Association Internationale d’Archéologie de la Caraïbe International Association for Caribbean Archaeology Asociación Internacional de Arqueología del Caribe Migration and Adaptation Interaction Spheres Sommaire • Contents • Contenidos Session - Sessíon 03 103 Sommaire • Contents • Contenidos

A tale of two archipelagoes : The first stage of full horticulturalist colonization in Oceania and the Caribbean

Arie Boomert - Faculty of Archaeology Leiden University, The Netherlands [email protected]

Abstract This paper investigates the hypothesis that the first fully horticulturalist settlers who moved into the Caribbean and Oceania were confronted with comparable situations and challenges related to the archipelagic setting of both regions. Accordingly, the characteristics, staging and hypothesized causes of the migrations of the peoples of the Lapita complex into Melanesia and West Polynesia (1800-100 cal BC) and those of the Saladoid series into the West Indies (350 cal BC to cal AD 300) are discussed. Besides, the correlation of the movements of the migrants in both archipelagoes with the spread of two specific major linguistic families, Austronesian and Arawakan, is analysed. It is concluded that most likely the combination of the search for abiotic and biotic resources coupled with social incentives formed the stimuli for the horticulturalist wanderings in both archipelagoes

Résumé Ce document étudie l’hypothèse que les premiers colons de horticulteurs qui ont emménagé dans le Caraïbe et l’Océanie ont été confrontée avec des situations comparables et des défis liés à l'arrangement archipelagic des deux régions. En conséquence, les caractéristiques, l’échafaudage et les causes présumées des migrations des peuples du complexe de Lapita dans la Mélanésie et Polynésie occidental (1800 à 100 avant J.C.) et ceux de la série de Saladoid dans les Antilles (350 avant J.C. à 300 après J.C.) sont discutés. En outre, la corrélation des mouvements des migrants dans les deux archipels avec la diffusion des deux familles linguistiques importantes spécifiques, Austronesian et Arawakan, est analysée. On le conclut que très probablement la combinaison de la recherche des ressources abiotiques et biotiques couplées avec des incitations sociales a formé les stimulus pour le mouvement de horticulteurs dans les deux archipels

Resumen Este papel investiga la hipótesis de que los primeros pobladores horticultores que se mundaron en el Caribe y la Oceanía fueron enfrentados con situaciones comparables y desafíos relacionados con el ajuste archipelágico de ambas regiones. Por consiguiente, las características, el estacionamiento y las causas presumidas de las migraciones de la gente del complejo de Lapita en Melanesia y Polinesia del oeste (1800-100 a.C.) y las de la serie de Saladoid en las Antillas (350 a.C. al 300 d.C.) se discuten. Además, la correlación de los movimientos de los migrantes en ambos archipiélagos con la extensión de las dos familias lingüísticas específicas importantes, Austronesian y Arawakan, se analiza. Se concluye que muy probablemente la combinación de la búsqueda para los recursos abióticos y bióticos juntados con incentivos sociales formó los estímulos para el movimiento de los horticultores en ambos archipiélagos.

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Introduction At a particular stage in their prehistoric past the first waves of forms of movement: hunting or fishing trips, seasonal rounds, indigenous horticulturalist peoples moved into two of the major commuter activities, transhumance, expeditions for exchange tropical island realms of the world, the Caribbean and Oceania. or war, etc. Because of their temporary character these cannot Because of the archipelagic setting, these colonizing groups, which be called migrations. Moreover, migrational human behaviour can be assumed to have shown similar modes of subsistence and is typically performed by defined societal subgroups, oriented comparable levels of sociopolitical integration, were confronted to specific goals, targeted on known destinations, and likely to with to a certain extent identical situations and challenges and, proceed along familiar routes. consequently, it can be hypothesized that the characteristics, Bypassing it may be noted that migration as an archaeological staging and presumed causes of their migrations and forms of model explaining cultural change is on the way of strong recovery adaptation to the archipelagic environment they encountered show from a period of serious rejection which started in the highdays significant similarities. This paper investigates these presumed of the New Archaeology. Indeed, the school of processional correspondences by juxtaposing these movements, i.e. that of the archaeology put emphasis on internal forces of social, economic Lapita complex into Melanesia and West Polynesia (1800-100 cal and cultural development and eschewed invoking what were BC) and that of the Saladoid series into the Caribbean (350 cal BC to called external causes such as migration as the motor of observed cal AD 300), keeping in mind that neither archipelago was entirely features of change. Although archaeological theory has long passed virgin territory at the time of the full horticulturalist (‘Neolithic’) this paradigmatic stage and embraced post-processionalism, colonization. The avenue adopted here to approach this research the old attitude of anti-migrationism is still quite alive at least in problem is to combine anthropological theory on migrations in Europe although there are signs that even here things are changing general with the archaeological evidence and relevant knowledge (Burmeister 2000; Hakenbeck 2008). This reversal of attitudes regarding the historical linguistics of both archipelagoes. Research was signaled in a classic paper by Anthony (1990) who, admitting into ancient genetics may also contribute to the picture, although that the traditional approaches to migration fell short because this is not very well advanced, neither in Oceania nor in the they lacked a methodology to understand the general structure Caribbean. of migration as a form of patterned human behavior, accused the More specifically, the part of Oceania under discussion includes processional archaeologists of throwing away the baby with the Melanesia and West Polynesia, actually the region between the bathwater (also Anthony 1997; Chapman and Hamerow 1997). Admirality Islands and Samoa, a distance of 4800 km as the crow It may be added that in the South American tropical lowlands flies. It should be kept in mind that the distance between the former long-distance Amerindian movements are well attested by coast of Venezuela and Puerto Rico where the Saladoid movement ethnohistorical accounts and archaeology. ended, is only slightly more than one fifth of this, some 900 km. Their geographical configuration is another difference between both archipelagoes. The Caribbean typically consists of a series of The pre-Lapita settlement of Melanesia stepping-stone islands, most of which are intervisible, with only The portion of Oceania under discussion here is the island realm of a few ocean gaps in the portion of the region under discussion, Melanesia, or ‘Near Oceania’, which shows a series of intervisible including one of 135 km which separates Grenada from the chains of large to relatively small islands stretching from New Venezuelan coast and Trinidad, and the similarly wide Anegada Guinea to the east, as far as the 350-km ocean gap between the Passage between Anguilla and the Virgin Islands. Besides, the Solomon Islands and the Reef/Santa Cruz archipelago. Together configuration of the West Indies as an archipelago consisting of a with Vanuatu (New Hebrides) and New Caledonia the Reef/Santa string of increasingly smaller islands, the Lesser Antilles, stretching Cruz archipelago forms the westernmost island group of ‘Remote from the mainland to the north and northwest, and extending into Oceania’. These islands are separated by a stretch of 850 km a group of large-sized islands, the Greater Antilles, is quite the open ocean from Fiji, Tonga and Samoa, together known as West reverse of the situation in Oceania. Polynesia. Still further to the east the islands of Oceania become Regarding the matter of human migration in general, it should be increasingly smaller, showing depauperate habitats with only birds obvious from the outset that the horticulturalist migrations into and bats, and are farther removed from each other. Rapa Nui (Easter both archipelagoes have to be seen as processes, not as single Island) is the easternmost island of Oceania, situated at a distance events. Indeed, anthropological investigation into migrations in of some 12,000 km from the Admiralty Islands and the Bismarck general shows that these represent multilayered and complex archipelago. As to size, it should be kept in mind that New Britain, processes encompassing a few to many persons which tend to the most extended island of Melanesia (35,000 km2), is half as proceed in somewhat predictable ways and involve long-term large as Hispaniola (76,500 km2) and almost four times Puerto residential relocation by a number of discrete social units (Curet Rico (9000 km2). Environmentally most islands of Melanesia and 2005:27-61; Kearney 1986). Long-term is the keyword here as, of West Polynesia are continental in character, showing large, varied course, humans engage in numerous often frequently occurring habitats with rich biotic and abiotic resources, and originated

