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Reflecting on the Turk 1n late sixteenth-century Venetian portrait books BRONWEN WILSON

COSTUMES AND CUSTOMS OF THE 'TURKS' r. o ,;· On g September 1570 the Venetian co ntroll ed city of Nicosia on the island of Cyprus fell to th e Ottoman Empire, an event th at would precipitate the form ation of the Holy League and the Battle of Lepanto tl1e following year.' T he renewed threat incited the prolific author Francesco Sansovin o to press the Venetia n Senate to move against the Ottoman Turks in a 'just' war whose successfu l outcome had been widely prophe ied and enjoyed entl1u ias ti c public support. 2 During the same months, Sansovino addressed 'Christian soldiers' in his l njimnatione, an ill usu·ated tract in which th e autl1 or's more characteristic admiration for Ottoman military virtu was superseded by a pointed religious rhetoric (fi gure 1). 3 He illustrated the text with woodcuts of Ottoman military men to show his readers tl1 at th e 'Turks' (the nomenclature for Muslims ratl1er than a specific ethnic identity) were made 'of bones and fl esh like you'.4 On tl1 e one hand, the figures set forth physical commonality; wh il e on the otl1 er hand, the Ottomans' costumes appeared 'strange' - a perception encouraged by the text - and provided Veneti ans with visual indicators of the 'evil and bestial' natures of their adver ari es. If the woodcuts helped both to fom e!Jt military fervor and popul ar aggression, tl1 e tension between sameness and difference expresses a con­ tradiction felt by th e Venetians in th e face of the Turks who were too familiar to be made exotic.5 Sansovin o ass ured his readers of tl1 c veracity of the images by maintaining that th ese were drawn from life. In fact, these woodcuts were copied after engravings tl1at Figure 1. Francesco Sansovino, Delo, 1570. British Library, London. circul ated in a costume book, Les qualre premiers Lim·es des navigations el !Jiregrinations orientales, first published in 1567 (fi gure 2). Foll owing his extensive travels tl1roughout the suggested by Nicolay in his preface where he explains that Ottoman Empire, Nicolas de Nicolay, the French royal 'each species of beast ... is bounded within particular parts geographer, compiled this coll ection of 6o figures of men of the world' and this is 'evidence that man is tl1e onl y 6 and women from a vari ety of ethnic gToups. Each social animal that was made [by God] for all the world'. In the category is illustrated by a sin o-le costume tl1at is identified wake of discoveries of worlds unknown to Europeans, and in by a label and explain ed in the accompanying text. Customs striking contrast with tl1 e regional variations seen in flora and habits of foreigners (including sexual practices, reli gious and fauna, tl1 e contours of the human body, unexpectedl y beliefs, and burial cu tom ) were associated with the body, and perhaps surprisingly, appeared to be universal. Thus, and these performative aspects of identity were described in costume was charged witl1 articulating geographical differ­ the text. By contrast, the extraordinary sartorial display seen ences. During th e second half of tl1 e sixteenth century, in tl1 e engravings provided the means to distinguish between printed costume books appeared across Europe in wh ich bodies, to highlight cultural differences. This sLTategy is illustrators called attention to tl1 e foreignness of distant lands

WORD & IM AGE, VOL. 1 9, NOS. I & 2 , J ANUARY- J UNE 2003

Wurd & lmngr ISS!\ 0266 6'.!86 C 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd h t 1p: I I www. ta ndf.co. uk I jou rna Is/ t fl 02666286. h tm I foreign. However, it was the absence of a European class system that fu eled his diatribe. 'They acknowledge neither their father nor mother, like real barbarians and peasants', Sansovino exclaims, warning readers that the Turk 'would murder the nobles'. " Although a monarchy, the Ottoman Empire was closed to the privil eges familiar to Emopean aristocrats. An Ottoman victory at Cyprus threatened the loss of property but, more significantly, the Turks' rejection of blood descent and the equality given to children regardless of birth undermined the very foundations of the Venetian oligarchs, whose exclusive authm;ty was legitimized by noble ancestry. 12 Genealogy became more important than ever in the second half of the century as the growing wealth of the citizen class proved a threat to the status of the nobles. Restricting marriage to a single son and daughter was one re ponse, since this enabled higher dowries and thus more prestigious unions between pau·ician families. 13 This context established th e audience for two of Sansovino's other books. In 1565, only a few years before the frljo1matione, he published his L'lzistoria di casa Orsina, a history of the noble Roman family. 14 The same concern with genealogy also charac­ terizes his famous 1582 publication, Origine efatti dellefamiglie illustri d'Italia.15

