Frank Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
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Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University
Regis University ePublications at Regis University All Regis University Theses Spring 2010 Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.regis.edu/theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Meddles, Erik, "Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism" (2010). All Regis University Theses. 544. https://epublications.regis.edu/theses/544 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by ePublications at Regis University. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Regis University Theses by an authorized administrator of ePublications at Regis University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Regis University Regis College Honors Theses Disclaimer Use of the materials available in the Regis University Thesis Collection (“Collection”) is limited and restricted to those users who agree to comply with the following terms of use. Regis University reserves the right to deny access to the Collection to any person who violates these terms of use or who seeks to or does alter, avoid or supersede the functional conditions, restrictions and limitations of the Collection. The site may be used only for lawful purposes. The user is solely responsible for knowing and adhering to any and all applicable laws, rules, and regulations relating or pertaining to use of the Collection. All content in this Collection is owned by and subject to the exclusive control of Regis University and the authors of the materials. It is available only for research purposes and may not be used in violation of copyright laws or for unlawful purposes. -
Sam Gordon Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Sam Gordon Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: • Basic biographical data • Biographical sketch • Selective bibliography • Notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Sam Gordon Other names (by-names, pseud., etc.): Burton ; Drake ; Harry ; Joe ; Joad ; J.S. ; Paul G. Stevens ; J. Stuart ; J.B. Stuart ; J.E.B. Stuart ; Ted ; Tom Date and place of birth: May 5, 1910, ??? (Austria-Hungary) Date and place of death: March 12, 1982, London (Britain) Nationality: USA Occupations, careers, etc.: Printer, journalist, translator, seaman, organizer Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1929 - 1982 (lifelong Trotskyist) Biographical sketch Sam Gordon was an outstanding Trotskyist who during the 1940s played an eminent rôle as a liaison man between the American SWP and the European Trotskyists as well as within the leading bodies of the Fourth In ternational. The following biographical sketch is chiefly based on the material listed in the last paragraph of the Selective bibliography section below. Sam Gordon1 was born on May 5, 1910 as a son of Yiddish speaking Jewish parents living in that part of Poland which then belonged to the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. However, when Sam was still a baby, the family moved to Vienna, the Austrian capital, thus the boy grew up in a German speaking en vironment. In 1920, the family went to New York (USA) where Sam Gordon rapidly learnt English and got naturalized under the Americanized name of Gordon; as an adolescent he was fluent in three languages. In the early 1940s, Gordon got acquainted with Mildred Fellerman (b. 1923), a British teacher and Labour Party activist; when the two met again in Paris in 1947, they fell in love, and in 1948 they got married in the United States; in the 1950s they got a son. -
All Indochina Must Go Communist!
NUMBER NINETEEN TEN CENTS MAY 1975 Saigon puppets flee All Indochina must go communist! The fall of Saigon on 30 April to the National The triumphant advance of the NLF-DRV proved and the complete collapse of the capitalist class Liberation Front and Democratic Republic of Viet conclusively the complete untenability of the and its state apparatus, there is now only one nam (NLF-DRV) is a decisive defeat of US imperi 1973 Paris peace treaty, an agreement promoting possible path of 'development -- the expropriation alism and its South Vietnamese puppets. Together the illusion of peace between the classes, pro of the basic productive forces. Whatever the with the success of. the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, claiming acceptance of continued capitalism in outward forms of rule in Cambodia and South Viet it is a great victory for the oppressed through South Vietnam and a coalition government with the nam, they are now deformed workers states, which out the world, and especially for the workers and capitalist Saigon government. The peace treaty can only base themselves on the property forms of peasants of Indochina who have fought so long and came not out of a decisive military victory but proletarian rule, but with socialist development suffered so much through three decades of war out of a heroic struggle of the masses resulting and the international extension of revolution against oppression. But with this victory the in a military standoff with their enormously held back by a bureaucratic caste ruling in the struggle does not end, either for the peoples of powerful enemy. -