105 Actes du 24e congrès de l’AIAC - 2011 Arie Boomert due to volcanic activities. It is a tectonically unstable region with Santa Cruz archipelago, thereby bridging a gap of 350 km open sea, numerous live volcanoes. In both it resembles the Lesser Antilles. followed by Vanuatu and New Caledonia. Finally, by 1100/800 cal Actually, a major volcanic outbreak took place at Mount Witori BC Fiji, Lau, Samoa and Tonga in West Polynesia were occupied, this (New Britain) about 3600 BP (1900 cal BC), just before the Lapita time after covering a stretch of 850 km open ocean. This means that immigration into Melanesia (Kirch 2000:88). Coral islands are in minimally six centuries or 20-30 successive human generations increasingly found in Remote Oceania. (taking each generation to have a length of 20-30 years) some 4800 When were these islands settled for the first time by humans? Near km ocean (from the Admirality Islands to Samoa) was bridged. A Oceania was originally occupied by preceramic hunters, fishers final minor colonization phase took place about 200-100 cal BC and broad-spectrum foragers who perhaps partially tended wild when some smaller islands close to Fiji and Tonga were settled plant foods, including taro (Colocasia). The first settlement of (Kirch 2000:85-116; Kirch and Kahn 2007). Near Oceania happened as early as Late Pleistocene times when Here, in West Polynesia, the Lapita migration stopped for what due to lower sea level New Guinea was still attached to Australia, has been called the ‘Long Pause’ of Oceanic settlement because forming the Sahul landmass (Bellwood and Hiscock 2005; Kirch movement into the rest of Polynesia started as late as cal AD 750. 2000:63-84). The first colonists must have had some form of During this long pause in the Polynesian Triangle the Lapita peoples watercraft, perhaps bamboo rafts, bark boats or dugouts, as in developed ‘Ancestral Polynesian Society’ as Kirch and Green (2001) Island Southeast Asia (Wallacea) there were open water gaps of at have called it, i.e. the Polynesian homeland known as Hawaiki in least 200 km. In settling the islands from Sahul, they also appear to Polynesian mythology. Consequently, the overall pattern of Oceanic have translocated particular mammals from New Guinea as living settlement can be characterized as episodic: phases of intensive larders, pets or for fur, incisors, etc., thereby enriching the endemic explorative activities were followed by shorter or longer periods land fauna of Island Melanesia, which included only birds, bats, of stasis. Anthropological theory of migration would classify rats and reptiles, by murids (a rodent) and marsupials such as the the Lapita colonization of Oceania, just as that of the Saladoid cuscus, bandicoot and wallaby. Also, according to palynological peoples in the Caribbean, as a form of leapfrogging (or saltatory investigations, the forests of New Britain were affected by the jumping) involving group movement over considerable distances activities of these preceramic foragers to a certain extent from as after fissioning with the ‘mother’ community. Leapfrogging groups early as 4000 cal BC onwards. generally disperse rapidly over large areas, but are demographically The preceramic settlers of Melanesia used simple expedient core unstable and extremely vulnerable to extinction due to disease, and flake tools (Pavlides 2006). To this end they used obsidian from accident or environmental hazards. Leapfrogging can be opposed sources on New Britain, which they were prepared to carry far: a site to movement according to a string-of-pearls (wave-of-advance) on New Ireland has yielded obsidian from a New Britain source, model, involving fissioning and settlement at close distance from 350 km away. The occupation of rock shelters suggests an inland the ‘mother’ population in a frontier situation (Moore 2001; Moore orientation. By 35,000 BP Island Melanesia, notably New Britain and Moseley 2001). and New Ireland in the Bismarck archipelago, became inhabited The Lapita voyages of discovery and colonization in Melanesia and from New Guinea and by 29,000 BP the Solomon Islands. Finally, beyond are generally assumed to have formed only one stage of by 13,000 BP Manus in the Admiralty Islands was settled for the a much more extended human movement in Southeast Asia, that first time. This island is beyond one-way intervisibility from New of the Austronesian-speaking peoples (Bellwood 2001; Bellwood Ireland, and reaching it involves the blind crossing of 60-90 km in and Hiscock 2005). At present the Austronesian language (super) a 200-230 km voyage. All of this suggests that these journeys were family encompasses in all 450 languages distributed in entire not accidental. A fundamental barrier to further expansion to the Southeast Asia (Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia) and Oceania east proved to be the 350-km sea gap between the Solomons and next to Madagascar. In fact, it is the second largest language family Santa Cruz/Reef archipelago. It was not until the Lapita movement on earth. Its homeland is sought in Taiwan from where as linguists that this stretch of ocean was bridged. assume Austronesian expanded to the south and southeast, starting around 3000 cal BC (Pawley 2002, 2007). In all the Austronesian linguistic expansion from Taiwan to Rapa Nui would The Lapita movements have covered some 13,000 km. Reconstruction of the Austronesian proto-language suggests that the first Austronesian-speaking In Melanesia the appearance of the prehistoric pottery-making peoples were horticulturalists, who cultivated taro, coconut, horticulturalist tradition, which has become known as the Lapita banana and breadfruit, had domesticated animals such as pigs, cultural complex (Fig. 1) after the first site where it was discovered chicken and dogs, and travelled using outrigger canoes provided (on New Caledonia), can be dated to ca. 1800 cal BC (3500 with sails. This is consistent with the archaeological evidence BP). Throughout entire Near Oceania its beginnings are almost regarding the first horticulturalist peoples of Southeast Asia. contemporaneous, between 1800 and 1600/1500 cal BC. Some two to three hundred years later a second phase of long-distance All Austronesian languages of Oceania are ascribed to the Oceanic voyaging and colonization began with the settlement of the Reef/ subgroup which is felt to have originated in the Bismarcks at the

