DOCSLIB.ORG

The Use of Nationalist Propaganda in the Struggle for 'Northern Epirus'

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Use of Nationalist Propaganda in the Struggle for 'Northern Epirus' This article was downloaded by: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] On: 3 April 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 783016864] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713435906 Power politics and nationalist discourse in the struggle for 'Northern Epirus': 1919-1921 Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos To cite this Article Triadafilopoulos, Triadafilos(2000) 'Power politics and nationalist discourse in the struggle for 'Northern Epirus': 1919-1921', Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 2: 2, 149 — 162 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/713683343 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713683343 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans, Volume 2, Number 2, 2000 Power politics and nationalist discourse in the struggle for ‘Northern Epirus’: 1919–1921* TRIADAFILOS TRIADAFILOPOULOS On the surface it seemed reasonable: let the People decide. It was in fact ridiculous because the people cannot decide until someone decides who the people are. Ivor Jennings Introduction By most counts, the validity of nationalist propaganda and its use in scholarly debates is limited. Overtly nationalist literature serves a political purpose and need not conform to general standards of scholarly writing. However, to be effective, it must advance a particular cause while remaining within the realm of seemingly ‘legitimate’ discourse. In other words, its success depends on how well the nation’s advocates understand and anticipate their audience’s precon- ceptions, values, and worldview. In short, nationalist literature must possess the potential to persuade. Consequently, even the most partisan and seemingly preposterous nationalist writings may illuminate particular questions or de- bates by providing the discerning reader with unique insights into the ideals of nationalists and their target audience. This paper examines the writings of Greek and Albanian nationalists regarding the question of ‘Northern Epirus’1 between 1919 and 1921. Part of the material under consideration was originally published in pamphlet form and was presented to representatives of the Great Powers at the Paris Peace Conference in February 1918. The remainder consists of ofcial statements made by both the Greek and Albanian governments. At the Conference, both Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 23:00 3 April 2010 sides sought to expand their state’s territory through revisions to the Greco- Albanian border. Differing interpretations of the ethnic identity and national consciousness of the territory’s population were used to support their claims. *I am grateful for helpful comments from and conversations with Elzbieta Matynia, Adamantia Pollis, Barbara Syrrakos, Jane Cowan, Isa Blumi, and Shaun Young. I would also like to thank Dr. Vassilis Fouskas and the journal’s two anonymous reviewers for their criticisms and suggestions. Special thanks to Tina Tzatzanis for research assistance. An earlier version of this paper was read at the Modern Greek Studies Association’s 1997 Symposium in Kent, Ohio. 1‘Northern Epirus’ extends northward from the northern boundary of Greece to just south of Valona on the Adriatic to the lakes of Ochrid and Prespa in the east. It constitutes approximately one-fourth of the total area of Albania and includes the towns of Gjirokaster (Argyrocastro), Korce (Koritza), and Himare (Chimara), as well as the port of Sarande (Santi Quaranta). See Laurie Kain Hart and Kristina Budina, ‘ “Northern Epiros”: the Greek minority in southern Albania’, Cultural Survival Quarterly, 3, Summer 1995, p. 55. ISSN 1461-3190 print/ISSN 1469-963X online/00/020149–14 Ó 2000 Taylor & Francis Ltd DOI: 10.1080/1461319002000041 8 150 Triadalos Triadalopoulos However, the contested region possessed a mixed population that did not easily t either Greek or Albanian ethno-national categories. As such, the Great Powers were amenable to arguments ostensibly presented to make sense of this ‘complicated case’.2 The general climate of international relations also worked to the nationalists’ advantage. The victorious Allies were committed to carving up the remnants of the fallen German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires. Woodrow Wilson’s championing of the right to self-determination and equitable treatment for small states held out the promise that territorial claims constructed around the question of nationality would be considered favourably by the Great Powers.3 Indeed, for the rst time in the history of European diplomacy, the primacy of the nation was recognized as the key ordering principle of states and interstate relations.4 Not surprisingly, then, Greek and Albanian nationalists seized the opportunity to present their