Socialisme Ou Barbarie: a French Revolutionary Group (1949-65)
Socialisme ou Barbarie: A French Revolutionary Group (1949-65) Marcel van der Lindenl In memory of Cornelius Castoriadis, 11 March 1922 - 26 December 1997 The political and theoretical views developed by the radical group Socialisme ou Barbarie from 1949 onward, have only recently received some attention outside the French speaking world.2 For a long period things were little different in France where the group and its similarly named periodical also received scant attention. This only changed after the students' and workers' rebellion in May- June 1968. The remnants of the journal, which had been unsaleable up to then - it had stopped appearing three years earlier - suddenly became a hot-selling item. Many of the 'heretical' ideas published in it seemed to be confirmed by the unexpected revolt. In 1977 the daily Le Monde wrote on the intellectual efforts of Socialisme ou Barbarie: "This work - aIthough unknown to the public at large -has nevertheless had a powerful influence on those who played a role in May 1968." In the writings of the group one finds "most of the ideas which are being debated nowadays (from workers' control through to the critique of modern technology, of Bolshevism or of mar^)."^ In Socialisme ou Barbarie an attempt was made to consider the bureaucra- tization of social movements. The central questions were: is it an iron law that movements opposing the existing order either fall apart or change into rigid hierarchies? How can militants organize themselves without being absorbed or rigidified into a bureaucratic apparatus? Socialisme ou Barbarie first posed these questions because the group asked itself why things had gone wrong in the traditional labour movement. -
Fourth International 666
Vol. 7, No. 26 0 1969 Intercontinental Press July 14, 1969 $1 DOCUMENTS World Congress of the FOURTH INTERNATIONAL 666 fied to the active way in which the Trotskyists in most countries are participating in vanguard struggles. Special Issue A noticeable feature of the congress was the youthful- ness of many of the delegations. They represented the most politically conscious sector of the new generation One of the features of Intercontinental A.ess which of rebel youth that is stirring the world today. The many of our well-wishers have told us is especially question of how the Fourth International can take still appreciated is the number of documents which we reg- better advantage of the great new openings interna- ularly make available in translation from various lan- tionally to recruit fresh contingents from this source guages and from various sectors of the political spec- was one of the major items on the agenda. It was trum. In this issue the entire contents comes under the likewise interlaced with other points in the deliberations heading of rrdocuments” and these documents are all of the delegates. from a single gathering, the world congress of the Fourth The discussion was an intense one throughout the International held last April. congress, constituting the most graphic evidence of how In our opinion, this was a political event of some the democratic side of the principle of democratic cen- importance to the revolutionary-minded left. As the tralism is observed in the Fourth International in con- Third World Congress since the Reunification, it reg- trast to the stultifying, antidemocratic practices charac- istered the solidity achieved by the world Trotskyist teristic of the Stalinist and Social Democratic organiza- movement after a major split that lasted for almost tions with their iron-fisted and ivory-headed bureau- ten years until the breach was closed in 1963 on a cracies. -
Marxist Politics Or Unprincipled Combinationism?
Prometheus Research Series 5 Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party by Max Shachtman Reprinted from Internal Bulletin No. 3, February 1936, of the Workers Party of the United States With Introduction and Appendices , ^3$ Prometheus Research Library September*^ Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party by Max Shachtman Reprinted from Internal Bulletin No. 3, February 1936, of the Workers Party of the United States With Introduction and Appendices Prometheus Research Library New York, New York September 2000 Prometheus graphic from a woodcut by Fritz Brosius ISBN 0-9633828-6-1 Prometheus Research Series is published by Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 Table of Contents Editorial Note 3 Introduction by the Prometheus Research Library 4 Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party, by Max Shachtman 19 Introduction 19 Two Lines in the Fusion 20 The "French" Turn and Organic Unity 32 Blocs and Blocs: What Happened at the CLA Convention 36 The Workers Party Up To the June Plenum 42 The Origin of the Weber Group 57 A Final Note: The Muste Group 63 Conclusion 67 Appendix I Resolution on the Organizational Report of the National Committee, 30 November 1934 69 Appendix II Letter by Cannon to International Secretariat, 1 5 August 1935 72 Letter by Glotzer to International Secretariat, 20 November 1935 76 Appendix III National Committee of the Workers Party U.S., December 1934 80 Glossary 81 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/marxistpoliticsoOOshac Editorial Note The documents in this bulletin have in large part been edited for stylistic consistency, particularly in punctuation, capitalization and emphasis, and to read smoothly for the modern reader. -