106 Actes du 24e congrès de l’AIAC - 2011 Arie Boomert time of the Lapita cultural complex. At present, this part of Island was followed by a renewed outburst of exploration and voyaging, Melanesia shows a curious mixture of peoples speaking Oceanic leading to the colonization of entire Polynesia including Hawaii and languages belonging to the Papuan linguistic (super)family and New Zealand, from cal AD 750 onwards. It would have been the which is largely restricted to New Guinea, encompassing in all 750 development of the typically Polynesian double-hulled canoe that languages. It has been suggested that the Papuan languages were facilitated the expansion of Ancestral Polynesian Society out of the introduced by the preceramic settlers of New Guinea, which as we Polynesian homeland (Anderson 2003, 2004). have seen moved into Island Melanesia by as early as 35,000 BP. In the latter archipelago they must represent relict languages spoken by populations who may have acculturated gradually to the Lapita Lapita culture and subsistence way of life but resisted the adoption of Austronesian. Let us now have a closer look at Lapita culture, first of all its The successive island settling by the Lapita peoples in Oceania has distinctive pottery. This includes sand- or shell-tempered, globular been ascribed to purposeful voyages of discovery and colonization. jars with carinated profiles and outturned rims next to open bowls The idea that the islands of the Pacific were accidentally discovered or dishes with flaring sides showing pedestalled or ring-feet bases. as the result of drift voyages has long been abandoned. And this Vessel surfaces are typically red-slipped, often showing horizontal raises the question of Lapita watercraft and navigation. First of all zones of finely executed, complex designs applied by pressing a it must be realized that the prevailing trade winds and currents small toothed (so-called ‘dentate’) stamp, probably made of a are east to west, thus not in favour of voyaging into Oceania. Irwin turtle scute, into the leather-hard clay before firing. Motifs often (1992, 2008), an accomplished yachtsman and archaeologist, has comprise human faces. Some details associated with these faces pointed out that the stretch of sea (corridor) from Island Southeast suggest ear plugs or may indicate sex, status and group affiliation. Asia to East Melanesia following the north coast of the Bismarcks After firing the designs were originally filled with lime or white clay. and Solomons forms what he called a ‘voyaging nursery’ sheltered White painting and incised motifs occur as well. It is noteworthy that from the tropical hurricane belts to the north and south where dentate-stamped or incised and red-slipped pottery showing quite seasonal, thus predictable, changes in current and wind directions similar vessel shapes are well known from early horticulturalist may have encouraged early sea explorers to sail east and the contexts in Island Southeast Asia. Undecorated vessels include planning of return voyages using the trade winds (in the reverse bowls and globular jars, perhaps serving for storage of sago ‘flour’ direction) was possible. The Lapita peoples used what Irwin has (Ambrose 1997; Bedford 2006). called a ‘maximum survival strategy’. Consequently, the sea Interestingly, the most complex vessel forms and most elaborate travels of the Lapita peoples were not chance voyages but planned designs are only found at the oldest Lapita sites, in the Bismarck exercises. Recently, it has been suggested that these voyages archipelago. This Early Lapita phase, which is dated between got an impetus during years of El Niño-Southern Oscillation (also 1800 and 1600/1500 cal BC, is known also as the Far Western or known as ENSO-forcing) events which are correlated with westerly Early Western epoch. A second episode, the Middle Lapita phase winds and significant eastern water flows. Besides, in the Central or Western epoch, is characterized by fewer vessel forms and less and West Pacific such years are typified by droughts and inthe complex decorative motifs. It is dated between ca. 1600/1500 and East Pacific by heavy rains and floods. Indeed, the period of Lapita 1100 cal BC and is represented throughout Near Oceania and in expansion appears to be characterized by a high frequency of such the Reef Islands/Santa Cruz, Vanuatu and New Caledonia. Middle El Niño years (Anderson et al. 2006). Lapita is followed by a third and final episode, the Late Lapita Unfortunately, archaeological remains of the types of watercraft phase or Eastern epoch, in the entire area of Lapita distribution, utilized by the Lapita peoples are lacking. Most specialists assume now including West Polynesia as well. This is typified by still simpler that they had outrigger (dugout) canoes provided with (triangular) decorated pottery. Ultimately only plain wares survived and by cal spritsails (made of plaited mats) on spars and lacking fixed masts or AD 300 pottery was at all abandoned in West Polynesia, being standing rigging. As we have seen, this type of craft was most likely replaced by wooden vessels. Consequently, there is a continual developed in Island Southeast Asia. Actually, these vessels could degeneration in pottery making and decoration throughout the only sail downwind, not across the wind: they had no windward development of Lapita culture. By 800 cal BC dentate-stamping had capability. It is a type of craft that at present has a wide distribution in ended everywhere, except perhaps for some areas in the Bismarcks Oceania. Apparently, the typically Polynesian double-hulled canoe (Best 2002; Summerhayes 2000:5-8,235, 2001). was not known yet. Clearly, the Lapita mariners used the position of What can be concluded from the Lapita settlement patterns and the heavenly bodies and dead reckoning for navigating. They must subsistence strategies? The in all 229 Lapita settlement sites have learned about the Oceanic weather patterns and landmarks in and activity areas clearly reflect a distinctly maritime orientation Irwin’s voyaging corridor, and similarly acquired the knowledge to although recently the number of sites discovered in the (malaria- ‘read’ the natural signs of land at sea during exploratory voyages. infested) inland forests of the various islands has grown (Bedford The limitations of Lapita sailing technology have been seen as and Sand 2007). Most sites are to be found on coastal beach terraces the cause of the ‘Long Pause’ in West Polynesia, which indeed or built over shallow lagoons as clusters of probably stilt houses.

