchiyama Japanese 2007—10.

Korea:

Y.

K.,

Studies

the

and 41—55.

S. cross-sectional

Prefectural

Ceramics

Nihon

Perspectives

Nishida, 17-18

systems

Kimura of

Quaternary

Ohshima,

Sannai-Ivlaruyama

(in

Sakura:

89—103.

I.

and

Chirigaku

tochinoki

Japanese

Uchiyama and 8o,

the

Japanese).

Korea. 2,

nendo

Genshi Jomon

Historyl

Aesculus

teds),

1—65. 362—71.

and Chulmun horse Jon-ion

K. beforefarm

ted.),

Kokuritsu Museumj

Mizunoe, 43,181—5.

H.,

mtersite

Kagaku

History Jidai

Current

Hyoron Science

Beyond

Bijutsu riyo

geom

to

chest

Mono teds),

Jidai

ted.)

cul

and

the

ni no

to

Minagawa,

Minagawa,

Nagaoka,

Nelson,

Nihon

Nishimoto, Nishimoto,

Norton,

Ogawa,

Okada,

Pearson, Seguchi,

Shibutani,

Shibutani,

Shinzato,

Suzuki,

Takahashi,

Takamiya,

shoku-seitai Takase, bon

Kenkyu Japan

Pullman: In

Nishida,

Volume: (in

Association nendai

Kokogaku

ticates

Nishida,

(in Habu, Rim,

Nishida,

(in

shokubutsu-sho

Sannai

oyo.

Japanese). Anthropological

K. Japanese).

Hongo Ethnology.

Kokogaku

C. Japanese).

Japanese).

and

Japanese).

Mizunoe,

Senshi

S.

(in

Shokuseishi 173—86.

T.

Y.

C.

M.

5. across

S. R.

[14C J.

Hokoku

K. M. T.

A. Maruyam 2009.

M.

K. J. 2003.

nitrogen M. 14C Japanese

Washing

(eds), K.

2009. T. M. A.

K. T.,

and

2006.

A. 2007.

H. M. 24,

Ailcens 2007. POST-P1 1993.

1998. 2010.

Mizun 2006.

Mizur 2001.

Mizui dates

for [Dietl 2010. Kyok

and

Savel

Miur Jidai

dates

Suit Neo 200 200

$—

Nak 200

Kai

Jon an

Ky

Hz

Qt

Se

Jo

[B

77

F

1

I

I 520 JUNKOHABU

the 2007 Kumamoto Meetings of the Japanese Archaeological Association], 398—408 (in Japanese). Temple, D. H. 2007. Dietary variation and stress among prehistoric Jomon foragers from Japan. American Journal ofPhysicalAnthropology133, 1035—46. Temple, D. H. 200$. What can variation in stature reveal about environmental differences between prehistoric Jomon foragers? Understanding the impact of systemic stress on devel opmental stability.American Journal ofHuman Biology20, 431—39. Thompson, V and Waggoner, I. (eds) 2013. The historical ecologyof small scale economies. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Tsuji,S.2002. Hito to shizen no kankyoshi. In Aomori Kenshi Hensan Koko Bukal (ed.), Aomori Kenshi,Betsuhen3: Sannai Maruyama Iseki,227—44. Aomori: Aomori Prefecture. Tsuji,S. 2009. Jornon jidai no shokusei-shi. In Y.Kosugi, Y.Taniguchi, Y.Nishida, K. Mizunoe, and K. Yano (eds), Jomonjidal no Kokogaku3,67—77.Tokyo:Dosei-sha (in Japanese). Underhil, A.P.and Habu, J.2006. Earlycommunities in East Asia.In M. Stark (ed.), Archaeology ofAsia, 121—48. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Uno, T. 2008. Kosa-nendai-ho ni yoru Yayoinendai-kan keisei no keii. In H. Shitara, S. Fujio, and T.Matsuld (eds), Yayoilidai no Kokogaku8,199—207. Tokyo:Dosei-sha (in Japanese). Yamada, G. 2007. Hokkaido ni okeru saibai shokubutsu shushi no shutsudo jokyo. In Nihon Kokogaku Kyokai 2007 nendo Kumamoto Taikai Kenkyu Happyo Shiryo-shu [Proceedings of the 2007 Kumamoto Meetings of the Japanese Archaeological Association], 409—19 (in Japanese). Yarnanouchi, 5. 1932. Nihon enko no bunka. Dolmen, r(j, 40—3, 1(5), 85—90, 1(6), 46—50 (in Japanese). Yamanouchi, S.1937. Jomon doki no saibetsu to taibetsu. SenshiKokogaku1,28—32 (in Japanese). Yamanouchi, S. 1939. Nihon SenshiDoki Zulu. Tokyo:Senshi Kokogakkai (in Japanese). Yasuda, Y. 1989. Indus Bunmei no seisui to Jomon Bunka. Bulletin of International Research Centerfor Japanese Studies i, 205—72 (in Japanese). Yi, 5. 2011. Holocene vegetation responses to East Asian Monsoonal changes in South Korea. In J. Blanco and H. Kheradmand (eds), Climate change, 157—78. http://www.intecho pen. corn/hooks /climate - change - geophysical - foundations - and-ecological - effects! h olo cen e - vegetation - responses - to - east - asian - rnons 00 nal - changes - in - south - korea (accessed 18March 2013). Yokoyarna, Y. 2009. Kaisuijun hendo to kiko, kaishin!kaitai. In Y. Kosugi, Y. Taniguchi, Y. Nishida, K.Mizunoe, and K.Yano(eds), Jomonjidai no Kokogaku3, 13—23. Tokyo:Dosei-sha (in Japanese). Yoneda, M. 2010. Doitai shokusei bunseki kara mita Jomon bunka no tekio senryku. In Y. Kosugi,Y.Taniguchi, Y.Nishida, K.Mizunoe, and K.Yano (eds), Jomonjidai no Kokogaku4 207—22. Tokyo: Dosei-sha (in Japanese). Yoshizald,M. Nihon ni okeru Saibaishokubutsu no shutsugen. Kikan Kokogaku50,18—24 (in Japanese), POST-PLEISTOCENE TRANSFORMATIONS OF HUNTER-GATHERERS IN EAST ASIA 519

