Japan and Ballistic Missile Defense
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The Cold War Conception of Nuclear Reality: Mobilizing the American Imagination for Nuclear War in the 1950'S
International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, VoL 6, No. 3, 1993 The Cold War Conception of Nuclear Reality: Mobilizing the American Imagination for Nuclear War in the 1950's Guy Oakes THE CONSTRUCTION OF NUCLEAR REALITY During World War II, the United States was not occupied like Europe, invaded like the Soviet Union, or bombed like Great Britain. Nor was there any plausible suggestion that the home front might be subjected to any of these acts of war. As a result, it has been said that Americans were obliged to fight the war at a distance and "on imagination alone. ''1 Within months of V-J day, civil defense strategists began to make plans to mobilize the American public for World War III. By the late 1940's, these plans included preparations for a Soviet nuclear strike against the United States. Thus Cold War civil defense planning posed the much more daunt- ing problem of fighting an imaginary war. By 1950, the American foreign policy objective of containing what was perceived to be an otherwise irresistible expansion of Soviet power was tied to the strategy of nuclear deterrence. If the Soviets threatened war, the United States would guarantee the peace, if necessary by nuclear re- taliation. As students of the early Cold War have stressed for some years, this strategy rested on domestic presuppositions. It was necessary to mo- bilize the American home front in order to sustain what President Kennedy later called "a long twilight struggle" in support of a new conception of national security. In the nuclear age, the project of securing American na- tional interests would be interminable in principle, unprecedentedly expensive, and uniquely dangerous. -
Future War: an Assessment of Aerospace Campaigns in 2010
Future War An Assessment of Aerospace Campaigns in 2010 JEFFERY R. B ARNETT Air University Press Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama January 1996 Li brary of Con gress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Barnett, Jeffery R., 1950– Future war : an assess ment of aerospace campaigns in 2010 / Jeffery R. Barnett . p. cm. Includes biblio graphi cal refer ences and index . 1. Air warfare—Fore cast ing. 2. Twenty-first century—Fore casts. I. Title . UG632.B37 1996 358.4′009′0501—dc20 95-54022 CIP Dis claimer This publication was produced in the Department of Defense school environment in the interest of academic freedom and the advancement of national defense-related concepts. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or pos ition of the Department of Defense or the United States government. This publication has been reviewed by security and policy authorities and is cleared for public release. ii This project would have been impossible without the support and advice of my wife, former Captain Katherine Hoyland Barnett, USAF. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER ............................. ii FOREWORD .............................. ix ABOUT THE AUTHOR ....................... xi PREFACE ................................ xiii Notes .................................. xiv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...................... xv INTRODUCTION . xvii 1 OVERARCHING CONCEPTS .................. 1 Information War. 2 Parallel War ............................. 8 Revolution in Military -
Race Begins for Japan's Top Spot
As of 12 p.m. ET DJIA 10132.62 À 1.08% FTSE 100 5151.32 g 0.23% Nikkei 225 9603.24 g 1.12% Shanghai Comp. 2571.42 À 0.12% Hang Seng 19471.80 g 0.13% Sensex 16741.84 À 1.02% S&P/ASX 200 4381.03 g 0.73% Hon Hai to increase wages Japan looks for a new for its workers in China by 30% leader and new ideas BUSINESS & FINANCE 17 EDITORIAL & OPINION 11, 13 KKDN PPS 648/11/2010 (028507)Malaysia: RM6.00, Pakistan: Rs140.00, Philippines: KKDN Peso80.00,Australia: PP A$6.00(Incl Singapore: 9315/10/2010 S$4.00(Incl GST), (025811) Brunei: GST), Sri B$5.00, Lanka: China: Slrs180(Incl RMB25.00, VAT), Hong Taiwan: Kong: NT$60.00, MICA HK$18.00, Thailand: (P) India: Baht50.00, NO. Rs25.00, 048/10/2009 Vietnam: Indonesia: US$2.50 Rp18,000(Incl PPN), Japan: Yen500 SK. MENPEN R.I. NO: 01/SK/MENPEN/SCJJ/1998 TGL. 4 SEPT 1998 VOL. XXXIV NO. 192 (India facsimile Vol. 1 No. 253) ** ASIA Thursday, June 3, 2010 asia.WSJ.com Race begins for Japan’s top spot Kan plans to run; In the wings | Potential Hatoyama successors U.S. plan to shift a big job will be Okinawa base to ease voter ire Naoto Kan, 63 stays contentious BY YUKA HAYASHI Finance Minister BY YUKA HAYASHI TOKYO—After Prime Min- Kan won fame in the 1990s TOKYO—The contentious ister Yukio Hatoyama’s sud- as health minister for issue of relocating U.S. -
Nuclear Energy Policy and the National Deliberative Poll