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The majority of sites are smaller than 5000 m2, suggesting hamlets marine inshore life. Besides, a rapid depletion of faunal resources of 1-10 dwellings. A few are larger, between 9000 and 15,000 m2, took place, especially among the resources of high food value and may have had 15-20 houses. The largest site, Talepakemalai which were targeted first (following an optimal foraging scenario), (Mussau), includes 7-8 hectares. All are located in close proximity notably flightless land birds, colonial-breeding sea birds, shoreline to fresh water and good gardening land. A site on a sandy beach mammals, turtles, large reef fish, and mollusks. It is illustrative of terrace in the Reef Islands was found to be characterized by the extreme vulnerability of the island ecosystems which the Lapita configurations of wooden posts suggesting a main ovalish house of peoples had entered. 7x10 m, yielding decorated pottery and provided with earth ovens (using heating stones), next to a cooking shed area with plain pottery accompanied by food storage pits, perhaps used especially Lapita voyaging and interaction networks for ensilage and fermentation of breadfruit paste. Finally, the Lapita site itself yielded a cache of large decorated vessels with The presence in the Lapita assemblage of animal species which may perforated bases, perhaps indicating their ritual killing. Recently, have been introduced from New Guinea has raised the question of the first Lapita cemetery was discovered at Teouma, Efate Island, Lapita origins and crystallization and, following Spriggs (1997:67- Vanuatu (New Hebrides). It encompasses 36 bodies in 25 graves 107) and Green (2000), I wish to conclude that most likely Lapita with inhumation skeletons and burial jars, dating to ca. 1000 cal arose in the Bismarck archipelago due to the fusion of intrusive BC. All skeletons are headless; the heads were apparently removed Austronesian and indigenous Papuan cultural traditions. Green after burial, occasionally replaced with cone shell rings, and (2000) devised the Triple-I model to account for Lapita origins reburied. One burial of an elderly man had three skulls lined up on which he felt should be seen in terms of intrusion, innovation his chest (Bedford et al. 2006). and integration. For instance, tree crops such as coconut, bread fruit and certain palm nuts may have been adopted by the Lapita Lapita subsistence strategies are well known (Allen 2000; Kirch peoples in Island Melanesia. The same applies to the Lapita 2000:109-12). The Lapita peoples were horticulturalists, combining predilection for processing food in earth ovens. Also, some items of gardening, arboriculture (orchard-based tree cropping) and animal material culture may have been adopted from the local preceramic husbandry with hunting, fishing and broad-spectrum foraging. A inhabitants of Island Melanesia, e.g. ground shell and lithic tools, variety of tubers, fruits and tree crops were cultivated, including shell and shark teeth ornaments, and the use of obsidian and root crops (taro and yams), coconuts, bananas, breadfruit, chert for making simple expedient flake tools. Other artifacts had pandanus, tree almonds, and Malay apples. The Lapita settlers a distinctly Southeast Asian parentage or were developed in the must have combined swidden cultivation of root crops in the forest, course of Lapita establishment in Near Oceania. using simple digging sticks and ground-stone or shell adzes, next to gardens of perennial tree crops in and around their villages. They An entirely indigenous origin for Lapita in Island Melanesia, such as had few domesticated animals, notably pigs, dogs and chickens. has been suggested by Terrell and Welsch (1996), has to be rejected In addition, they hunted for marsupials, birds, lizards and turtles, as apart from archaeological and linguistic evidence, archaeogenetic collected crabs and shellfish (clams, oysters, conchs), and fished for research of nuclear DNA has indicated that the present and Lapita inshore and reef species including parrotfish, surgeon fish, sharks, population of Oceania is derived from Southeast Asia. At present rays, and, less frequently, for pelagic fish such as tuna, using shell the genetic influence of the pre-Lapita population is still visible fishhooks, net sinkers and trolling lures. For food processing the in parts of Near Oceania, indicating extensive genetic intermixing Lapita peoples used shell scrapers, peeling knives and stone nut and cultural reticulation between intrusive Austronesian-speaking crackers (anvil stones) Lapita peoples and the local preceramic Papuan-speakers in the past. This is shown also by several genetic markers and the typically Apart from food crops and domesticated animals, the Lapita Melanesian paternally transmitted Y-chromosome patterns among colonists introduced unintentionally animals such as garden present Polynesians (Friedlaender et al. 2002; Hagelberg 2001; snails, Pacific rats, geckos, skinks, and lizards, and weeds as Hurles et al. 2003). All of this is suggestive of what has been called inadvertent stowaways in their canoes to the Oceanic islands. It a Slow Boat model for the Austronesian expansion from Taiwan can be concluded that by introducing an ensemble of crops, weeds into Southeast Asia and Oceania (Anderson 2000), discarding the and animals the Lapita peoples transported an entire landscape Express Train model once devised by Diamond (1988). Both the into Oceania (Kirch 1997:220-6, 2000:59-62). Understandably, the genetic and the archaeological evidence strongly suggest that Near Lapita subsistence activities had important repercussions for the Oceania, especially the Bismarcks, formed a sort of homeland to natural landscape of the islands of Melanesia and West Polynesia. the Lapita peoples where they stayed a few hundred years prior to Major vegetational changes took place due to the clearing expanding into the rest of Island Melanesia. (burning) of forests for swidden cultivation which often resulted in the development of savannas or fern woods, accelerated erosion Intermixing between Lapita migrants and the local preceramic and consequently increased flooding in the wet season while Melanesians is obvious also from the complex patterns of lithic the increased sediment loads in streams and rivers affected the resource utilization which can be reconstructed in Near Oceania.

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The Lapita settlers obtained clay and temper for pottery, obsidian, Shell ornaments not unlike the present kula valuables are present chert, basalt and andesite rocks used as oven stones, as well at various Lapita sites throughout the region, but only at two as metavolcanic axes from a wide range of sources. Often their sites, including Talepakemalai (Mussau), there is evidence of their acquisition must have involved long oversea voyages. The Lapita manufacture next to that of shell fishhooks. These ornaments sites on the Reef Islands/Santa Cruz archipelago, for instance, include shell rings, long, rectangular plaques, and button- (discs) have yielded oven stones and clays and temper for pottery from or barrel-shaped beads. Interestingly, Mussau, where one of sources at distances of less than 20 km, while their inhabitants these sites is located, lacks obsidian or adze stone sources, but acquired stone adzes, finished pottery and obsidian from the site has yielded many exotic items. The same applies to the sources 275-380 km away, and pieces of sandstone, schist and second known production centre of shell ornaments, Naigani/ obsidian from as far away as 1500-2000 km. Various authors have Lakebi in the Eastern Lapita realm. Kirch (1991, 1997:144-6,227-55, concluded that these artifacts and raw materials represented 2000:112-5,122-4) considers these shell ornaments to have been exchange items, thus reflecting complex patterns of regional true valuables, reflecting an exchange network that was set up by interaction networks. the Lapita peoples during their colonization voyages in Oceania. It should be kept in mind that obsidian, which is to be found However, as Green and Kirch (1997) have emphasized, there did naturally only on the Admiralty Islands, New Britain, the Fergusson not exist a single, integrated Lapita exchange network, but several archipelago, and the Banks Islands (Vanuatu), was used by the regional provinces each with their own artifact distribution preceramic settlers of Island Melanesia already and it has been systems: Near Oceania, Vanuata/New Caledonia, Reef Islands/ suggested that the Lapita peoples stepped into an already existing Santa Cruz, and West Polynesia. Clearly, exchange was dynamic distribution network of obsidian. Obsidian was highly estimated and in flux, never static or stable. Everywhere there is a decrease for the production of small flake cutting and scraping tools, points in the complexity of the artifact distribution patterns throughout and gravers (Torrence et al. 1996). Actually, the exact mechanics of Lapita times: volume as well as diversity in the artifacts involved the observed spread of the obsidian and other rock materials in lessen through time and their geographical extent appears to Melanesia and West Polynesia are not entirely clear. Indeed, the contract. In other words: the greatest complexity and extension of idea that they represent items of exchange can only be accepted as Lapita interaction can be dated to the time of expansion and first likely, not in all cases as proven, although, of course, it is tempting colonization of the region while later the distribution networks to consider the hypothesized Lapita exchange network as the became localized. Especially the gap of 850 km open ocean origins of the highly complex and specialised exchange systems of between Western (Near Oceania-Reef/Santa Cruz-Vanuatu-New present Melanesia such as the kula. Caledonia) and Eastern Lapita (West Polynesia) was too great and the risk of voyaging too high to sustain regular contacts Indeed, Green (1996) who analysed the distribution patterns (Summerhayes 2000:8-14). of the materials involved, concluded that only in case of items recovered from localities farther away than say 50 km we can All of this raises the question of the meaning and function of long- hypothesize exchange between trade partners. He postulates four distance interaction and exchange in Lapita society. Kirch has distance-based modes of exchange for a site on the Reef Islands: emphasized that it formed an essential social aspect of the Lapita (1) direct access: recovery from localities up to ca. 50 km away from colonization and dispersal strategy as it ensured the maintenance the site (oven stones), (2) local reciprocity: sources at 50-100 km of linkages between the homeland and daughter communities, a distance, (3) one-stop-reciprocity: sources at distances of 300-400 ‘lifeline’ so to speak, the need of which lessened with time. The km (obsidian, chert, meta-volcanic adzes), and (4) down-the-line- keeping up of formal ties between the Lapita pioneer communities exchange: sources at 2000 km at least (obsidian, particular rocks). and the established homeland villages during the first phase of In Green’s opinion the rocks and artifacts derived from localities as Oceanic occupation answers the critical situation encountered by far away as at least 2000 km had more than just utilitarian value. small colonizing communities in virgin environments anywhere Two obsidian flakes at the Reef Island site came from the west, New in the world. It is an adaptive strategy ensuring that such Britain to be precise, the area of Lapita origins, 4500 km from the propagules can survive at all. Demographically, such communities site. Similarly, obsidian from New Britain made it to Vanuatu, New are extremely unstable and the establishment of external ties in Caledonia, and Fiji. Indeed, in the Reef Islands locally available order to obtain suitable marriage partners is critical (Moore 2001; obsidian was only marginally used initially; preference was given Williamson and Sabath 1984). Maintenance of a lifeline with to obsidian from Near Oceanic sources. Flake tools made of the homeland ‘mother’ communities or resuming relations with sedimentary chert found in the Reef Islands also had source areas other pioneer villages in a still sparsely inhibited region answers in the west, the Solomons Islands, ignoring the local coralline chert this critical situation, reducing the risk of extinction. The latter (Sheppard 1996). Obsidian from New Britain also moved west, was lessened in this way also in cases of environmental hazards indeed as far as Sabah (Indonesia) where some flakes have been (drought or hurricanes). The following of this kind of strategy was found associated with local red-slipped pottery which is assumed critical until the propagule colonies achieved demographic and to be distantly related to Lapita. subsistence-base stability.