posi- tions to the world’s self-appointed arbiters. After presenting some background to both the problem of ‘Northern Epirus’ and the role of nationalism at the Paris Peace Conference, I examine the Albanian and Greek sides’ arguments, citing similarities and differences in their demands and rationales. Specically, I analyse each side’s conception of the nation and note how it was tailored to meet the criteria of the Great Powers. Both Albanian and Greek nationalist writers presented arguments that would resonate with individuals wielding power. Their espousal of what today would be dubbed ‘ethnic nationalism’ captured their era’s understanding of the legitimate grounds for claiming the right to self-determination. In other words, their claims corresponded to the ‘universal code’ of nationalist discourse, understood and employed by diplomats, political leaders, journalists, and scholars. Hence, I contend that these pamphlets tell us something about the quality, status, and general reception of nationalism during this period. The paper’s conclusion summarizes the study’s arguments and ndings while also drawing attention to the role of nationalist discourse in contemporary cases. Before proceeding, it is worth noting that this paper does not claim to present an exhaustive appraisal of all relevant materials. The difculty in obtaining such sources cannot be overstated.5 A truly comprehensive study would require archival work and a thorough review of newspaper articles, editorials, and other related material in several languages. Hence, what will be presented should be taken as a model for further research and analysis. Downloaded By: [Canadian Research Knowledge Network] At: 23:00 3 April 2010 The ‘question of Northern Epirus’ from 1912 to 1919: a brief sketch Greek claims to ‘Northern Epirus’ preceded the First World War and were present from the very founding of the Albanian State. Albania was granted independence by the Great Powers at the London Conference of Ambassadors 2E. P. Stickney, Southern Albania or Northern Epirus in European International Affairs, 1912–1923, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1926, p. 75. 3For a sample of Wilson’s rhetoric see H. W. V. Temperley (ed.), A History of the Peace Conference of Paris Vol. III, Oxford University Press, London, 1920, p. 53. 4E. J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1992, p. 131. 5A comprehensive bibliography of this material simply does not exist; the closest one gets is contained in Stickney, op. cit. Themes—Power politics and nationalist discourse 151 in December 1912. The Conference appointed two commissions to delimit Albania’s northern frontier with Serbia and Montenegro and its southern frontier with Greece. Greece’s success during the Balkan Wars rekindled its dream of reconstituting the Byzantine Empire in the form of a greater Greek state.6 Proponents of the Megali Idea (Great Idea) argued that all of Epirus, including those districts claimed by the Albanians, should be ceded to Greece.7 They defended their claim by arguing that the population of this territory was overwhelmingly Greek, both in descent and national consciousness.8 Albania countered by calling for the incorporation of Northern and Southern Epirus, or ‘Chamuria’, into Albania, on similar ethno-national grounds. Both sides ig- nored the fact that the territory they demanded contained a mixed population. According to a British Foreign Ofce research report: Under Ottoman rule, before Greece became an independent Kingdom with a frontier to defend, the population of the whole district of Epirus seem to have thought of themselves as Moslems and Christians [rather]
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Theorising Return Migration
    ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Tolerance and Cultural Diversity Discourses in Greece Anna Triandafyllidou, Ifigeneia Kokkali European University Institute 2010/08 1. Overview National Discourses Background Country Reports EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Tolerance and Cultural Diversity Discourses in Greece ANNA TRIANDAFYLLIDOU AND IFIGENEIA KOKKALI EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Work Package 1 – Overview of National Discourses on Tolerance and Cultural Diversity D1.1 Country Reports on Tolerance and Cultural Diversity Discourses © 2010 Anna Triandafyllidou and Ifigeneia Kokkali This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the research project, the year and the publisher. Published by the European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Via dei Roccettini 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole - Italy ACCEPT PLURALISM Research Project, Tolerance, Pluralism and Social Cohesion: Responding to the Challenges of the 21st Century in Europe European Commission, DG Research Seventh Framework Programme Social Sciences and Humanities grant agreement no. 243837 www.accept-pluralism.eu www.eui.eu/RSCAS/ Available from the EUI institutional repository CADMUS cadmus.eui.eu Tolerance, Pluralism and Social Cohesion: Responding to the Challenges of the 21st Century in Europe (ACCEPT PLURALISM) ACCEPT PLURALISM is a Research Project, funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Program. The project investigates whether European societies have become more or less tolerant during the past 20 years.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Turks and Europe by Gaston Gaillard London: Thomas Murby & Co
