ST. AND THE CONTROVERSIES

Three Translations

'By St:. Thomas J/quinas

TRANSLATED BY JOHN PROCTOR, 0.P.

Edited with a New Introduction by Mark Johnson

ALETHES PRESS Leesburg, Virginia Copyright© Alethes Press 2007

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical, including photocopy. recording, or any information storage and retrieval system now know or to be invented, without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer who wishes to quote brief passages in connection with a review written for inclusion in a magazine, newspaper, or broadcast. . · CONTENTS ISBN-13: 978-1-934182-00-0 (cloth text) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Thomas, Aquinas, Saint, 1225 7 -1274. ISelections. English. 2007] St. ·n10mas Aquinas and the mendicant controversies: three Introduction, by Mark Johnson vii translations I by St. Thomas Aquinas; translated by John Proctor, O.P. ; edited with a new introduction by Mark Johnson. p.cm. Summary: "Presents in one volume the English translations of three Part I: works by St. Thomas Aquinas, in each of which he defended, under "Against Those Who Attack the Religious State different aspects, the fledgling mendicant orders (his own Dominicans and the and Profession" I ) against the attacks of the established secular or diocesan clergy"-Provided by publisher. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISB N 978-1-934182-00-0 (alk. paper) Part II: i. and religious orders-Early works to 1800. 2. "On the Perfection of the Spiritual Life" 237 Monastic and religious life- Early works to 1800. 3. Perfection- Religious aspects-- Early works to 1800. 4. Clergy-Religious life- Early works to 1800. 5. Catholic Church-Clergy- Early works to Part Ill: 1800. 6. Theology, Doctrinal- Early works to 1800. 7. Catholic "Against Those Who Would Deter Men from Entering Church-Doctrines- Early works to 1800. I. Proctor, John, O.P. II. Johnson, Mark, 1961- Ill. Thomas, Aquinas, Saint, 1225?-1274. Contra impugnantes Dei Religion" 325 cultum et religionem. English. IV. Thomas, Aquinas, Saint, 1225?-1274. De perfectione spiritualis vitae. English. V. Thomas, Aquinas, Saint, i225?-1274. Contra doctrinam retrahentium a religione. English. VI. Endnotes 399 Title. VII. Title: Saint Thomas Aquinas and the mendicant controversies. BX2432.3.T5613 2007 271'.06-dc22 Index 409 2007004701 Published by Alethes Press, 525-k East Market Street, #293. Leesburg, VA 20176 SAN 851-9315.

Printed on archival quality, acid free paper and bound to library requirements. INTRODUCTION

WE READERS OF THE TWENTY- FIRST century, coming to the works of St. Thomas Aquinas, can easily forget that the to which Thomas made his life-long profession was at one time a fledgling, just as all religious orders once were. For us, Thomas's religious order- the Dominicans, now almost eight hundred years old- has always been there, a seemingly permanent element of Catholic . This volume is a vivid reminder that things were not always thus, and that, further, the young , not too long after its birth, and just as St Thomas was becoming a teacher in it, had at times to defend its very existence. Written in the highly-charged environment of the University of Paris, over the fifteen-year period from 1256-1271, the three transla- tions provided here constitute Thomas Aquinas's direct defense of his order. These works, and their dates, are: Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem (1256) De perfectione spiritualis vitae (1269-1270) Contra doctrinam retrahentium a religione (1271-1272) Originally published by John Procter, O.P., in two distinct volumes,' they are published here together, both for the sake of convenience and because of their common subject matter: the so-called "Mendicant Controversies:' The reader is treated to Fr Procter's original, elegant English translations from the Latin text of Thomas, but a new intro- duction is being provided, for we have learned much about Thomas's life and work and about the mendicant controversies since the original publication of Fr. Procter's volumes. The usefulness of these three works is not limited to medieval his- tory, for in them one can find the seeds of important doctrines worth our consideration today, in theology, philosophy, and political science. To take but a single example. In his 1891 , Rerum novarum, So Dominic and his small band of were given the perma- which initiates, scholars often say, the papal tradition of Catholic social nent commission- unheard of at the time- to be specially trained teaching, Leo XIII in paragraph 51 cites Thomas's teaching from preachers in the of Toulouse. Commission in hand, Dominic the Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem on the rationale for saw two needs, which he immediately worked to meet. First, because free associations, and the thread of that teaching is picked up and em- his own success as a had been the result of his extensive train- ployed in subsequent papal teaching (e.g., John· Paul II's Centissimus ing in the Bible, Dominic forced his preachers to study the sacred texts annus). 2 One could.also add that in his De perfectione spiritualis vitae in-depth; indeed, when he learned that the city of Toulouse now had a Thomas produces a fine accounting of how material goods- the basis master of theology in its midst, the Paris-trained Alexander Stavensby, of economics- should be evaluated and distributed. Dominic enrolled his brethren in the master's classes. Second, Dominic Intense, immediate disputes have a way of forcing a thinker to select knew that his preachers would never get a hearing from those whom and defend his deepest intellectual principles. These three works, the they sought to convert if they were wealthy, as the local product of such disputes, put the real and authentic Thomas Aquinas- had become. No, his preachers would be like the ones the Lord sent Christian, Dominican- on full display. out in Luke 10, bringing nothing of their own and asking for sustenance St. Dominic of Caleruega's "Order of the Preachers" came into ex- wherever they went. Dominic's preachers were to beg for their up- istence first as a localized band of preachers in the diocese of Toulouse, keep- mendicare in Latin. They were to be "'.' in southern France, in the year 1215. The bishop there, named In 1216, Dominic and his brethren were given a church of their own Foulques, had been happy to enlist Dominic's help in combating the in Toulouse, the church of St. Romain; whereupon the group began to viii presence of heresy in his diocese, as practiced by the Albigensians. Like work on what they figured would be their home. They added a ix the better-known Cathars of which they were an offshoot, the and individual cells- to give each man his own place for study. But two Albigensians held a dualist view of the world, in addition to condemn- events changed everything. First, Pope Innocent III had decided that ing many practices of the Catholic faith. The concern of how to address this young band of preachers (whose potential to do good work in these heterodox beliefs had occupied Foulques and indeed the papacy places outside of Toulouse, indeed in the universal Church, he was for some time; letters that detail strategies of engagement with the quick to realize) should have a proper rule under which the brethren Albigensians went back to 1208, when Pope Innocent III launched the would live. In light of the fact that the recently concluded church coun- Albigensian Crusade. Dominic's preachers, however, were the more cil, Lateran IV (1215), had sought to restrain further proliferation of pastoral part of the pope's overall strategy, whereby virtuous and in- religious rules, Dominic chose for his group an already-existing rule, telligent men (homines honesti et discreti) were sought out to help the one under which he had himself been living for almost 20 years: the diocese of Toulouse preach to these heretics. For the traditional means Rule of St. Augustine. This rule was not a monastic one, which was of trying to win them over were simply not working; local Cistercian completely to Dominic's advantage, for monastic rules, with vows of monasteries had been tapped-out to preach to the Albigensians, but stability and requirements for manual labor, would cripple the young the were ignored altogether as soon as the Albigensians order's flexibility and its emphasis on study and preaching as its prin- noticed how wealthy and well-clothed were the men preaching to cipal work. The Rule of St. Augustine had none of these monastic re- them. And it also seemed that, at the level of doctrine, those who had quirements; and thus, while emphasizing religious-order poverty, been trying to convert the Albigensians to Catholic teaching were not chastity, prayer in community, and being tonsured, it could also easily up to scratch. accommodate studying and preaching. Dominic's followers were now