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The problem of acquiring suitable marriage partners is enhanced by Lapita society and religion the fact that it can be assumed that the colonizing communities were Many authors have pondered over the meaning of the demographically skewed as to age and gender ratio. Anthropological iconography shown on Lapita ceremonial pottery, especially the investigation of migrations indicates that migrating groups anthropomorphic face designs which are generally felt to be closely predominantly consist of young adult males, say 20-30 years of age, connected with the religion and social ideology of the makers. It has often recruited from a particular kin group. Consequently, they generally been speculated that they formed representations of deities or clan formed a narrow segment of the society from which they were recruited. ancestors, and that the vessels functioned within a ritual system or Members of leapfrogging (outpost) communities such as those of the cult of ancestors, perhaps replicating tattooed designs which could Lapita peoples faced the problem of finding spouses of suitable age, have been applied to the skin using similar tools. The designs sex, and kinship distance. Such groups may be economically quite would reflect a shared symbolic and religious system linking the self-sustaining, but unable to guarantee their reproductive future due various Lapita communities, providing a charter so to speak for the to the absence of a viable mating network. Colonizing groups of less social system, while variations in the face designs would refer to than 80 people face high extinction probabilities on small oceanic the social identity of individual house-based groups (Chiu 2007). islands. A number of 500 people has been suggested as the minimally This shared cultural code would have facilitated exchange and effective population size of a viable human mating network. Moore other forms of interaction, spiritually assisted by the ancestors, has characterized such outpost colonies as maritime beachhead perhaps taking place during elaborate feasting ceremonies in which communities and notes that in many cases they can only be salvaged by the Lapita ceremonial vessels played a crucial role. The decline in pulses of new colonists. All of this emphasizes the crucial importance pottery decoration once West Polynesia had been reached is often to the Lapita peoples of keeping up contacts with the homeland seen as reflecting the difficulties of keeping contact across the communities and establishing long-lasting relationships with fellow- Lapita culture sphere due to the lengthened communication lines, colonizing communities or indeed established groups of preceramic ultimately leading to a decrease in motivation to maintain such foragers in the region, if these were present at all. contacts. It is a feature of migrations worldwide that they are feed-back Seafaring is typically a male-dominated activity and it has processes, driven by social relationships between emigrants and been speculated that matrilineal inheritance and uxorilocality home communities which are maintained over long periods and characterized Lapita society. The matridominance is explained to great distances through ritual exchange systems. Returning migrants result from the prolonged male absence during the long-distance bring exotic luxury goods and new ideas, thereby enhancing their pathfinding, trading and resource exploitation. Uxorilocality status because of their knowledge of distant realms, that is to say appears to be universally to form the logical outcome of a situation places that are regarded as increasingly supernatural, mythical and in which women do most of the subsistence work and collaborate powerful. Artifacts such as the pieces of obsidian found in the Reef closely during food processing. The corporate interests of the Islands, deriving from New Britain, must have formed luxury items absent males are taken care of by lineage sisters. The preference with profound social and ideological significance. The acquisition for uxorilocality would have resulted in the crystallization of of such prestige goods may have been responsive to the wish to matrilineal descent groups, in Oceania and elsewhere (Hage and maintain ties with the Lapita homeland. Otherwise, they may have Marck 2003). At present many Oceanic societies are matrilineal. All formed heirloom or curated objects, similarly indicating some form of this raises the question of Lapita sociopolitical configuration. of a homeland connotation. At any rate, the older and more westerly While it is obvious that the Lapita cultural complex consisted of situated Lapita communities thus became imbued with prestige small-scale, horticulturalist village communities, the conclusion and the artifacts manufactured there developed into valuables. that most likely they formed simple kinship-based, egalitarian The shrinking complexity and extent of Lapita exchange would then tribal societies, is qualified by authors such as Kirch and Green indicate a lessening of the need to keep up homeland contacts. Did (2001:226-7) who use linguistic evidence to show that at least some the Lapita ceremonial pottery vessels form prestige items as well? form of status differentiation other than that of sex and age existed It is likely that finished specimens were often exchanged, typically in Lapita. during the first phase of Lapita settlement in Near Oceania. Just In this respect it has been pointed out that in Proto-Oceanic, that as the other items of Lapita material culture that were distributed is to say, the language that can be taken to have been spoken by throughout the region, only during the first stage of Oceanic the Lapita peoples, there are terms indicating the existence of colonization the ceramics are sufficiently similar in vessel shape exogamous, unilineal descent groups (*kainanga), tracing descent and decoration that wide-ranging contacts and interaction can be to an eponymous founding ancestor. (Nowadays land is collectively assumed. It is especially the cessation of dentate stamping that controlled by these lineages.) Besides, there are terms showing signals the end of this era. This happened immediately after West that the Proto-Oceanic speakers recognized a birth order distinction Polynesia had been settled. Clearly, the typical dentate-stamped between older and younger siblings, thus some form of ranking. pottery formed a widespread standardized symbol throughout the The leader of the corporate descent group and his first-born son are entire area of Lapita settlement. named *ariki, a term which is related to Polynesian ariki or aliki