    THE TURKS AND EUROPE BY GASTON GAILLARD LONDON: THOMAS MURBY & CO. 1 FLEET LANE, E.C. 1921 1 vi CONTENTS PAGES VI. THE TREATY WITH TURKEY: Mustafa Kemal’s Protest—Protests of Ahmed Riza and Galib Kemaly— Protest of the Indian Caliphate Delegation—Survey of the Treaty—The Turkish Press and the Treaty—Jafar Tayar at Adrianople—Operations of the Government Forces against the Nationalists—French Armistice in Cilicia—Mustafa Kemal’s Operations—Greek Operations in Asia Minor— The Ottoman Delegation’s Observations at the Peace Conference—The Allies’ Answer—Greek Operations in Thrace—The Ottoman Government decides to sign the Treaty—Italo-Greek Incident, and Protests of Armenia, Yugo-Slavia, and King Hussein—Signature of the Treaty – 169—271 VII. THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: 1. The Turco-Armenian Question - 274—304 2. The Pan-Turanian and Pan-Arabian Movements: Origin of Pan-Turanism—The Turks and the Arabs—The Hejaz—The Emir Feisal—The Question of Syria—French Operations in Syria— Restoration of Greater Lebanon—The Arabian World and the Caliphate—The Part played by Islam - 304—356 VIII. THE MOSLEMS OF THE FORMER RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND TURKEY: The Republic of Northern Caucasus—Georgia and Azerbaïjan—The Bolshevists in the Republics of Caucasus and of the Transcaspian Isthmus—Armenians and Moslems - 357—369 IX. TURKEY AND THE SLAVS: Slavs versus Turks—Constantinople and Russia - 370—408 2 THE TURKS AND EUROPE I THE TURKS The peoples who speak the various Turkish dialects and who bear the generic name of Turcomans, or Turco-Tatars, are distributed over huge territories occupying nearly half of Asia and an important part of Eastern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
    The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus.
    [Show full text]
  • POLICE VIOLENCE in GREECE 5 Not Just ‘Isolated Incidents’
    Police violence in G reece Not JUst ‘IsolatEd INcIdENts’ amnesty international is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the universal declaration of Human rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2012 by amnesty international ltd Peter Benenson House 1 easton street london Wc1X 0dW united Kingdom © amnesty international 2012 index: eur 25/005/2012 english original language: english Printed by amnesty international, international secretariat, united Kingdom all rights reserved. this publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. the copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. to request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo : a Greek riot police officer kicks a protester during clashes in syntagma square, athens, 15 june 2011. © aP Photo/lefteris Pitarakis amnesty.org
    [Show full text]
  • The Fight for Balkan Latinity (II). the Aromanians After World War
    ISSN 2039-9340 Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 3 (11) November 2012 The Fight for Balkan Latinity (II). The Aromanians after World War Giuseppe Motta (Ph.D) Sapienza University of Rome Doi:10.5901/mjss.2012.v3n11p541 Abstract The article focuses on the Vlach question after the first World War, when the Balkan region was finally divided among the different national States and the Ottoman Empire collapsed. In this period the Aromanian communities had to find a new policy inside a new scenario and addressed towards different options represented by Albania, Italy and Romania. In a first time Vlachs also tried to create an autonomous principality of Pindus but this experience was short-lived and did not produce tangible results. On the contrary, during the interwar period the Vlachs consolidated their privileged relationship with Romania and established an influent group at Bucharest, where they partecipated to the internal political life even supporting the most radical movements such as Corneliu's Codreanu Iron Guard. Keywords: Aromanian, Vlach, Balkan, Albania, Romania. 1. Introduction. The Vlachs and the First World War. The history of the Vlachs in the Balkan regions was undoubtedly conditioned by the unstable and chaotic situation of the region, which during the troublesome period of the “Eastern Question” became a central area for the system of international relationships. The problems were particularly acute in the regions of Pindus, Epirus and Macedonia, and were naturally exacerbated by the constant atmosphere of war that the people of this area breathed for many years, at the end of XIX century and during the first decades of the XX.