Rebels with a Cause: Revolutionary Syndicalism, Anarchism, and Socialism in Fin-De-Siècle France
Rebels with a Cause: Revolutionary Syndicalism, Anarchism, and Socialism in Fin-De-Siècle France Andrew P. Miller History In his influential book, Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor, Peter Stearns presents the fin-de-siècle syndicalist movement in France as “a cause without rebels.” Stearns asserts that syndicalist leaders and intellectuals “produced distinctive and abundant rhetoric…yet they did not characterize French labor in their heyday and they did not set an enduring trend.”1 For Stearns, the revolutionary syndicalists failed to meet the workers’ material needs and paralyzed the unionist movement because they did not have a centralized leadership dedicated to pragmatic business and organizational practices. Bernard Moss comes to a similar conclusion, stating that the workers’ shift from “a cooperative strategy in alliance with the reformist middle class” to “a revolutionary strategy of class struggle” through loose federations and autonomous trade associations hampered the centralized discipline and political power of unions at the turn of the century.2 Stearns and Moss engage the French labor movement from very different perspectives, but in the end, both either discount or fail to recognize the specific ideals and moral tradition behind revolutionary syndicalism. Stearns’s concern with the importance of higher wages and job security conceals the fact that narrow, short-term gains were not the main objectives of the skilled labor force in the syndicalist movement. Moss, on the other hand, recognizes the ideological character of the movement, but fails to acknowledge that political socialism, as a path into twentieth-century industrial politics, eventually embedded the French syndicalists in the capitalist system they sought to overturn. -
Socialist Re Yvonne Groseil View, and I Was Quite Impressed by It
Tvvo Vievvs on the Dialectics of Nature To William F. Warde tal to Sartre and Hyppolite. There is and I hope it will precipitate in this I have just read your article, "Is Na one point in your article, however, with country a greater appreciation of the ture Dialectical?" in the Summer 1964 which I would take some exception. problem and wide discussion of it. That is when you argue against the issue of the International Socialist Re Yvonne Groseil view, and I was quite impressed by it. anti-dialecticians by pointing out the Although I must plead guilty to a advances made in science, especially by November 15, 1964 rather superficial knowledge of Marx Oparin, through the use of dialectical ism, I am very interested in Hegel's method. Dialectical logic may help the Reply work. During my study of Hegel, I have scientist reach some useful hypotheses Here are some comments on the main come to the conclusion that the ques for later investigation, but this is not questions of theoretical interest raised tion of the philosophy of nature is a the essential point here. by this friendly letter. crucial one. In my opinion, Hegel's I t seems to me that the method or 1. Would knowledge of the method of philosophy falls apart into a dualism of means by which scientific discoveries the materialist dialectic, which is based mind and matter instead of being the are made is secondary in this argument. on the most general laws of being and synthesis he desired just because of the What is really vital is the fact that only becoming, assist the physical scientist failure of his philosophy of nature. -
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS 29881 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS NATIONAL HISPANIC HERITAGE Troducing Hispanic Artists and Covering Top "This May Well Be the Case
September 19, 1977 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 29881 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS NATIONAL HISPANIC HERITAGE troducing Hispanic artists and covering top "This may well be the case. But what 1s WEEK IN CONNECTICUT ics of national interest. at stake for the nation is not the adequacy We trust that we can count on your sup of current profits by business standards-it port both at the Capitol and with your con is rather the rate of drllling and production. stituency here in Connecticut. As a re "Even if proposed pricing structures pro HON. WILLIAM R. COTTER vided for sufficient profit, is the price struc OF CONNECTICUT source, we know your office is invaluable to us; and 1! we can be o! any assistance to ture adequate to generate the level of cash IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES you, in terms o! disseminating information, fiow necessary to mount and sustain the drilling effort required to meet the planned Monday, September 19, 1977 please don't hesitate to contact our office. Sincerely, 1985 oil and gas production goals? We con Mr. COTTER. Mr. Speaker, September FRANK MARRERO, clude ... that it is not, and that 1985 na 11 through 17 was National Hispanic Executive Producer, Project Officer. tional oil and gas production will be as much as five million barrels a day below the NEP Heritage Week, an event that recognized goal." the important role of Hispanic-Ameri They said $699 blllion in 1976 prices must cans in our Nation's life. Connecticut, be invested to fulfill production and con where the Hispanic community numbers UNITED STATES-MORE OIL AND servation targets o! NEP. -