110 Actes du 24e congrès de l’AIAC - 2011 Arie Boomert

(‘chief’, ‘head of a lineage’, ‘big or great person’, ‘first born son of kinship-linked colonists following each other along well-defined chief’), implying some kind of hereditary principle for succession routes as well as return movements. Leapfrogging migrations of leadership in Proto-Oceanic society. This suggests that there such as those of the Lapita peoples clearly operated through the may have been some form of ranking in Lapita society, although agency of advance scouts who reconnoitred favourable settling the significance of this and other Proto-Oceanic terms supposed to locations, collected information and relayed it back to the potential refer to ranked positions is disputed (see Pawley 2007). Besides, migrants. People do not move to places they do not know anything Kirch (2000:115) denies that this possible form of ranking can be about. Finally, ties with the homeland tend to be maintained for a called stratified or hierarchical. Instead, he believes that Lapita prolonged period of time. formed a heterarchical or horizontally structured network of areal Apart from social motives, the Lapita movement may have been integration, suggesting that the fundamental social units in society, stimulated by numerous other factors. Anderson (2003) has probably extended households, were in economic competition with suggested that the Lapita expansion as such was initiated by the each other, emphasizing minor distinctions in prestige and wealth, development of the sail in Southeast Asia. As land seems to have particularly played out through formal exchange ceremonies. The been sufficiently available in Near Oceania, population pressure as postulated kind of simple ranking based on the hereditary principle a push factor, favoured among processual archaeologists, is unlikely of seniority (birth order) would have formed the germ of the complex to have played a significant role initially. This may have changed ranking system which much later emerged in Polynesia. during the first period of stasis, the stage of intermixing with the A birth-order based ranking system in which the first-born sons preceramic foragers of New Britain and beyond, during which inherited the rights to the ancestral house and estate may have the establishment of an effective broad-spectrum subsistence formed the expression of what Bellwood (1996) has called a economy including horticulture may have triggered a demographic ‘founder-focused ideology’ giving higher status to those who boom. Also, environmental pressures may have played a role: there descend from early kin-group founders. In Polynesia reverence for appears to be a correlation between a peak in El Niño-Southern such kin-group founders often resulted in their deification, the Oscillation years, producing severe droughts in the Western Pacific, naming of the kin group after the founder/ancestor, and the linking and the beginning of Lapita expansion (Anderson et al. 2006). Pull of status positions associated with economic rights over land with factors such as the rich and varied biotic and abiotic resources of the genealogical closeness to the founding ancestor. A sacerdotal region may have stimulated exploration voyages and colonization. aspect was thus added to the achieved status of lineage founder. Similarly, autocatalysis, as defined by Keegan and Diamond (1987), It is noteworthy that the formation of high-status apex families by could have stimulated the Lapita migrations, that is the discovery founder colonists is a general aspect of migrations everywhere in of some islands may have led to an increasing expectation of more the world. It has been argued that such a founder-based ideology islands to be encountered. constituted the motor of Lapita sea voyaging and colonization as it would have formed an impetus to junior siblings to adopt a strategy of seeking new lands to settle and found their own house and lineage. The maritime orientation of Lapita settlement pattern, Comparing the Lapita and Saladoid movements indicating the occupation of the best dwelling sites with free access The scenario of the Saladoid waves of migration into the West to all resources at desirable coastal locations and avoidance of the Indies presented here malaria-infested island island interiors, is in accordance with this is based on the model developed by Rouse (1986:106-56, 1992) postulated colonization procedure. and modified by Curet (2005:63-76), Keegan (1995, 2004), Siegel Sailing out for exploration voyages, reconnoitring virgin territories, (1991), Wilson (2007), and the author (see Boomert 2000:217-26, finding out new sources of subsistence next to useful raw materials, 2007, n.d.). Various aspects of the Lapita migration into Oceania and establishing settlements to achieve founder status would can be compared directly with the Saladoid movements from apply to testosterone-driven young men, looking for enhancement the mainland of South America into the Antilles. First of all, the of their feelings of self-esteem and anxious for peer-recognition. episode of extensive mixing between the intrusive Austronesian Indeed, Polynesian myths are full of stories about quarreling settlers and the preceramic peoples of the Bismarck archipelago younger and older siblings and express a culturally ingrained ethic lasting perhaps a few centuries, in the process of which Lapita of exploration and discovery (‘wanderlust’). According to Anthony culture developed, can be compared to the period of Saladoid (1990, 1997), the causes of migrations are invariably complex and development between the leaving of the Lower Orinoco by its often difficult to identify. Certainly, monocausal explanations are members about 800 cal BC and the presumed taking off from the out of the question as migrations are multi-layered processes. Venezuelan coast ca. 350 cal BC. The contemporaneity between the Consequently, explaining the Lapita movements exclusively as Saladoid settlers of this region and the Archaic hunters, fishers induced by social factors seems insufficient. Anthropological and foragers of the Ortoiroid series of the Venezuelan littoral and studies of migration note that long-distance migrations never form offshore islands is well established. Indeed, clearly Cedrosan events, but resemble streams involving separate pulses of often Saladoid ‘trade’ pottery has been found in association with the