1ntroductiori 1n troductiori to be, as he was, a ""- and canons were usually ordained as order was now in principle mobile and not wanting for papal clout, priests. So Dominic's order was now visible within the larger Catholic Dominic headed back to Toulouse with a plan. First Toulouse, soon world as a certain, well-known kind of thing: priests who lived together everywhere. in community, and under a rule. Quite likely military events in the area around Toulouse forced Second, during the winter of 1216-1217, Dominic had been fabu- Dominic's hand, for a rebel count, Raymond VI, was poised to conquer lously successful in working with Pope Honorius· III (Innocent III's suc- Toulouse- and did, in September . 1217. So on the feast of the cessor) to secure papal in the form of papal bulls (bullaria) Assumption, 15 August 1217, Dominic announced to all the brethren that solidified the young Dominican Order's status. A first bull, entitled that he was dispersing them. Of the sixteen total brethren, a few would Religiosam vitam (22 December 1216) approved the constitutions and remain behind in Toulouse, four were to be sent to Spain, and seven practices of Dominic's preachers in Toulouse. The pope then called were to be sent to Paris- a couple of years later he also sent some upon the University of Paris to provide educational help to the order in brethren to Bologna. Dominic's principle of selection seems clear, es- Olim in partibus Tolosanis (19 January 1217). Then finally- and this pecially as regards Paris; he wanted the brethren to be taught by the would perhaps have the most important lasting impact-Dominic ob- best of teachers, and for theology that meant Paris, which housed the tained two bulls that, in principle, broke the young order away from famed University of Paris and its theology (Bologna at the time the traditional religious life altogether: Gratiarum omnium (21 January had none). 1217) and Justis petentium (7 February 1217). Gratiarum omnium for- So Dominic's seven brothers headed off to Paris, with their papal mally constituted the Dominicans as an order of preachers (Ordo credentials in tow, to get training, and to get, if all went well, more and x praedicatorum) answerable to the pope only, not the local bishop. Justis educated recruits for the order. Despite a rough start, things improved xi petentium refined the language of the earlier Religiosam vitam, giving in early 1218, when the brethren in Paris were given permission to live the administrative oversight of the order to Dominic himself, and his at a student dormitory, which had a chapel, dedicated to St.-Jacques successors, not, as the earlier bull had done, to "the "of the Church (St. James). The most important thing was that, at the request of Pope of St. Romain in Toulouse:' So these two final bulls were important, Honorious III, the University of Paris provided the Dominicans with a not for what they commanded the order to do, but rather for the free- teacher, one John of St. Albans, who was a "regent master" in the the- doms they permitted Dominic and his growing band; not being tied ology facufty (i.e., a professor), who taught the brethren- and agreed down to the particular church of St. Romain in Toulouse, they could to do so at the their new of St.-Jacques. John of St. Albans was exist and operate, at the behest of the pope, wherever Dominic was, a diocesan priest, a "secular;' in the language of the time, who could . which could be anywhere. have held his courses anywhere in the city, but nonetheless he held his Early Dominican hagiography indicates that in early 1217 in Rome courses at the Dominicans' convent. Dominic had a vision in which the Apostles Peter and Paul came to Evidently things went well. Visiting in 1219, Dominic found that his him. Peter gave Dominic a walking-staff, while Paul gave him a book. original seven had become thirty, drawn mainly from the ranks of stu- "Go and preach;' the Holy Apostles said, "for you have been chosen by dents at the university. The order was growing with educated men quite God for this ministry:' The meaning was clear to him; Dominic and his capable of preaching Christian truth, as Dominic had longed for. But order were now to travel and to preach. Since the recent ecumenical these educated men- some of them, anyway- were also capable of council, Lateran IV, had recommended that bishops throughout the being teachers, which raised an issue in the mind of Dominic. What Catholic world use "helper-preachers" in their , and since his will happen if this John of St. Albans, this secular priest, should stop

1ntroduction 1ntroduction at either because he leaves or dies? Parisian leg- to Cologne, eventually to be named bishop of Lausanne. For their part, 1slat10n reqmred that people living under a rule, as the Dominicans the Dominicans did not leave Paris, and John of St. Giles was happy to were, could not venture forth from their own to receive edu- stay on there at St.-Jacques-thus making the Dominicans, and John, cation elsewhere in the city. And the University of Paris's faculty of the- "strike-breakers" or "scabs:' For reasons that remain unclear, in May ology was a guild; John of St. Albans's master's chair, his "slot" among 1229, Roland of Cremona was able to apply for and receive from the the twelve teaching positions then existing at Paris, was something he university's chancellor a license to assume Boniface's vacated chair in essentially owned o,nd could pass on to whomever he chose, so long as theology; the order now had its own master of theology in St.-Jacques man met the university's requirements of a master of theology. and could be certain of its educational future at the University of Paris. This could mean that, should John of St. Albans leave their midst, the But there was more. In September of the next year, while preaching Dominicans might not be guaranteed a successor for their all-impor- a sermon on evangelical poverty to the Dominicans, John of St. Giles tant, in-house instruction. The Dominicans of St-Jacques needed to came down from his pulpit mid-sermon to be clothed with the get their own master of theology. Dominican habit. He had left the ranks of the secular, diocesan clergy But for the while things went along smoothly. John of St. Albans and had joined a religious order; but he had not thereby given up his continued to teach the Dominicans at St-Jacques, up until 1226, when right to his chair in theology. He could turn that chair over, at his re- he retired and left his position to another John, John of St. Giles (both tirement, to a suitably-prepared bachelor of theology, drawn from the men were likely English). It seems that things did not miss a beat; John ranks of his now-confreres, the Dominicans. The result ofJohn's "con- of St. Giles continued to teach at St-Jacques, although he was not a version" to the Dominicans was that the order now possessed two of xii Dominican, and the order grew. Eventually a well-trained Dominican, the university's twelve chairs in theology. Oddly, when the university's xiii Roland of Cremona, arrived at St.-Jacques to be a student under John strike came to an end in March of 1231, the returning secular masters of St. Giles. Roland progressed quickly-no doubt because he had al- in theology seem to have accepted the new Dominican masters into ready been a master of arts and because of his years teaching theology their company, even though this realignment had been accomplished in various Dominican convents; and in 1229 he was ready to become a in their absence. What frustration may have existed simmered for two full master of theology at the University of Paris, if it were possible. decades, b_ut then things came to a rolling boil. be re- In the spring of 1229 some unrest and distrust between the After deciding that one of these chairs in theology should University of Paris and the government of the city came to a crisis. served for Dominicans from France, and the other for "foreigner" Although students and the faculty were to be treated as though they Dominicans, the order got to work. This sudden boon of two chairs in were part of the Church (and therefore subject of ecclesiastical law, not theology gave them the opportunity to churn out well-trained and ex- the civil law governing Paris), the city's police rounded up some stu- perienced theologians, who could come to Paris and return to their dents who had created a pre-Lenten ruckus and beat them, some so home provinces within a relatively short period. A Dominican student severely that they died. The outraged students, and many masters, in Milan, for example, would be deemed capable of further study at called for a "strike;' meaning simply that they would stop teaching or Paris. He would be sent there to study under a Dominican master of would gather their things and leave the city, causing heavy financial theology for four years or so, after which time he would meet the de- damage. The strike was to last for two full years. gree requirements of a bachelor of theology and return to his home Evidently, at least one of the masters of theology left the city; acer- province. In special cases, a talented bachelor would be tapped out to tain master of theology named Boniface vacated his chair and moved succeed his master, and would, as the master stepped down and re-