Minagawa, M. 2001. Tanso, chisso doitai bunseld ni yori fukugen shita senshi Nihon-jin no shoku-seitai [Dietary pattern of prehistoric Japanese populations interred from stable car bon and nitrogen isotopes in bone protein]. Kokuritsu Rekishi Ivlinzoku Hakubutsu-kan Kenkyn Hokoku [Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History] 86, 333—57.Sakura, Japan (in Japanese with English abstract). Minagawa, M. and Akazawa, T. 1992. Dietary patterns of Japanese Jomon hunter-gatheers. In C. M. Aikens and S. N. Rhee (eds), Pac(fic Northeast Asia in prehistory, 59—67. Pullman: Washington State University Press. Nagaoka, S. and Nakao, A. 2009. Hydro-isostasy to iseki-gun. In Y Kosugi, Y.Taniguchi, Y. Nishida, K. Mizunoe, and K.Yano(eds),Jomon jidai no kokogaku 3,25—34. Tokyo:Dosei-sha (in Japanese). Nelson, S.M. ThearchaeologyofKorea. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nihon Senshi Jidai no 14C Nendai Henshu Iinkai [Editorial Committee of the Special Volume: 14Cdates from Japanese prehistoric periods] ted.) 2000. Nihon SenshiJidai no nendai [r4C dates from Japanese prehistoric periods]. Tokyo:Nihon Daiyonki Gakkai [Japan Association for Quaternary Research] (in Japanese). Nishimoto, T.zoo6. Shin Yayoilidai no hajimari, vols. 1—2. Tokyo:Yuzankaku (in Japanese). Nishimoto, T., Miura, K., Sumita, M., and Miyata, Y. 2007. Jomon ‘hie’no nendai. Dobutsu Kokogaku24, 85—8(in Japanese).

Norton, C. J.2007. Sedentism, territorial circumscription, and the increased use ofplant domes ticates across Neolithic-Bronze Age Korea.Asian Perspectives46, 133—65. Ogawa, T. 2009. Kaishinki no Oku-Tokyo-wan engan iseki-gun. In Y.Kosugi, Y.Taniguchi, Y. Nishida, K.Mjzunoe, and K.Yano(eds),JomonJidai noKokogaku8,165—75. Tokyo:Dosei-sha (in Japanese).

Okada, Y. 2003. Jornon culture of northeastern Japan and the Sannai Marauyama site. In J. Habu, J.M. Savelle,S. Koyama, and H. Hongo teds), Hunter-gatherers of the North Pac(fic Rim, 173—86. Suita: National Museum of Ethnology, Japan. Pearson, R. 2006. Jomon hot spot. WorldArchaeology3s, 239—58. Seguchi,S.2009. Kyojyusystem no henka; Biwa-ko shuhen chiiki. In Y.Kosugi,Y.Taniguchi, Y. Nishida, K.Mizunoe, and K.Yano(eds),JomonJidai noKokogaku8,211—20. Tokyo:Dosei-sha (in Japanese). Shibutani, A. 2008. Zanzon denpun bunseki kara mita Sannai Maruyama iseki no shokubutsu-shoku. TokubetsuShisekiSannaiMaruyama IsekiNenpo [Annual Bulletin of the Sannai Maruyama Site] 11, 47—55(in Japanese). Shibutani, A. 2010. Nihon retto ni okeru gensei denpun-ryu hyohon to nihon Kokogaku e no oyo. ShokuseishiKenkyui8, 13—27 (in Japanese). Shinzato, A. 2010. Ryukyu retto no noko o meguru shomondai. KokogakuJournal 597,12—14(111 Japanese). Suzuki, T. 1998. Indicators of stress in prehistoric Jomon skeletal remains in Japan. AnthropologicalScience;o6 (Supplement), 127—37. Takahashi, M. 2009. Heiya no keisei-shi to iseld-gun. In Y.Kosugi, Y.Taniguchi, Y.Nishida, K. Mizunoe, and K. Yano teds), Jomon jidai no Kokogaku 3, 35—46.Tokyo: Dosei-sha (in Japanese).

Takamiya, H. 2003. Oldnawa hunter-gatherers. In J. Habu, M. Savelle, S. Koyama, and H. Hongo (eds), Hunter-gatherers of the North Pacfic Rim, 153—69.Suita: National Museum of Ethnology. Takase, K. 2007. Honshu Tohoku-bu ni okeru Jomon/Yayoi-ld no shutsudo shushi. Nihon KokogakuKyokai2007 nendo Kumamoto Thikaikenkyu happyo shiryo-shu [Proceedings of