111 Actes du 24e congrès de l’AIAC - 2011 Arie Boomert lithic and shell industry of the Late Archaic Punta Gorda complex of a fast initial spread in the Antilles is incompatible with one allowing the Manicuaran subseries (Rouse and Cruxent 1963:58). Besides, for a step-by-step colonization of each island due to demographic the present Warao Indians of the Orinoco Delta, who until recently growth (Keegan 1995). According to Siegel (2010), the Saladoid subsisted exclusively on hunting, fishing and food collecting, may colonization of the Caribbean archipelago can best be understood represent the direct descendants of the Ortoiroid Indians of Archaic as a series of non-mutually exclusive ‘pulses’ or small-scale times. The Manicuaran Indians and the first Saladoid immigrants excursions. In fact, the scenario has been envisaged of a multiple of the region, arriving perhaps due to Barrancoid pressure from series of fast initial migrations forming a direct leap forward along the Lower Orinoco Valley, may have established a kind of symbiotic the Lesser Antillean island chain to the Leeward Islands, the Virgin subsistence pattern, exchanging horticultural products for fish and Islands and Puerto Rico, followed by various return movements game meat. finally leading to the settling of all the islands first passed by. Did the Margarita-Paria-Trinidad area function as a kind of ‘voyaging Curet (2005:67-70) has stressed the likelihood that the Saladoid nursery’ comparable to the one in Island Melanesia where maritime peoples on their movement into the West Indies entered a peaceful technology was able to develop gradually in the initial stage of Lapita relationship with the sparse Archaic Indians occupying the occupation? Island-hopping and paddling between the mainland archipelago, cohabiting with them and gradually absorbing their and the islands, for instance, between Margarita and Cumaná, communities. This would replace the previously held scenario of was easy in the Margarita-Paria-Trinidad ‘voyaging corridor’ and a principally inimical relationship between both populations, could be accomplished without losing sight of the mainland coast. at least in the Antilles. Keegan (1995, 2004) postulates a direct Besides, as this region is situated at the southern fringe of the jump to Puerto Rico, assuming that this may indeed have been an Caribbean hurricane belt, it is seldom struck by destructive tropical intended target, rumoured about by the mainland Archaic peoples, storms of hurricane force. Surely, the seasonal and predictable rather than the final outcome of a series of migratory movements. changes in wind direction may have encouraged the early voyagers However, the earliest radiocarbon dates for the Saladoid series to experiment with round-trip expeditions exploring and exploiting are known from Martinique, the Leeward Islands and Puerto Rico, the intervisible islands and coastal stretches. One major distinction suggesting that the first jump into the Caribbean archipelago found between Lapita and Saladoid seafaring should not be forgotten: the a temporary stop in the islands forming the boundary between the absence of knowledge of the sail among the latter as a result of Windwards and the Leewards, some 500 km from the mainland which the Saladoid migrants had to rely primarily on the seasonally coast and halfway to Puerto Rico. Bypassing it should be noted invariable current directions in the Caribbean. that the contemporaneous Huecoid series of Puerto Rico, the Saladoid seafaring and and navigating using large dugouts Virgin Islands and the Leeward Islands can best be interpreted as obviously took place by following the coastal routes of transport originating from close interaction between local Archaic groups in and communication when still in sight of land and navigating by Puerto Rico and Saladoid migrants.1 Unfortunately, little is known observing the celestial bodies and dead reckoning when in the open about the Archaic occupation of the Lesser Antilles in general, sea, just as their descendants in historic times, and for that matter although the available radiocarbon dates suggest at least the the Lapita peoples. Most likely the Saladoid settlers learned about contemporeinity of Archaic indigenes and Saladoid colonists in the the existence of the southern Windward Islands and the necessary Leeward Islands and Puerto Rico. maritime technology and navigational requirements to reach these It is noteworthy that the scenario presented above, postulating an islands due to interaction with the local Manicuaran Indians who almost direct jump to Puerto Rico, has been developed in part to appear to have been acquainted with at least Grenada and the explain the absence of radiocarbon dates prior to about AD 200 Testigos (Boomert 2000:78,83). In this respect it is noteworthy for the various sites of the Saladoid series in the Windward Islands that under exceptionally clear weather conditions the Venezuelan and the southern Leewards (Fitzpatrick 2006). Whether this reflects coast can be observed from high ground on Grenada and it can accurately the dating of the first Saladoid settlers in these islands be assumed that the reverse is possible as well. As north of or is simply due to insufficient research, is difficult to establish. Grenada the islands of the Lesser Antilles are almost permanently Stylistically the Saladoid pottery encountered between the intervisible, travelling as far north as the Anegada Passage, which Venezuelan littoral and Puerto Rico is sufficiently homogeneous to separates the Leeward Islands from the Virgin Islands and Puerto suggest a horizon style which rapidly spread across the Caribbean Rico, is easy. (Siegel 2010). Besides, the number of dates known at all is limited. The interaction and presumed merging of the Saladoid peoples with The absence of early radiocarbon dates for the first Saladoid the Archaic population of the Venezuelan littoral and the former’s communities in the Venezuelan coastal zone is a more serious use of the navigational and maritime topographical knowledge of lacuna in the ‘traditional’ model of Saladoid dispersion. However, the latter may have led to exploration voyages by scouting Saladoid 1 - Huecoid pottery has been found independently as well as associated with Saladoid parties preparing further movements. Apparently, the primary ceramics at settlement sites from eastern Puerto Rico to as far south as the Guadelou- movement was rapid, perhaps due to the fact that few local Archaic pean archipelago. Marked differences exist between the Cedrosan and Huecoid lithic and shell industries as well as subsistence practices, pointing to distinct but interacting settlers were encountered in especially the Windward Islands. Such populations with more or less similar lifestyles (Rodríguez Ramos 2010a:88-144).

112 Actes du 24e congrès de l’AIAC - 2011 Arie Boomert in this region the total number of dates available is minimal as well. Archaic times in the Leeward Islands. The parallel with the spread of Clearly, renewed investigation of the Saladoid sites of Trinidad and obsidian in Oceania during preceramic and Lapita times is obvious. the littoral zone of east and central Venezuela is urgently needed in Again as in Oceania, apart from the imminent desire to establish order to clarify extension and chronology of the local Early Ceramic kinship relationships with the other propagule settlements in settlement.2 the region and perhaps the existing local Archaic communities As we have seen, in Oceania the patterns of resource utilization and in order to enhance the likelihood of survival, the outburst of the distribution of obsidian, chert, oven stones, basalt, andesite ceremonial exchange relationships during Early Saladoid times can rocks, pottery, and shell ornaments strongly suggest numerous be attributed to the wish for similar reasons to keep up a lifeline exploration voyages by the Lapita peoples aimed at the direct relationship with the ‘mother’ communities of the mainland and accessing of wanted artifacts and rock materials next to patterns Trinidad homeland (Hofman et al. 2011). Guanín objects, tapir of complicated interaction networks involving the exchange of shell bones and jaguar and peccary teeth pendants recovered at La Hueca valuables destined to establish long-lasting affinal relationships may similarly represent items suggesting this lifeline or otherwise with other pristine Lapita communities in the region. Indeed, prized heirloom objects. The same applies to the modified or acquiring suitable marriage partners is of paramount importance to unworked valves of nacreous freshwater mussels, at home in the demographically unstable pioneer communities of leapfrogging mainland habitats, which have been found in Saladoid context migrants, which everywhere in the world typically consist of mainly as far north as the Leeward and Virgin Islands. The homogeneity young adult males. It is quite logical therefore that the Early in pottery style during the first phase of Saladoid occupation Saladoid and Huecoid colonists of the Antilles developed a series of the Antilles is strongly suggestive of dense contacts with the of dense interaction and communication networks, comparable home communities. Besides, the iconographic representation of to those of Lapita, in which both exotic-looking stone and shell mainland fauna on the ceramics dating from this period points to valuables, predominantly bodily ornaments, and utilitarian a mythological connection with the mainland (Siegel 1991). This is artifacts were distributed (Hofman et al. 2007, 2010). Clearly, the indicated also by some of the zoomorphic representations shown close resemblances between the horticulturalist settlement of by the Saladoid and Huecoid micro-lapidary accroutrements, Melanesia and the Caribbean by the Lapita and Saladoid peoples, notably those portraying king vultures.3 respectively, are due to the small-island archipelagic setting for As we have seen, the patterns of exchange and other forms of which the creation of affinal ties among pristine and established Lapita interaction may have been facilitated by a shared symbolic communities and the keeping up of lifeline relationships with the and religious system, perhaps based on a cult of deitified clan ‘homeland’ are of paramount importance for survival. ancestors. This at least has been hypothesized to be expressed by Numerous beads and small zoomorphic pendants made of the motifs of Lapita pottery decoration. Its ceremonial vessels would predominantly semi-precious stones and shell, clearly representing have played a crucial role during elaborate feasting ceremonies, as items manufactured by highly expert village artisans and semi- such perhaps resembling the function of Cedrosan ceramics during specialists who may have combined this crafmanship with shamanic the first stage of Saladoid occupation of the Caribbean. Saladoid activities, spread throughout the region in Early Ceramic times. pottery has been seen as a ‘veneer’, creating a sense of unity and Saladoid and Huecoid workshops of these microlapidary artifacts group identity among the widely scattered individual communities depending on exotic raw materials such as nefrite, serpentinite, in the islands (Keegan 2004). In fact, the ceremonial component aventurine, opal, turquoise, amethyst and quartz crystal, have of Saladoid pottery may have been principally destined for the been identified in Grenada, Antigua, Montserrat, St Croix, Vieques public display of food and other properties as an expression of and Eastern Puerto Rico, while due to contacts with the Archaic status, rank or kinship affiliation. Such displays could have been inhabitants of Hispaniola the Saladoid settlers of Vieques were part of ceremonies involving competitive demonstrations of wealth able to obtain such materials as amber and chert. Besides, flint accompanied with gift giving or even property destruction (Boomert obtained from Long Island, Antigua, and greenstone axe heads 2007). deriving from St Martin spread to as far south as Martinique and The ornamented fine ware of the Saladoid series, clearly spreading Guadeloupe, respectively, and to as far northwest as Puerto Rico highly symbolic messages, may have been used primarily for the (Knippenberg 2006). In case of the Long Island flint, the Saladoid serving of food during ceremonial feasts, held for the extended pioneer settlers may have stepped into an existing distribution following of local headmen, ‘great men’, who due to personal network as it formed the preferred lithic material utilized as early as qualities were able to dominate in war and exchange, attracting large followings through gift giving. Feasts of this kind would have been 2 - However, there is absolutely no need to explain the lack of suffficiently early radiocar- bon dates for the Saladoid sites of the Venezuelan littoral and the Windward Islands by 3 - Rodríguez Ramos (2010a:203-9, 2010b, 2011) points to resemblances between the postulating fully unsubstantiated alternative models of the development of the Saladoid Saladoid/Huecoid zoomorphic representations and those of contemporary horticultural- pottery series suggesting its origin in the Greater Antilles, notably Puerto Rico, as has ist cultures of the Isthmo-Colombian area, suggesting derivation of the Antillean tradi- been done recently in yet unpublished papers, since this is conflicting with the most tion of micro-lapidary artwork from the latter region. However, the Saladoid/Huecoid and logical scenario of the spread of the Arawakan linguistic family into the Caribbean archi- ‘Taíno’ cosmological background is closest to that of the Orinoco-Guiana ‘mythological pelago (Granberry and Vescelius 2004). region’ (see Boomert 2010).