1ntroductiori 1ntroductiori turned to his province (e.g., in Germany, Northern or Southern the plan was to get Thomas out of the area as quickly as possible. Italy, elsewhere in France, or in Spain). The result was that a returning Famously, Thomas's family found him and kidnapped him, holding him Dominican master of theology would have earned his degree in about under a family-imposed "house arrest;' in the hope of getting him to three to four years. Upon return to his home province, he would likely give up this silly idea of becoming a begging , rather than a , be appointed a Dominican lecturer (a lector) in a well-situated con- possibly even someday the of Monte Cassino. Thomas won out. vent, to disseminate the high-quality education he had received at After a year at home, the family let him go, and the order made good Paris. Or, in the spE:cial case, he might stay and teach at the University on its original plan, and this time sent the talented young Dominican of Paris for three years additional years, finally returning to his home out of the country, to Paris. Thomas stayed there at the convent of St.- province, after seven years of total absence- at which point, again, he Jacques until 1248, learning the ways of Dominican life, and finishing would be pressed into duty as a lecturer in a Dominican convent. his training in philosophy. From 1248-1252, the order then sent him Thomas Aquinas's own history as a student at Paris, then master of to study with St. Albert the Great in Cologne; and then, sure that he theology, then lector, would fit this latter pattern. was ready, sent h.im back to Paris to earn his degree in theology and This constant stream of incoming and outgoing Dominicans- and, possibly become a master of theology there. later, Franciscans-proved to be a sore spot with the secular masters, The Paris that awaited Thomas was not a happy place. Resentment a traditionally small number of men, many of who had taught at the on the part of the secular masters towards the mendicants had con- University of Paris for decades. These masters feared the dilution of tinued to grow over the years. First, there was the unhappy memory their prestige by having so many other masters in theology being pro- that the Dominicans had broken the strike at Paris in the late 1220s, xiv duced by the mendicants. Dominican chroniclers of the period indi- and (adding insult to that injury) that the order had acquired two chairs xv cate, with perhaps a bit of prejudice, that animosity towards the men- in theology during the strike, with no permission or consultation with dicant orders also grew because these Dominicans and Franciscans the other masters. The Franciscan Order also had obtained a chair in were frankly showing up their secular colleagues with their learning theology in 1236, via the same procedure as the Dominicans had in the and prodigious literary activity. And in point of fact many more case of John of St. Giles; this time a wealthy English secular master of Dominican and Franciscan works survive than those written by the theology, Alexander of Hales, joined the Franciscan Order, lured by its secular masters of the period. But controversies rarely have a single teaching of evangelical poverty. He, too, like John of St. Giles, contin- cause, and, in the case of the first flare-up of anti-mendicant sentiment ued to own his chair and conceded it to another Franciscan, John of in Paris, there were many causes. Rochelle. The mendicant orders-the Dominicans together with the Thomas Aquinas was born in 1224/ sin Roccasecca, Italy, which lies Franciscans, that is- now had three chairs in theology. This meant, in about an hour south of Rome. After spending his early years at the particular, that when the University had to make a decision or to leg- nearby Benedictine at Monte Cassino, he was sent by his islate, the mendicants could be expected to vote as a block of three. knightly family to the city of Naples for further education, probably When that three was joined to another block of three chairs- and their around his fourteenth year. His parents hoped he would become a corresponding votes- by statute reserved for the canons of Notre Benedictine monk, but while studying in Naples, he met the Dame (one of who was to be the chancellor of the university), it would Dominicans and joined the order in April 1244. The Dominicans at mean that only six of the twelve chairs in theology could be occupied Naples had previously had run-ins with the families of well-placed by secular priests, whose own interests and initiatives could be blocked young men who had joined the order against their parents' wishes, so by an equal combined number of votes possessed by the mendicants