The Communist International, the Soviet Union,And Their Impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement
The Communist International, the Soviet Union,and their impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement DAN LA BOTZ Abstract: The Soviet Union and A L the Communist International had an adverse influence on the Latin CONTRA American workers’ movement, ), 1957-1964. continually diverting it fighting for UCIÓN L a democratic socialist society. They ALHE T REVO A DE subordinated the workers’ movements L ( to the interests of the Soviet . Union’s ruling class, the Communist IQUEIROS PORFIRIANA bureaucracy. At one moment, they led S the workers’ movement in disastrous ARO F L uprisings, while in a subsequent era A they encouraged it to build alliances DICTADURA AVID with capitalist and imperialist power. D Keywords: Soviet Union. Communist International. Communist Parties. Cuba. Workers Movement. A Internacional Comunista, a União Soviética e seu impacto no movimento de trabalhadores da América Latina Resumo: A União Soviética e a Internacional Comunista tiveram uma influência adversa no movimento latino-americano de trabalhadores, frequentemente, distraindo-o de sua luta por uma sociedade socialista democrática. Ambas subordinaram os movimentos de trabalhadores aos interesses da classe dominante na União Soviética, a burocracia comunista. Em um momento, dirigiram o movimento de trabalhadores para levantes desastrosos, DAN LA BOTZ enquanto em um período subsequente encorajaram-no a fazer alianças com Ph.D in American history and poderes capitalistas e imperialistas. professor at the Murphy Institute, the Palavras-chaves: União Soviética. labor school of the City University Internacional Comunista. Partidos of New York. He is the author of ten Comunistas. Cuba. Movimento de books on labor, social movements, Trabalhadores. and politics in the United States, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Indonesia. -
Joseph Hansen Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf78700585 No online items Register of the Joseph Hansen papers Finding aid prepared by Joseph Hansen Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2006, 2012 Register of the Joseph Hansen 92035 1 papers Title: Joseph Hansen papers Date (inclusive): 1887-1980 Collection Number: 92035 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 109 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box, 3 envelopes, 1 audio cassette(46.2 linear feet) Abstract: Speeches and writings, correspondence, notes, minutes, reports, internal bulletins, resolutions, theses, printed matter, sound recording, and photographs relating to Leon Trotsky, activities of the Socialist Workers Party in the United States, and activities of the Fourth International in Latin America, Western Europe and elsewhere. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Hansen, Joseph, Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Joseph Hansen papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1992. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the online catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid. -
The 'French Turn'
1 Lessons from the Struggle for the Fourth International The ‘French Turn’ In 1938 Trotsky and his co-thinkers founded the mist cretins who led the Social Democratic Party (SPD) Fourth International with the declaration that ‘‘The his- made impotent appeals to the capitalist state to curb the torical crisis of mankind is reduced to the crisis of the fascists, while the KPD ignored Trotsky’s calls for a revolutionary leadership.’’ The crisis of leadership re- workers united front with the social democrats to resist mains a profound problem in this period of retreat for Nazi terror. Idiotically proclaiming ‘‘after Hitler, us,’’ the the international working class. Today the Fourth Inter- KPD concentrated its fire on the SPD ‘‘social fascists.’’ By national exists only as a program and as a legacy of the dividing the proletariat, the KPD helped clear the path struggle for revolutionary continuity after Lenin. The for the Nazi victory (see ‘‘The Myth of the ‘Third Period’’’ Stalinist bureaucracy that strangled the revolutionary and ‘‘Leninism and the Third Period: Not Twins, But movement born of the great October Revolution of 1917 Antipodes’’ 1917 Nos. 3 & 4). now proclaims its intention to dismantle the remaining Until 1933 the Trotskyist movement functioned as an social conquests of that victory. external faction of the Comintern that sought to return As revolutionary Marxists, we stand on the record of it to its original role as an organizing center for world the first five years of Lenin’s Third, or Communist, revolution. But the KPD’s ignominious surrender to the International (Comintern).