THE USES AND EFFECTS OF PORTRAITS If the body was seen to be universal, as Nicolay proposed, and it was costume that rendered differences visible, then what about physiognomy? The consequence of this question

Figure 2. Nicolas de Nicolay, Deify, 1568. British Library, London. is demonstrated by the frontispiece of a popular pamphlet, printed in Venice in 1580, to which the printer has added a mall , bust-length portrait of a man witl1 the name 'Selin', by depicting an array of protruding appendages and head­ representing Selim n (reigned 1566- 74; figure 3).'6 Although dresses that contrasted with the smooth contours ofEmopean the figure is clearly identified as a Turk by his turban and attire.' Serrated silhouettes came to designate the distinctive­ beard, it is the caption and not the crude facial features ness ofTurks in costume prints, a visual strategy that conu·asts that would have prompted viewers to recognize the sultan with the emphasis on color, size of turban, and length of held responsible for war. Despite the generic quality of the beard that was deployed at the Ottoman court. 8 i\!Ioreover, woodcut, the image clearly agitated at least one reader who although Nicolay often described the colors of the cosh1mes, slas hed the face of the sultan with a pen as if wielding a extant hand-colored editions indicate that illuminators rarely knife. followed the text. 9 Instead the contours and poses of the In anotl1er woodcut, printed after the war, Selim - figures became archetypes, and these were replicated, even again identified by name - is about to be snared by Charon traced, in at least eight costume books published by J60I. 10 as retributive justice for events foll owing the siege of These pictorial strategies thereby became tandard. The use Famagousta on Cyprus (figure 4). Following the capitulation of a caption, the isolation of the figure on the page, the to the Ottoman fl eet, as one eye-witness recounted, the emphasi on the contours of the cosh1me, the graphic clarity, Venetian Provveditore Marcantonio Bragadin was fl ayed and the reproductive medium of print worked together to alive by order of the sultan's general, and his skin was stuffed reduce a complex variety of Ottoman subj ects to generic with straw and raised on a mast as a symbol of the Venetian types. loss. 17 The unexpected victory of the Venetians in the ensuing In Sansovino's copies, Nicolay's engravings have been battle created a moment of rejuvenated pride, briefl y reduced in scale and simplified in detail. The woodcuts rupturing the myth of tl1e invincibility of the Turks. 18 The enabled Sansovino to reassert boundaries and to shape high cost of financial reparati ons paid to th e Ottomans for allegiances by illustrating what con tituted the Turks as peace 111 ' 573 underscored Venetian economic dependence

39 \' I D J,S P'E RAT I 0 N E a . I • DI SELIM GRAN TVRCO , . per I~ perdita della fua Armata,. il 'lual . :·: dolcn~ofi di OcchiaU, & di fc A )'7./,:J"f ····: c _, · · . / fteJfo & d'altri; -- .:L-#,1_ :.,Je\.l-};11 il •lc tll~:-t- I 1i. ~~... ' I • :S'v~ - .:·- RAC.CONTA COSE . DEGNE/ : K- ,d'elfer ihtefe. Can vn'Dialogo di Ca- · t : .ro~_ te, & Caracofa, &-:altte com­ " . · pofitioni piaceuolifsime nel · mcdcfim~ genere.,

'' . ~·· · .... ,. ' . J ., -·· J ·.: . ~TAMFATA IN VENETIA. - Figure 3· Anonymous, Selim, 1580. British Library, London. - ...... ·- ~ . . ..._ . -· .