1ntroduction 1n troduction and Notre Dame canons. The seculars feared constant gridlock- and Eternal Gospel, preached by spiritual men no longer in need of the worse, if another secular master should "convert" to a mendicant order. Church)- was clearly an assault on the Church. Second, the secular masters, and indeed the whole diocese of Paris, Whatever these concerns or suspicions, two events really roiled the would understandably have been looking upon these mendicant or- seculars. In 1252, in an attempt to minimize the Dominican numerical ders as, in effect, commandeering their own pastoral territory. The presence, the secular masters of the university created a statute that rules regarding the care of souls (cura animarum) had for centuries re- restricted a religious order to having only one chair in theology, a di- quired the local bi.shop's assent before priests in his diocese could rect attack on the second chair of theology the Dominicans had. The preach sermons, hear confession and grant absolution, and administer statute, if heeded, would eliminate the chair of theology that Thomas the other sacraments, especially before priests could administer last Aquinas was expected to occupy. The Dominicans refused to comply, rites and burials. Oftentimes the dying made testament of their pos- as did the Franciscans (who hoped eventually to capture a second chair sessions over to the one who provided them with these final sacra- for their own burgeoning convent). Then, in April 1253, the secular ments of the Christian life. Papal policy allowed the Dominicans and masters insisted that the university go on strike, for reasons that were Franciscans to preach and hear confessions anywhere in Christendom, essentially the same as those of 1229: students had been beaten and regardless of the local bishop's inclinations or wishes, but mendicants' one killed by the city's police, with no recompense made to the uni- having churches of their own, with regular masses and cemeteries (with versity for the violation of its ecclesiastical status. Once again, the their possibly lucrative burial ceremonies), meant to the seculars that Dominicans, and now the Franciscans, refused to participate in the they were gradually going to be elbowed out of the way when it came strike. The seculars excommunicated the Dominicans and Franciscans xvi to both pastoral influence in the dioceses in which they lived and to for their lack of unity and then claimed that the excommunication xvii income from the performance of sacerdotal duties. These mendicant would be lifted only on the condition that the two orders agree to the orders, these begging , would go out to beg for food and suste- stipulation of the 1252 statutes, which limited their chairs in theology nance, all the while doing in their churches the very things that brought to only one per order. The pope, Innocent IV, intervened and removed them good money. the excommunications, but the Dominicans had not patched things up To make matters worse, these Dominicans and Franciscans at times with the university; the Franciscans, however, had agreed to the one seemed to be doctrinally suspect, even though one of the reasons for order/one master-of-theology rule and were given permission to let St. the creation of their orders (at least the Dominicans, at the outset) was lecture in the Franciscan convent. to provide solid, reliable doctrine through preaching. The Dominicans Things came to a head in the explosive year 1254, when the papacy A were cultivating the study of the newly available writings in Latin of would actually turn upon its own creation, the mendicant orders. been a student of the pagan philosopher, Aristotle, and were daringly mixing his teach- Franciscan named Gerard of Borgo San Donnino had adhering to it ings into Christian theological thinking. On the other hand, it also the "three-age" teaching of Joachim di Fiore, so much of the third age seemed that some members of the Franciscans were a little too com- that, wanting prepare the world for the consummation to the quickly-coming year, 1260), he fortable with the writings of the declared Christian heretic, Joachim di (which he felt he could pin-point the world to this Eternal Gospel, Fiore, whose "three age" teaching- there was an age of God the Father wrote a book introducing to Gerard, in the (the Old Testament), an age of the Son (the New Testament and the lntroductorius in evangelium aeternum. According would take place with the institutional Church it created) and an age of God the Holy Spirit (the Third Age the Church would disappear, war

1ntroduction 1ntroduction Antichrist, and man would finally be freed from Church, law, and Alexander IV, was elected in just over a week, consecrated in five days, sacraments. Those preparing the way for this final age were spiritual and, within two days after assuming the papal throne, he issued his men, dedicated to absolute poverty, and they would replace the secu- own bull, Nee insolitum, which deferred the implementation of Etsi an- lar or diocesan clergy. These spiritual men, according to Gerard, were, imarum and submitted the whole matter to study. In the interim, both of course, the Franciscans. the Dominicans and the Franciscans could practice as before: preach- Enough was enough. A very cagey secular "master in theology at ing, hearing confessions, and holding burial services. Five months later, Paris, William of St. Amour, was convinced that Gerard's views were in April 1255, and after some skillful diplomacy by the Dominicans' indicative of the Franciscan Order as a whole- which indeed later ap- master general, Humbert of Romans, Alexander IV brought things full- peared to be the case when Gerard's views were associated by exag- circle in his Quasi lignum vitae. He reiterated all the privileges that his geration with the Franciscan Minister General, John of Parma, who predecessors had granted to the two orders, detailed explicitly the ex- had read Joachim with interest but did not follow Gerard (John of tent and limits of these privileges, and insisted that the two Dominican Parma was unfortunately forced to resign his post as a result of this masters of theology be incorporated into the university- within fifteen slander) . William therefore wrote an aggressive response to Gerard's days, or the other masters would be suspended from their office of book, painting the Dominicans and Franciscans alike as "false-preach- teaching. Yet Alexander IV did impose upon the Dominicans and ers" and "false-prophets:· William compiled a lengthy list of errors in Franciscans the obligation to follow the university's decision to strike this Franciscan's book (and also in Joachim's earlier book, upon which in the future and also indicated that a two-thirds majority vote would it depended) and set off for Rome to meet the pope in a university-del- be binding on everyone in such an instance. For his part the order's xviii egation and explain to him how bad things had gotten with these men- master general, Humbert of Romans, conceded that the seculars had xix dicant orders, who now, he argued, threatened the very future of the made some legitimate points in the course of the controversy and en- Church. Arriving in July 1254, William gave the pope the list and the couraged the brethren to be courteous in the exercise of all their rights books, and Innocent handed everything over to a theological commis- and privileges, lest the Dominicans offend the seculars. Humbert even sion (which included a Dominican, Hugh of St.-Cher) for analysis. created a series of thumbnail rules for the order to follow (e.g., the William's case and perhaps his person must have had the ear of the Dominicans should not preach at the same time they know that the pope, for on 21 November 1254, after a late-summer full of missives local bishop is preaching). sent back and forth from Rome to Paris, Innocent IV issued a bull, Etsi But \Villiam of St. Amour and the secular masters felt betrayed by animarum, which rescinded the ability of both the Dominicans and the pope's decision, especially when, under Innocent IV's Etsi ani- Franciscans to preach or hear confessions anywhere without explicit marum, the seculars had been so close to total victory. William and approval from the local bishop- who was not likely to grant it after all like-minded secular masters distributed a pamphlet entitled Radix that had transpired and given the suspicion of heresy now hanging over amaritudinis (2 October 1255) that explained the causes of the bitter- the Franciscans (and, by association, over the likewise mendicant ness of this dispute and promised that he and the others would simply Dominicans). In Etsi animarum, the pope had effectively shut the two break up the consortium of university masters, and leave town alto- orders down. gether, rather than allow these two Dominicans to hold chairs in the On 7 December 1254, just two weeks after he had issued Etsi ani- university. A flurry of diplomacy ensued, but it was clear that William marum, Innocent IV died. Fate had intervened, or, if we are to believe of St. Amour would never be satisfied; all the while, he was at work some angry Dominican chroniclers, the hand of God. His successor, writing a text that would be the reason the young Thomas Aquinas