    [Show full text]
  • Cleaning Operations
    European Roma Rights Center Greek Helsinki Monitor CLEANING OPERATIONS Excluding Roma in Greece Country Report Series, No. 12 April 2003 3 Cleaning Operations: Excluding Roma in Greece Copyright: © European Roma Rights Center, April 2003 All rights reserved. ISBN 963 206 873 4 ISSN 1416-7409 Graphic Design: Createch Ltd./Judit Kovács Printed in Budapest, Hungary. For information on reprint policy, please contact the ERRC 4 Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ..................................................................................................7 1. Executive Summary ..........................................................................................8 2. Introduction.................................................................................................... 20 3. A Short History of Roma in Greece ............................................................. 28 4. Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment: The Housing Rights of Roma in Greece........................................................................................................ 42 4.1 Residential Segregation of Roma in Greece.......................................... 44 4.2 Forced Evictions.................................................................................... 50 4.3 Threatened Expulsion of Roma by Municipal Authorities .................... 74 4.4 Refusal of Municipal Authorities to Register Roma as Local Residents ..................................................................................... 76 4.5 Harassment of
    [Show full text]
  • Joint Submission to the UN Committee Against Torture Ahead of the Review of the Periodic Report of Greece
    SOKADRE Coordinated Organizations and Communities for Roma Human Rights in Greece Joint submission to the UN Committee Against Torture ahead of the review of the periodic report of Greece 67th Session 22 July 2019 – 9 August 2019 Athens and Geneva, June 2019 1 CONTENT ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTING ORGANISATIONS 1. INTRODUCTION 2. LEGISLATIVE, ADMINISTRATIVE, JUDICIAL OR OTHER MEASURES TO PREVENT TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT Definition of torture National Human Rights Institution, Ombudsman and National Prevention Mechanism Recommendations 3. FUNDAMENTAL LEGAL SAFEGUARDS Notification of a family member or other third party Prompt access to a lawyer Access to a medical examination by an independent doctor Recommendations 4. TORTURE AND ILL-TREATMENT IN DETENTION Length of pre-trial detention Conditions of detention Separation of detainees Detention of unaccompanied children Recommendations 5. REFUGEES AND ASYLUM SEEKERS Torture and ill-treatment of asylum seekers and refugees (Addendum) Unprecedented systematic police violence and illegal deportation of asylum seekers in Evros Recommendations 6. VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN Definition of rape Domestic violence Recommendations 7. RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA Anti-discrimination legal framework Hate crimes Recommendations 8. VIOLENCE AGAINST ROMA Cases of Thanasis Panayotopoulos, Yannis Bekos, Vasilis Loukas and similar ones Cases of Katsaris, Kalamiotis and Georgopoulos and others Recommendations 2 9. MISSING STREET CHILDREN Lack of transparency and investigations Recommendations 10. HUMAN TRAFFICKING Impunity of the perpetrators Recommendations 11. EXCESSIVE USE OF FORCE Impunity of State agents The case of the killing of Alexis Gregoropoulos by police offcers Execution of Makaratzis and others, group of ECtHR cases at the Committee of Ministers Critical evaluation of Greek Ombudsman reports Recommendations 12.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Thought