Nuclear Energy Policy and the National Deliberative Poll Yasunori Sone Keio University, Japan [email protected] “Public Policy and Public Consultation: Deliberative Democracy in Asia” May 20-21, 2016 Nanyang Technological University, Singapore Summary The National Deliberative Poll on Energy and Environmental Policy was conducted in August 4-5, 2012. James Fishkin described it as “the first Deliberative Poll® (DP) anywhere in the world that was commissioned by a government to get input on a subject of national importance before a national decision.” This paper focuses on three aspects of Deliberative Polling in the policy making process. 1) Why the government adopted it as a tool of public consultation in the formal decision making process, 2) what were the poll results, and 3) how the government used it for their policy decisions. Interestingly, the poll shows us that the 285 randomly selected participants became more informed and changed their views on certain policy options. The public finally supported the zero nuclear option and concern for safety as a first criterion. It also shows that the public could not find any reliable authority to judge important key respects. It seems to be an “anomie” situation where there is no trust at all even in the nuclear specialists. After an ad hoc committee of specialists examined public consultation results such as from deliberative polls, public comments, town-meetings, and public opinion polls by media, Energy and Environment Council decided ‘the Innovative Strategy for Energy and the Environment’ that recommended the policy proposal “zero nuclear power by 2030s along with strong commitments to energy conservation and renewable energy.” The Cabinet finally made a decision according to the recommendation. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Download the Publication
A TIME FOR CHANGE? JAPAN’S “PEACE” CONSTITUTION AT 65 Edited by Bryce Wakefield Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org Photo: A supporter of Article 9 protests outside the National Diet of Japan. The sign reads: “Don’t change Article 9!” © 2006 Bryce Wakefield ISBN: 978-1-938027-98-7 ©2012 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars is the national, living memorial honoring President Woodrow Wilson. In provid- ing an essential link between the worlds of ideas and public policy, the Center addresses current and emerging challenges confronting the United States and the world. The Center promotes policy-relevant research and dialogue to in- crease understanding and enhance the capabilities and knowledge of leaders, citizens, and institutions worldwide. Created by an Act of Congress in 1968, the Center is a nonpartisan institution headquartered in Washington, D.C., and sup- ported by both public and private funds. Jane Harman, President, CEO and Director Board of Trustees: Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair; Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair Public Members: Hon. James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Hillary R. Clinton, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; James Leach, Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Private Citizen Members:Timothy Broas, John Casteen, Charles Cobb, Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M. -
Japan–China Relations
22 WebMemo Published by The Heritage Foundation No. 3027 September 27, 2010 East China Sea Flare-Up: Learning the Wrong Lessons in Beijing Dean Cheng Japanese prosecutors have reportedly decided to greater concern, however, was the fact that Beijing release the captain of the Chinese fishing boat escalated both the rhetoric and its responses over whom they arrested after he apparently rammed the following two weeks, to the point of Chinese two Japanese coast guard vessels in the waters Premier Wen Jiabao publicly snubbing Japanese around the Senkakus. The decision, a Japanese dep- Prime Minister Naoto Kan last week at the United uty public prosecutor said, was made “taking into Nations and China suspending the sale of rare earth account the impact on our citizens and Japan– minerals (essential for the production of electronics) China relations, [so] our judgment was that it to Japanese customers. For Tokyo to decide to would have been excessive to prolong the investiga- release the Chinese captain in the face of such over- tion and his detention.”1 reaction only teaches Beijing that its policies worked. The Japanese government’s comments make it This is an extremely dangerous precedent not even clearer that this decision was made due to the only for Japan but for the larger East Asia region impact of the case on Sino–Japanese relations. Japa- and, ultimately, even for the United States. nese Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshito Sengoku It was Beijing, not Tokyo, that decided that this stated explicitly, “It is a fact that there was the pos- relatively minor incident should escalate. -
Escalation of Attacks on Shipping and Growing Involvement of Foreign
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 33, December, 1987 Iran, Iraq, Page 35597 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Escalation of attacks on shipping and growing involvement of foreign navies Passage of UN security Council resolution calling for ceasefire Summary and key dates Chartering of Soviet tankers by Kuwait (April 1987). Attacks on Soviet vessels (May). Iraqi attack on USS Stark (May 17). Growing involvement of US Navy in Gulf (May; June). Escalation of mine warfare and attacks on tankers (June-July). Reflagging of Kuwaiti tankers under US flag (July 21). Mine damage to reflagged tanker Bridgeton (July 24). Ordering of European minesweepers and warships to Gulf (August; September). Iranian missile attacks on Kuwait (early September). Attack on UK-registered tanker (Sept. 21). Closure of Iranian arms procurement office in London (Sept. 23). US attack on Iranian mine-laying vessel (Sept. 21). Further exchanges between Iranian and US forces (September-November). Iranian gains in north-eastern Iraq (April to August). Air attacks on cities and on Iranian nuclear installation (September-November). Passage of UN security Council ceasefire resolution (July 20). Reactions to resolution; further diplomatic efforts (July-November). Chartering of Soviet tankers by Kuwait - Attacks on Soviet vessels During late March and early April 1987, Iraq continued to carry out bombing raids against Iranian oil installations at Kharg Island, and also against tankers carrying Iranian oil. It was confirmed in mid-April that Kuwait, a strong supporter of Iraq, and the object of numerous Iranian threats, had chartered three Soviet-registered tankers, which would thereby become entitled to Soviet naval protection. -
Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction Du Branch Patrimoine De I'edition
UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Hegemony Over the Heavens: The Chinese and American Struggle in Space by John Hodgson Modinger A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY CENTRE FOR MILITARY AND STRATEGIC STUDIES CALGARY, ALBERTA AUGUST, 2008 © John Hodgson Modinger 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44361-3 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44361-3 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
The Strategic Defense Initiative- Implications for U.S
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1987 The trs ategic defense initiative : implications for U.S. deterrence policy. Alan Scot MacDougall University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation MacDougall, Alan Scot, "The trs ategic defense initiative : implications for U.S. deterrence policy." (1987). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 1754. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/1754 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE STRATEGIC DEFENSE INITIATIVE- IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. DETERRENCE POLICY A Dissertation Presented by ALAN SCOT MACDOUGALL Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY February 1987 Political Science an Scot MacDougaH 1986 Al 1 Ri ghts Reserved i i THE STRATEGIC DEFENSE INITIATIVE- IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. DETERRENCE POLICY A Dissertation Presented By ALAN SCOT MACDOUGALL ApprovecLas to style and content by Eric Einhorn, Chairperson of the Committee Edward E. Feit, Member .. Stephen Pelz, Member Lewis C. Mainzer, Department Head Political Science i i i TO MY WIFE CAROL i v . PREFACE The strategic defense initiative has brought the issue of strategic defenses and particularly ballistic missile defenses back to the forefront of the ever raging national security debate. Issues that were thought foreclosed by the ABM Treaty in 1972 have reemerged as a host of new questions have been instigated by President Reagan's speech of March 23, 1983. -
A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier Assessing China’S Cruise Missile Ambitions
Gormley, Erickson, and Yuan and Erickson, Gormley, A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier ASSESSING CHINA’s CRUISE MISSILE AMBITIONS Dennis M. Gormley, Andrew S. Erickson, and Jingdong Yuan and Jingdong Yuan Jingdong and S. Erickson, Andrew Dennis M. Gormley, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs The Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs (China Center) was established as an integral part of the National Defense University’s Institute for National Strategic Studies on March 1, 2000, pursuant to Section 914 of the 2000 National Defense Authorization Act. The China Center’s mission is to serve as a national focal point and resource center for multidisciplinary research and analytic exchanges on the national goals and strategic posture of the People’s Republic of China and to focus on China’s ability to develop, field, and deploy an effective military instrument in support of its national strategic objectives. Cover photo: Missile launch from Chinese submarine during China-Russia joint military exercise in eastern China’s Shandong Peninsula. Photo © CHINA NEWSPHOTO/Reuters/Corbis A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier ASSESSING CHINA’s CRUISE MISSILE AMBITIONS Dennis M. Gormley, Andrew S. Erickson, and Jingdong Yuan Published by National Defense University Press for the Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs Institute for National Strategic Studies Washington, D.C. 2014 The ideas expressed in this study are those of the authors alone. They do not represent the policies or estimates of the U.S. Navy or any other organization of the U.S. Government. All the resources referenced are unclassified, predominantly from non-U.S. -
Japan's ''Coalition of the Willing'
Japan’s ‘‘Coalition of the Willing’’ on Security Policies by Robert Pekkanen and Ellis S. Krauss Robert Pekkanen ([email protected]) is assistant professor of international studies at the University of Washington. Ellis S. Krauss ([email protected]) is professor of interna- tional relations and Pacific studies at the University of California, San Diego. This paper is based on a paper presented at fpri’s January 27, 2005, conference, ‘‘Party Politics and Foreign Policy in East Asia,’’ held in Philadelphia. The authors thank Michael Strausz for his research assistance. n 1991, Japan was vilified by many for its ‘‘failure’’ to contribute boots on the ground to the U.S.-led Gulf War. Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu (1989– I 91) found it difficult to gain support for any cooperation with the U.S.-led coalition in that conflict. Today, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces are stationed in a compound in Samuur, Iraq, part of President Bush’s ‘‘coalition of the willing,’’ and four of its destroyers are positioned in the Indian Ocean to aid the counterterrorism effort in Afghanistan. While many of the United States’ nato allies have been reluctant to aid current American security efforts, especially in Iraq, Japan has been among the staunchest supporters of American military ventures in the Middle East and of its stance toward North Korean nuclear development. As a result, Washington has moved from ‘‘bashing Japan’’ in the 1980s over trade policy and ‘‘passing Japan’’—ignoring it in favor of the rest of Asia—to lauding it for surpassing most of American’s other defense partners.