1ntroduction 1ntroduction would enter the fray. Around April 1256, William published his land- disputations on any topic raised by those in the audience (called mark Tractatus de periculis novissimorum temporum, on the perils of "quodlibetal questions;' being "about anything at all"). Clearly, those in the end times- which of course was all about the apocalyptic viola- attendance at Thomas's first quodlibetal question, held in Lent (spring) tions he saw the mendicant orders making. In June of that year, how- 1256, had wanted to know what Thomas thought about the whole con- ever, Pope Alexander IV entered the battle- decisively, he thought- by flict. To get him on record in this conflict, he had been asked two ques- instructing the king of France to remove the four offending secular tiops, now known as his Quodlibetal Question VII, question 7 (for masters- including William- from their positions at the university quirky historical reasons his first quodlibetal question is published as and to banish them from France. The king, however, balked at so Quodlibet 7). The questions: 1) is working with one's hands a moral heavy-handed a solution; instead he sent the pope a copy of William's requirement, a precept, for a religious; and 2) if one devotes himself to De periculis. spiritual works is he still obliged to do manual work? William's De periculis would be judged as erroneous later that year, Those in attendance knew that the precise phrasing here would and Pope Alexander ordered it burned and William himself to be ex- "smoke out" Thomas on this difficult topic, for everyone knew what iled. But through such texts and vitriolic preaching, he and others had the notion "manual labor" implied. Manual labor was what did so poisoned the atmosphere in Paris that the mendicants, Dominicans when they weren't praying; it was what they did to provide for them- especially, were physically abused in public, beaten, and pelted with selves. Since the time of St. Benedict, who had founded the monastic muck from the street. Indeed, when Thomas Aquinas gave his first for- tradition in the Latin West and whose rule in some way animated all mal lecture at the university in late spring 1256 (not on this topic), he monastic orders thereafter, the task of the monk was to ora et labora, xx did so under the protection of royal guards, who had surrounded St. to pray and to work. And when one thinks of the typical monastery in xxi Jacques to help the audience get past a sea of protesters. For his part, the - essentially a city populated only by monks-there Thomas also immediately took a public position on the mendicant con- was much work to do: farm the food, prepare the food, cook the food, troversy. Within weeks of that first public lecture, he was at work writ- clean, care for the sick, bury the dead, build the dormitories, build the ing a treatise as a detailed response to William. The treatise, directed church, fix the dormitories, and fix the church. In this context the lab- against those whom Thomas saw "hindering the worship of God and ora in ora et labora meant "to work with one's hands" and thereby to religion;' was entitled Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem, a provide for one's own needs by one's own work. translation of which can be found in the following pages. In this quodlibetal question Thomas had fielded arguments that clearly came from William of St. Amour's sermons and shorter works "Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem" (opuscula), and Thomas had done so with evident care, for the two questions on manual labor in Quodlibet VII are the longest and most After taking his chair as a master of theology in January 1256 at the detailed in that early work. But events would lead Thomas to write a University of Paris, Thomas Aquinas spent the spring and summer full-fledged, point-by-point response to William in the summer and preparing to write this work, ''Against those who attack the religious early fall of 1256. For while Thomas had been disputing and editing his profession and state:' questions on manual labor for Quodlibet VII, William for his part pub- It is hard to know whether he had entered the mendicant contro- lished his De periculis novissimorum temporum, on the perils of the versy of his own accord, but enter it he had, almost immediately. One end times, which began to circulate in five separate stages in late spring of his set tasks as a new master of theology had been to hold public 1256.

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In his De periculis William was trying different tactics in his conflict i Beauvais) went to Rome to plead their cause. It was all to no avail. On with the mendicants. Earlier on, his complaint had been about how the 5 October 1256, Pope Alexander IV condemned William's De periculis, Dominicans and Franciscans had conducted themselves relative to the and despite his protracted response to the condemnation in Rome dur- University of Paris, and here his arguments did make some points. ing October and November 1256, William was finally banished from Seeing that tactic fail, however- Pope Alexander IV's Nee insolitum France altogether (7 August 1257). had shown that the papacy backed the mendicant 'presence in Paris- . At some point in the late-summer and early fall of 1256 Thomas sat William went right foF the jugular, to wipe them out altogether. William down and wrote the Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem. now argued that mendicants and especially the Dominicans were in Scholars try to get the dating exactly right and remain convinced that fact the pseudo-preachers that St Paul says will usher in the age of the I the work must have been written before the end of October1256, be- anti-Christ. The bishops of the Church need to protect the Church cause Thomas makes no mention of William's condemnation, Universal by sending these religious (who really are monks, William I which surely Thomas would have, had he known of it. So, granting thought) back to their monasteries, to protect the faithful from perni- some lag-time between the condemnation (5 October 1256) and the cious influence of the mendicants. The tasks of preaching and hearing news's arrival in Paris (maybe two weeks), it seems reasonable to say confessions are what the diocesan clergy is for; mendicants unfairly that Thomas already had the work written and distributed by the end usurp, therefore, the functions already being provided by bishops and I, of that month. their clergy. And for all their claims about the nobility of poverty the The Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem exists as a work of mendicants are actually sinning grievously by begging, since they are twenty-six chapters, with a prologue and an epilogue. Thomas takes xxiii xxii asking for support from people who actually work for a living, while controversy seriously. He, too, employs a wide array of scholarly they themselves are fully able to work, but don't. sources in his work, and lays out and addresses each one of William's arguments, often giving them a provisional strength that they William's litany of complaints had a special urgency, because he had did not have in the author's original! He then tackles each one deliberately. But quietly adopted the belief that the age of the Anitchrist will come at the outset of the work Thomas gets to the heart around the year 1260, a short four years off; he was now sympathetic of the matter, be- cause he sees where William and his ilk went wrong. to the teaching ofJoachim di Fiore and Gerard de Borgo San Donnino, William was something of a flat-earth thinker when it came to the structures whose teachings, although considered heretical, provided William with oflife in the church. For him there were diocesan clerics (i.e., bishops and a context of extreme urgency. But he gave his work academic strength priests and minor orders), and then there were monks. by using many authoritative and accepted sources: the Bible, canon No in-between, nothing new. But Thomas begins his work by inquiring law, the Fathers of the Church, the Gloss on the Bible (a semi-official about "religious life;' generally. What does it and respected commentary on the Bible much used by theologians and meant to live "in religion"? What consti- tutes the fulfillment, Church ). Even if a bitter harangue, it was to be taken seriously. the perfection, of religious life (prologue and chapter 1)? For Thomas, As it happened, the papacy's attitude toward William of St. Amour the one who gives himself over to the service of God- over and above the and his other three colleagues was already quite negative; Alexander IV general way in which all baptized on 17 June 1256 demanded that King Louis of France expel William Christians serve God- can serve God in many differing ways. Some and the others from the country. Instead Louis sent a copy of William's will give themselves over to prayer and contemplation alone. Others De periculis to Rome for examination, and William and his three col- will devote themselves to caring for the sick or buying back the kid- leagues (Eudes of Douai, Nicholas of Bar-sur-Aube, and Chretien of napped. And if needs arise that mercy can help, needs not yet discov-