    POLITICAL THOUGHT YEAR 14, NO 52, DECEMBER, SKOPJE 2016 POLITICAL ELITES, CITIZENSHIP AND SOCIAL CHANGES Publisher: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Republic of Macedonia Institutefor Democarcy “Societas Civilis”, Skopje Founders: Dr. Gjorge Ivanov, Andreas Klein M.A. Politička misla - Editorial Board: Johannes D. Rey Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Germany Nenad Marković Institute for Democarcy “Societas Civilis”, Political Science Department, Faculty of Law “Iustinianus I”, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia Ivan Damjanovski Institute for Democarcy “Societas Civilis”, Political Science Department, Faculty of Law “Iustinianus I”, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia Hans-Rimbert Hemmer Emeritus professor of economics, Germany Claire Gordon London School of Economy and Political Science, England Robert Hislope Political Science Department, Union College, USA Ana Matan-Todorcevska Faculty of political science, Zagreb University, Croatia Predrag Cvetičanin University of Niš, Republic of Serbia Vladimir Misev OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, Poland Sandra Koljačkova Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Republic of Macedonia Address: KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG ul. Risto Ravanovski 8 MK - 1000 Skopje Phone: 02 3217 075; Fax: 02 3217 076 ; E-mail: [email protected]; Internet: www.kas.de INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY “SOCIETAS CIVILIS” SKOPJE Mitropolit Teodosij Gologanov 42A/3 MK - 1000 Skopje; Phone/ Fax: 02 30 94 760; E-mail: [email protected]; Internet: www.idscs.org.mk E-mail: [email protected] Printing: Vincent grafika - Skopje Cover page design: Gjorgie Jovanoviќ Design & Technical preparation: Pepi Damjanovski Translation: Ognena Nikuljski Macedonian Language Editor: Elena Sazdovska English Language Editor: Susannah Haven Hightower The views expressed in the magazine are not the views of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung and the Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” Skopje.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Cycles of the Economy of Modern Greece from 1821 to the Present
    GreeSE Papers Hellenic Observatory Discussion Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe Paper No. 158 Historical Cycles of the Economy of Modern Greece from 1821 to the Present George Alogoskoufis April 2021 Historical Cycles of the Economy of Modern Greece from 1821 to the Present George Alogoskoufis GreeSE Paper No. 158 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Hellenic Observatory or the LSE © George Alogoskoufis Contents I. The Major Historical Cycles of Modern Greece II. Nation Building, the ‘Great Idea’ and Economic Instability and Stagnation, 1821- 1898 II.1 The Re-awakening of the Greek National Conscience and the War of Independence II.2 Kapodistrias and the Creation of the Greek State II.3 State Building under the Regency and the Monarchy II.4 The Economy under the Monarchy and the 1843 ‘Default’ II.5 The Constitution of 1844, the ‘Great Idea’ and the End of Absolute Monarchy II.6 Changing of the Guard, Political Reforms and Territorial Gains II.7 Fiscal and Monetary Instability, External Borrowing and the 1893 ‘Default’ II.8 Transformations and Fluctuations in a Stagnant Economy III. Wars, Internal Conflicts and National Expansion and Consolidation, 1899-1949 III.1 From Economic Stabilisation to the Balkan Triumphs III.2 The ‘National Schism’, the Asia Minor Disaster and the End of the ‘Great Idea’ III.3 Political Instability, Economic Stabilisation, ‘Default’ of 1932 and Rapid Recovery III.4 From the Disaster of the Occupation to the Catastrophic Civil War III.5 Growth and Recessions from the 19th Century to World War II IV.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Cincinnati
    UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI Date:___________________ I, _________________________________________________________, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: in: It is entitled: This work and its defense approved by: Chair: _______________________________ _______________________________ _______________________________ _______________________________ _______________________________ SLAVERY AND DEPENDENT PERSONNEL IN THE LINEAR B ARCHIVES OF MAINLAND GREECE A thesis submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Classical Studies of the College of Arts and Sciences 2004 by Kalliopi Efkleidou B.A., Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 2001 Committee Chair: Jack L. Davis ABSTRACT SLAVERY AND DEPENDENT PERSONNEL IN THE LINEAR B ARCHIVES OF MAINLAND GREECE by Kalliopi Efkleidou This work focuses on the relations of dominance as they are demonstrated in the Linear B archives of Mainland Greece (Pylos, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Thebes) and discusses whether the social status of the “slave” can be ascribed to any social group or individual. The analysis of the Linear B tablets demonstrates that, among the lower-status people, a social group that has been generally treated by scholars as internally undifferentiated, there were differentiations in social status and levels of dependence. A set of conditions that have been recognized as being of central importance to the description of the