113 Actes du 24e congrès de l’AIAC - 2011 Arie Boomert held on the occasion of, for instance, initiation rituals, marriages the full colonization of the Lesser Antilles. and burials of high-ranking persons. If so, while considered as The Lapita linguistic affiliations with the Oceanic group of a principally egalitarian society, fluctuating status differences languages, indicating that the Lapita migrations formed part of a among its male adults can be postulated for the Saladoid social more widespread phenomenon encompassing the horticulturalist order. These may have been expressed during public ceremonies of distribution of Austronesian-speakers throughout Southeast competitive emulation leading to the deliberate deposition or ‘ritual Asia and Oceania, is matched by the accepted linkage between killing’ of valuables in displays of conspicuous wealth. As seafaring the Saladoid peoples with the Northern branch of the Maipuran is typically a male-dominated activity, matrilineal inheritance and Arawakan language family, suggesting that their movements uxorilocality have been hypothesized for both Lapita and Saladoid can be understood in terms of the spread of Arawakan-speakers society. To this argument can be added that the present Arawak in Amazonia and the Orinoco Valley (Granberry and Vescelius (Lokono) of the coastal zone of the Guianas, which are often – albeit 2004:127-8). Unfortunately, identification of the homeland of without any archaeological corroboration – thought to represent the Arawakan language family and the development as well as the direct descendants of the Saladoid peoples of the mainland, dating of its branching are highly disputed. Most authors seek the are organized as non-localized exogamous matriclans. Finally, Arawakan country of origin in either Central or West Amazonia and while a form of ranking based on seniority (birth order) has been postulate a riverine dispersal pattern. Interestingly, heterarchical postulated as the motor of Lapita sea voyaging and colonization, social ranking tied to a founder (birth) principle similar to the such a ‘founder-focused’ ideology has not been proposed as the hypothesized Lapita ideology has recently been postulated as driving force of the migrating young adult males of the Saladoid the motor of the spread of Arawakan-speaking populations in the series thus far. tropical lowlands (Heckenberger 2002). However, in Amazonia the The natural landscape of the islands of Oceania and the Caribbean correlation between archaeologically identified cultural traditions degraded in a similar way due to the horticulturalist settlement and linguistic groupings remains highly tentative and their of the Lapita and Saladoid peoples, respectively. The ecosystems relationship with the Saladoid series of the Orinoco Valley is utterly of the smaller islands in both regions appeared to be highly unclear. Consequently, there is absolutely no need of reviving the vulnerable to the clearing of forests and the colonists’ predation fully speculative inferences on the mechanics of the ‘Arawakan on especially the land fauna and populations of flightless birds, diaspora’ by Schmidt (1917), whose notions of the prehistoric resulting in the rapid disappearance of species, landscape erosion movements of the Arawakan-speaking peoples in Amazonia and wet-season flooding. Besides, in a way similar to that of the are exclusively based on nineteenth-century linguistic-ethnic Lapita migrants, the peoples of the Saladoid series translocated stereotyping (e.g. Keegan 2010, n.d.). various vertebrate species from the South American mainland to the Lesser Antillean archipelago, including agoutis, black-eared opossums and nine-banded armadillos while iguanas were carried between the islands. In the north hutias and island shrews Conclusions were introduced to Puerto Rico due to exchange with the Archaic inhabitants of Hispaniola (Newsom and Wing 2004). The likely motives of both the Lapita and Saladoid voyages of Both the colonization of Oceania and the Caribbean can be colonization appear to have been quite comparable. In both cases a characterized as episodic: phases of intensive explorative few stimuli can be taken to have been of predominant importance: activities were followed by shorter or longer periods of stasis. In (1) the search for abiotic and biotic resources, reinforced or not by the Caribbean a ‘Long Pause’ separates the initial occupation of climatic stress, and (2) social incentives such as a the desire of Puerto Rico and the colonization of Hispaniola, Jamaica and East young adult males to reconnoitre to them unknown territory and Cuba during Ostionoid times, from cal AD 650 onwards. While the to establish their own lineage in the newfound islands. Population cessation of Lapita voyaging has been attributed to the absence pressure as a push factor, formerly a favourite explanation of a maritime technology sufficiently adequate to bridge the of migratory waves in general, is unlikely to have been of any increasingly larger ocean distances in Polynesia, this can obviously significance. not explain the Caribbean long pause. The supposedly dense Archaic occupation of Hispaniola has been seen as the major factor obstructing further Saladoid movement to the west, thus reflecting a standoff between both populations (Rouse, 1992). It seems more likely, however, that the pulses of mainland colonists reaching Puerto Rico, being the first sizeable island of the Antillean chain, here entered a stage of intermixing with the local Archaic hunters/ fishers/foodcollectors, in the process changing voyage directions and henceforth occupying themselves with return movements and

114 Actes du 24e congrès de l’AIAC - 2011 Arie Boomert

Figure 1. Maximal distribution of the Lapita complex in Oceania (adapted from Kirch 2000), also showing a modern outrigger (dugout) canoe and a stamp issued by Nouvelle-Calédonie (Fr.) illustrating a typically Lapita dentate- stamped vessel.

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