1ntroduction 1ntroduction • ered, religious orders may be created to meet them (chap. 1). It is clear "De perfed:ione spiritualis vitae" that Thomas sees the development of the mendicant orders, and espe- cially the Dominicans, as a new development, one called for by the In 1257. William of St. Amour had been banished from France by Pope times. There needs to be an order given over to studying God, to learn- Alexander IV, true enough, but that did not mean that Paris was no ing true doctrine, and to communicating that learning faithfully to longer on William's mind, or that the mind of some in Paris was no Christians through preaching, teaching, and hearing confessions. And longer on him. He had kept in contact with two masters in particular, for this reason, it is suitable that such religious (i .e., the Dominicans a Nicholas of Lisieux and, more important, Gerard of Abbeville, who and Franciscans) should have teaching positions (chap. 2, 3) and, in- would prove to be the chief antagonist in a second wave of anti-men- stead of performing manual labor, which would take away from their dicant sentiment at Paris in the late 1260s. studies and preparation for preaching, they should instead live mea- From his banishment, William of St. Amour had sent a work, gerly on the financial gifts of others. The Contra impugnantes covers Collationes catholicae, to the newly-elected pope, Clement IV, hoping the wide range of allegations made against the mendicants by William, that the pope's nationality- he was French- might get him a favorable it is true; but its beating heart is the belief that the Order of Preachers, hearing. It did not. Clement IV reiterated, point by point, the rights in particular, should give over their whole lives to serving the doctrinal that Alexander IV had given the mendicants, especially the irksome needs of Christians. permissions to participate in pastoral care that the French bishops and Something else to think about: while the Dominicans, and Thomas secular churchmen in Paris thought should be the reserve of diocesan defending them, did emphasize the traditional value of poverty in re- clergy. xxiv ligious life, we should note that, for Thomas in Contra impugnantes, In Paris, the secular master Gerard of Abbeville had made a name xxv poverty is not the principal way one measures a religious order's status for himself as someone who regularly held and published his quodli- or perfection. This is important because while the Dominicans and betal discussions. That gave him the distinct advantage of holding forth Franciscans were both allies in their common struggle against the sec- on the controversial topics of the day. In 1267, Gerard had held a ular masters, the Franciscans emphasized that it was one's poverty that Quodlibet on the sensitive issue of whether young men should make a marked one's spiritual perfection. To follow the Franciscan St. profession for the religious life. The seeming abstract character of the Bonaventure, whose work on poverty (De paupertate) was written question covered its irritating source; young men at the universities against the seculars in late 1255 or early 1256, one would have to say were often impressed with the mendicant orders and wanted to join that the Franciscans, given as they were to complete poverty, were them outright, as soon as these young men met the minimal canonical more perfect than the secular masters ... and the Dominicans. Thomas age requirements-this being the specific issue that Thomas would ad- in the Contra impugnantes does not directly take Bonaventure up on dress a few years later. But it was clear that some issues were being re- this point- the more important battle at hand was against the secu- visited, and others discovered and developed, which would start up a lars- but his own description of the nature and purpose of poverty in second controversy. the religious life (chaps. 1, 6) lets the reader see with what principals The Dominicans, for their part, seemed to sense that trouble was Thomas might have fashioned such as response. The "De perfectione brewing. In 1267 they sent back to Paris the theologian Peter of spiritualis vitae;' the next book in this volume, was, In fact, effectively Tarantaise, who had occupied a chair of theology there from 1259- that response. 1264. Having someone serve as a master twice was unusual, because

Introduction Introduction the Dominicans wanted to create as many masters as possible. But it ones;' a nickname of the Franciscans that described them precisely in seems the order felt that experience was more called for at the time terms of their poverty. than the normal procedure. And this seemed all the more true when a Enter Thomas Aquinas. Thomas had been in Paris since late 1268 year later the order sent Thomas Aquinas himself back to Paris, pluck- and had devoted a couple questions in his Easter Quodlibet of 1269 to ing him from his customary role in his Italian province, the Roman topics generally surrounding the mendicant issues. But it seemed to Province, where he had been a teacher in convents for almost a decade. him that some more systematic thinking was required if the dispute at So in the fall of 1268 the two Dominican chairs in theology were now hand was to be fully covered. The result was his De perfectione spiritu- manned by experienced and respected theologians and thus on hand alis vitae, on the perfection, the completeness, of the spiritual life. So to join any doctrinal skirmish that could once again threaten the pres- what was the main, overarching issue for Thomas? Was it poverty? Was ence of the order at the university. it "who is best to have as a teacher"? For Thomas the issue at the bot- Perhaps the conflict's first salvo was Gerard of Abbeville's lack of tom here is this: in what does Christian perfection, Christian com- courtesy, for he delivered a shocking sermon on New Year's Day 1269, pleteness, primarily consist? And he knew at the outset that his answer in the Franciscan church in Paris. Deferring not a whit to the audience, would raise the eyebrows not only of his foes (Gerard and his sup- Gerard went right after the Franciscan attachment to evangelical porters) but also of his friends (the Franciscans). Be that as it may, for poverty. He defended the wealth of the Church and then went on to Thomas the answer is always the same: the perfection of the spiritual suggest that some common Franciscan teaching on evangelical poverty life derives first and most from the Christian moral virtue of "charity'.' amounted to an attack-a heretical one, at that-on the Church and Charity is that theological virtue by which we love God above all xxvi its institutions. It is possible that Thomas might have been in atten- things, and our neighbors as ourselves; the Lord himself commands xxvii dance that day- sermons on holy days were delivered in either the this in Matthew's Gospel (Mt 22:37-39). All Christians are called to live Dominican or Franciscan churches and could be attended by all mem- lives of charity- indeed, for Thomas charity is absolutely necessary if bers of the university. But it is almost certain that two key Franciscans we wish to attain the state of perpetual vision and love of God in were there: St. Bonaventure and John Pecham. Both these men would heaven- but the complexities of life make it impossible for all to prac- author defenses of Franciscan teaching on poverty. tice char_ity in exactly the same way. Hence the Christian tradition em- Gerard, for his part, took advantage of a long papal interregnum to phasized the Lord's distinction between mandates (those things that disseminate his work, Contra adversarium perfectionis christianae, in all Christians must do to live lives worthy of Christ) and counsels (those which he combated the notion that Christian perfection consisted in ways of living that go beyond the mandates and are especially helpful evangelical poverty. Pope Clement IV, who had died in late 1268, and in living the life to which Christ calls us). The primary example is who had reaffirmed mendicant privileges during his reign, would surely Christ's encounter in chapter nineteen of the Matthew's Gospel. A rich not have tolerated Gerard's work, which Gerard had actually written man comes to Jesus and inquires what he must do to attain eternal life. some years earlier (in response to the Franciscan Thomas of York's late- Jesus responds first by telling the man to keep the commandments (i.e., 125os volley, Manus quae contra omnipotentem, a defense of the ten commandments, some of which Jesus recites). The man con- Franciscan mendicancy during the first phase of the mendicant con- tinues, "I have kept these commandments; what do I need to do fur- troversies). But in the summer of 1269, after the death of Clement, ther?" (Mt 19:20). Jesus responds, "If you wish to be perfect, go, sell Gerard distributed the work, and in the fall of that year St. Bonaventure your possessions, and give to the poor. You will then have treasure in replied with his Apologia pauperum, his famous defense "of the poor heaven. Afterward, come and follow me" (Mt 19:21).