    [Show full text]
  • The Question of Northern Epirus at the Peace Conference
    Publication No, 1. THE QUESTION OF NORTHERN EPIRUS AT THE PEACE CONFERENCE BY NICHOLAS J. CASSAVETES Honorary Secretary of the Pan-Epirotie Union of America BMTKB BY CAEEOLL N. BROWN, PH.D. *v PUBLISHED FOR THE PAN-EPIROTIC UNION OF AMERICA ? WâTBB STREET, BOSTOH, MASS. BY OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AMERICAN BRANCH 85 WEST 32ND S1REET, NEW YÛHK 1919 THE PAN-EPIROTIC UNION OF AMERICA GENERAL COUNCIL Honorary President George Christ Zographos ( Ex-president of the Autonomous State of Epirus and formes Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece) Honorary Secretary Nicholas J. Cassavetes President Vassilios K. Meliones Vice-President Sophocles Hadjiyannis Treasurer George Geromtakis General Secretary Michael 0. Mihailidis Assistant Secretary Evangelos Despotes CENTRAL OFFICE, ? Water Street, Room 4Î0, BOSTON, MASS. THE QUESTION OF NORTHERN EPIRUS AT THE PEACE CONFERENCE BY NICHOLAS J. CASSAVETES Honorary Secretary of the Pan-Bpirotic Union of America EDITED BY CARROLL N. BROWN, PH.D. PUBLISHED FOR THE PAN-EPIROTIC UNION OF AMERICA 7 WATER STREET, BOSTON, MASS. BY OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AMERICAN BRANCH 85 WEST 82ND STREET, NEW YORK 1919 COPYIUQHT 1919 BY THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PKKSS AMERICAN BRANCH PREFACE Though the question of Northern Epirus is not pre­ eminent among the numerous questions which have arisen since the political waters of Europe were set into violent motion by the War, its importance can be measured neither by the numbers of the people involved, nor by the serious­ ness of the dangers that may arise from the disagreement of the two or three nations concerned in the dispute. Northern Epirus is the smallest of the disputed territories in Europe, and its population is not more than 300,000.
    [Show full text]
  • Movement for the Renaissance of Northern Epirus
    MOVEMENT FOR THE RENAISSANCE OF NORTHERN EPIRUS OSCE HUMAN DIMENSION IMPLEMENTATION MEETING 16 September - 27 September 2019 Warsaw – Poland Working session 3: Democratic institutions, including: – Democracy at the national, regional and local levels – Democratic elections Contact Person: Dimitrios Perdikis [email protected] Municipal elections were held in Albania on June 30, 2019. The opposition abstained and did not recognize the process, as did the President of the Albanian Republic, who declared that these elections were not legal and he did not recognize the result. The candidates were from the ruling Socialist Party. In some municipalities the governing party also supported some independent or coalition local people just for the pretexts. But the condemnation of this tactics came from all sides. From abroad as well as from within the country. What happened that day is a clear attempt by Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama to establish a one-party regime. The OSCE emphasized that these elections were held with little regard to the interests of the electorate, with voter turnout at around 15%. In the case of the Municipality of Himara, we faced a gross violation of human rights and democracy for the Greek National Minority, with the exclusion of its candidate Freddy Beleris. In the Municipality of Himara the property of the members of the Greek National Minority is being confiscated, with vile methods that go beyond any legal concept and clear human rights violations. On the issue of representation at the level of national elections, unlike other European countries, there is no quantitative representation of the Greek National Minority in the Albanian parliament.
    [Show full text]