1ntroduction 1ntroduction do religious). This contention doubtless irked Gerard de Thomas takes this second half of Jesus' response to indicate a life- a rule (as remained an archdeacon. commitment that seeks perfection by totally orienting oneself away Abbeville, who was and the De perfectione. The work seems to have from this life's usual attractions, not partially, as most people do. For One final note about the bottom of the most people, life is a mixture of the needs and pleasures of this-worldly been written as a irenic meditation trying to get to of living: owning possessions for use in living, ma!Tying, then having chil- whole dispute about religious life, poverty, and the various states dren, and then rearing them in accordance with the laws of Christ and Christian living, but at chapter twenty-one, the De perfectione gathers his Church .... Bu'I: it is possible to choose to live in a state- that is, a an urgency because Thomas had come upon a recent quodlibetal ques- publicly expressed vow or commitment- where one forgoes posses- tion of Gerard de Abbeville ( Quodlibetum XIV), which clearly takes sions (as the Lord counseled the rich man in Matthew) and sex, and aim at Thomas's general teaching on these matters. So Thomas re- the freedom to follow one's own will, and thereby free oneself to follow sponds, and chapters twenty-one through twenty-six of the present Christ without the weighty distractions of possessions, sex, and total translation show Thomas answering, point by point, the assertions freedom. Those in religious life make such vows. Hence the "states of made by Gerard (and possibly others). The seeming speculative work perfection" that one enters into by vowing lives of poverty, chastity, ends, therefore, with Thomas directly challenging his adversaries to re- and obedience, are special ways, particularly effective ways, of follow- spond. "Iron sharpens iron (Prov 27:17 );' he notes, adding that nothing ing Christ. But these "states of perfection" guarantee neither that those makes a truth more clear as one's attempting to refute arguments levied who vow to live in them are automatically holy, nor that those who live against it. outside them will lead lives unworthy of Christ. Thomas closes chap- Thomas would once again engage in such a polemic, in his Contra those who would xx ix xxviii ter 1 s of the De perfectione by saying: "But, as some men perform works doctrinam retrahentium a religione, written against of perfections without any vow, and others fail to accomplish the works try to prevent entrance of young men into the religious life. of perfection to which they have vowed their whole lives, it is perfectly possible for persons to be perfect without being in the state of perfec- "Contra dodrinam retrahentium a religione" tion, or to be in a state of perfection without being perfect:' The De perfectione is also of interest, because in it Thomas hones The Con_stitutions of the Dominican Order stipulated that the mini- Pope Innocent IV his teaching about bishops. Like those who take - the mum age to join the order was eighteen years, and age of fourteen be Dominicans, the Franciscans- bishops are in a "state of perfection;' (1243-1254) had commanded that no one under the in a religious order- fourteen years old being the because their to serve Christ as his shepherds requires allowed to take vows Despite this , however, both the them to live in ways beyond the requirements of all Christians. Bishops accepted age of full-discretion. and Franciscans had developed a custom of receiving into must follow, in particular, the example of Christ and his Apostles, who Dominicans their convents underage boys, in order to let them live within the order, laid down their very lives for their followers, gave over the entirety of learning its practices, until they became canonically eligible to take their lives to service of the faithful and to loving their enemies. For vows. The practice was not altogether foreign to religious life, since the Thomas this meant that bishops live in a state of perfection higher than had a tradition of receiving young boys into their care as that of religious. It also meant that diocesan priests and other offices in as a young child, Thomas himself had been given over to the the church are not in states of perfection, because none of these has the ""; care of the monks at Monte Cassino by his parents, in the hope that he permanence in a special office (as does a bishop) or permanence under

1ntroduction 1ntroduction would someday ratify their decision by choosing to enter the people in these rudimentary Christian moral principles. To teach the Benedictines. young to live the counsels well- all of them focusing on the love of In the late 1260s, as one more thrust of their sustained attack on the God-will only strengthen their keeping the commandments. mendicants, Gerard de Abbeville and Nicholas of Lisieux had called Gerard's second claim goes against the scriptures, Thomas thinks. If into question this practice, however. The attack compelled the living as a religious is like living as the disciples of Christ lived, then, Franciscan John Pecham in January 1270 to respond with his work De Thomas asks, should we not imitate the actions of the disciples? But in pueris oblatis (On Young Oblates). Thomas Aquinas, for his part, ad- the Gospel of Matthew we learn that Saints Peter and Andrew an- dressed the issue at some length in his Quodlibetum IV (aa. 23-24), swered Christ's call to be his disciples by promptly dropping their fish- which dates from Lent 1271, and then formally in his Contra doctri- ing nets and following him. No protracted period of investigation and nam retrahentium a religione, written against those who would "hold seeking counsel of all of one's relatives; just following the Lord. Besides, back people from a life in religion;' including, of course, young men sometimes the advice of friends and family is not reliable (particularly who would like to join Thomas's Dominican Order as soon as possible. not the latter). The work seems to have been written in the summer and fall of 1271, The third issue focuses specifically on the vow one takes in becom- after the Quodlibetum IV The Contra doctrinam retrahentium a reli- ing a religious. Gerard's suggestion is that doing meritorious works is gione, or Contra retrahentes as it is usually called, was Thomas's last, better when one spontaneously does them without being under vowed sustained contribution to this debate. obligation to do them. Thomas thinks just the opposite, because for As Thomas reports it, Gerard de Abbeville had made three main ar- him the vow one takes is a life long act of worshipping God in all that xxx guments against the practice of the mendicants (in the work, Thomas one does. Thus every good thing that one does is a part of that larger, xxxi will address a fourth issue, regarding those religious orders which do meritorious vow, with one's own will made more firm by the vow. not possess property in common, something Gerard considers a flaw Thomas ends the Contra retrahentes with a challenge much like the and therefore should deter men- including young men- from enter- one with which he closed the De perfectione spiritualis vitae-only this ing such orders). For Gerard, "mere boys" should not be admitted to the time there is some added urgency: "If anyone wishes to contradict what religious orders because: I have w_ritten here, don't let him chat with boys about the matter, but i ) They have not been trained or exercised enough in the divine let him write and offer his writing publicly, so that it can be judged by commandments and are not ready to move onto the counsels (chap. more learned people what is true, and what is erroneous will be con- 2). futed by the authority of truth:' 2) They have not had enough time to deliberate on the issue with No response, it seems, came forth, or if it did, Thomas decided not many different people (chap. 8). to respond. The anti-mendicant controversy had lasted about is years, 3) No one should make a vow to enter a religious order anyway, as and in early 1272 it seemed that everybody had simply run out of pa- these adolescents have been doing (chap. 11). tience with the topic; the impasse had never been fully breached, and Thomas addresses Gerard's first claim by reminding us that the both sides evidently decided just to stop talking about the whole mat- counsels of perfection are not a different sort of thing than the moral ter. But some central truths of the Catholic faith had been hammered content of the divine precepts (i.e., the ten divine commandments); on out and entered into the ordinary magisterium of the Church. the contrary, the counsels are more ardent ways of living those divine Thomas's deep love of his own Dominican Order never abated, nor precepts well, and thus can only help the training and exercise of young did his love for the simplicity of his function within the order. He was

1ntroduction 1ntroduction the reader of these transla- a teacher who loved thinking about the Christian faith, teaching and text is more official but curious. At times with something like "Il.q'.' or even defending it. Two years later, as he and his secretary Reginald of tions will be greeted, mid-sentence, These are references to church law and are Piperno were heading, at the pope's request, to the Council of Lyons, "XII.quest.I.cap., expedit'.' Decretum, more formally known as the Reginald tried to boost the weary Thomas with the thought that at the found in Gratian's discordantium canonum. This work, dating from the council the pope might make Thomas a cardinal, as the pope had re- Concordantia become the backbone of church law by Thomas's cently done to St. Bonaventure. Thomas cut ·Reginald off. "I assure you, middle-110os, had was to bring to bear the decisions of previous , Reginald;' he sl!.id, "that I can serve the order best as I am'.' Serving the day, and to cite it on a wide range of areas of church life. It is order, by serving its purpose, was all Thomas Aquinas wanted to do- councils, or synods, Thomas, a theologian, knew and so consciously used which, as these early texts (now conveniently gathered in English in interesting that church law in making his points in the anti-mendicant controversies. one volume) indicate, he had done with great verve and intelligence since the commencement of his life as Dominican. MARK JOHNSON A Note on Thomas's Sources Bibliography The reader who is familiar with other writings of Thomas Aquinas, or that constant footnoting introduces, I have any medieval theologian for that matter, will not be surprised to see To forestall the interruption point by point documentation in the body of the here references made to the texts of the Bible (both the Old Testament chosen not to provide below the sources I found useful in con- xxxiii xx.xii and the New), to some philosophers (such as Aristotle or "Tully;' i.e., text. Rather, I have listed Cicero), or even to well-respected saints and teachers of Christianity structing the above narrative: (Augustine, Pope Saint Gregory, Boethius, Anselm). To cite the text of Life and Views of these authors was to bring them into the conversation, often invoking Brett, Edward T. Humbert of Romans: His Toronto: their authority, or at least using their texts to provide language useful Thirteenth-Century Society. Studies and Texts 67. to the discussion at hand. Christian theology in the middle ages was Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1984. Pp. 12-40. mendiants nothing if not a vortex of authoritative religious texts. Congar, Yves. "Aspects ecclesiologiques de Ia querelle entre debut du But there are two other important types of texts cited in these trans- et seculiers clans Ia seconde moitie du XIIIe siecle et le age 36 lations, types less familiar. The first is "the Gloss'.' Evolved over the two XIVe;' Archives d'histoire doctrinale et litteraire du moyen centuries or so before Thomas, the Gloss (the glossa ordinaria) was a (1961), 35-151. . 2 Vols. set of short explanatory commentaries on biblical texts. These glossed Hinnebusch, William. A. The History of the Dominican Order notes explained troublesome passages or provided comments from au- Staten Island, N.Y.: Alba House, 1966. Mendicant thoritative figures (e.g., Augustine, , Ambrose) and over time Lawrence, C.H. The Friars: The Impact of the Early acquired a solid, authoritative status. As the immediate interpretive Movement on Western Society. London: Longman, 1994. Notre Dame, IN: tool for understanding the meaning of a given biblical text, the notes O'Meara, Thomas. Thomas Aquinas, Theologian. were eventually copied directly into the margins of Bibles. Thomas fre- University of Notre Dame Press, 1997. is Bent in Study.. .' Dominican quently resorts to the Gloss as a way to get other language- at times, Mulchahey, M. Michele. 'First the Bow Texts 132. Toronto: Pontifical preferred words- into the topic he is dealing with. The second type of Education Before i350. Studies and

1ntroductiori 1ntroductiori Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1998. Pp. 3-54, 351-378. Thomson, Willie! R. "The Image of the Mendicants in the Chronicles of Matthew Paris'.' Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 70 (1977) 3- 33. Torrell, Jean-Pierre. Saint Thomas Aquinas, Volume 1: Ihe Person and His Work (Revised Edition). Trans. Robert.Royal. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2005. Especially pp. 75-95. Traver, Andrew. The Opuscula of William of Saint-Amour: Ihe Minor Works of 1255-1256. Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittlealters. Neue Falge 63. Munster: Aschendorff, Part I 2003. Pp. 1-8i. Tugwell, Simon. "Introduction: The Life and Works of Thomas Aquinas'.' In Albert and Thomas: Selected Writings. Ed. Simon ''Against Those Who Attack Tugwell. The Classics of Western Spirituality Series. Mahwah, NJ: The Paulist Press, 1988. Pp. 201-35i. the Religious State and Profession" - "Introduction'.' In Early Dominicans: Selected Writings. Ed. Simon Tugwell. The Classics of Western Spirituality Series. Mahwah, NJ: "Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem;' 1256 xxxiv The Paulist Press, 1982. Pp. 1-47. Vicaire, Marie-Humbert, Dominique et ses Precheurs. 2nd ed. Fribourg: Editions universitaires, 1977. -Histoire de saint Dominique. 2 vols. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1982. OPUSCULUM XIX (PARMA EDITION OPUSCULUM I) - "L'Ordre de saint Dominique en 1215'.' Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 54 (1984): 5-38. Weisheipl, James A. Friar Thomas D'Aquino: His Life, Thought, and Works, with corrigenda and addenda. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1983. Pp. 54-66, 80-92, 263-272.

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