Figure 4· Anonymous, SeLim, 1575. Briti h Library, London. on stable r e l ~ tions. '9 In the print, the heroic nude body of the Venetian skewered on the stake ets into relief the fleshy, undefin ed, but sumptuously decorated body of Selim. Once '595· Remarkably, by the beginning of the seventeenth again, the reader's presence is evidenced by the defacing century, the Turks were even described as 'saints' - albeit of th e sultan, whose head is litera ll y excised from his body in contrast with the evils of the Spanish and the J esuits below. 2 0 This absence of particular features dramatizes the during the interdict of 16o6- o7. 2 2 Franco's commemorative di tinction to be drawn between faces and bodies in the portrait conveys a certain respect for the reigning sultan construction of the opposition betwee n Venetian and Turk. who is surrounded by a veritable catalogue of accoutre­ The demand for portraits of Ottomans grew during ments of regal splendor and military leadership. Indeed, a periods of conflict. For example, medallions and printed year later, th e engraving was published in the artist's series portraits, like those engTaved by Agostino Veneziano, were of portraits of illustrious European leaders, Effiggie naturali dei produced in re pon e to the contest between C harl es v, nzaggior prencipi et piu valorosi cajJitani. In 1599, the portrait Francis 1, and Si.i leyman in Tunis in 1535.2 1 This trend, appeared in another context when it was copied by Pietro however, did not account for the production of portraits of Bertelli for his series of poro·aits, Vite degL'imperatori de'turclzi Turk in the Veneto in th e last quarter of th e century. con Le foro dfiggie, published in nearby Vicenza (figure 6).23 Instead of co nflict it was the sultan's ascension to power that Both of the e coll ections presented images of Ottoman prompted the entrepreneurial Venetian printmaker Gia­ Muslims and their allies in new ways. Each series presents como Franco to engrave a portrait of Mehmed m (reigned a general type - leaders and sultans - comprised of 1595- 16o3; figure 5). Relatively stable relations developed portraits of individuals who held those positions. On one between the Veneti ans and the Ottoman Porte after 1573, level, these collections of faces contributed to the vast array and Mehmed had confirmed the peace in December of of projects that sought to codifY and classifY geographical,

40 BRONW EN WILSO N M E5.7.IET,

M E E M B T;

Figure 6. Pietro Bertelli , Meemet, '599· British Library, London.

Figure 5· G iacomo Franco, Su/lan i\1/aumet m, '595· Correr Libraty, Venice. between the Sunni Ottomans and th e Shi'ite Safavids in the East also contributed to the cultural shift, although religious, and linguistic differences as the European image Selim 11 would continue to pressure Europeans in military of the world expanded. Compared with other kinds of engagements until his death in 1574. 27 representations, such a painted portraits, however, prints presented viewers with a multiplicity of previously unfamiliar faces. Printse ll ers made images widely available in whi ch th e face and shoulders of the sitter were the focus, precise ly those parts of the viewer's own body that cannot be seen without the use of a mirror (figure 7)!4 The novelty of this production is worth underlining. Franco filled the background of his engraving of Mehmed III with narrative details that frame the face in the foreground. The fantastic coat of arms in the cartouche, scepter, and chains were attributes of authority foreign to Ottoman cul ture; instead, these signs addressed a Emopean 25 audience. Since Mehmed II (reig11ed 1444- 46 and 1451- 81), the sultans had exploited \J\Ieste rn symbols of portraiture 26 and regalia to demonstrate their status to Europeans. Yet, by the middle of the sixteenth century, the growing religiosity and seclusion ofSiileyman (reigned 1520- 66) initiated a turn away from the West and the patronage of western artists in Figure 7· G. M. Mitelli, Itinerant Printsel/er rif II ar Maps and Prints, 1688. favor of Islamic traditions. Religious and political struggles Trustees of the British l\lluse um, London. Despite the in creasing establishment of geographical In this context, evidence of new uses of printed portraits is and cultural boundaries, or perhaps because of this, particul arl y intriguing. Since the middle of the century, Venetian interest in the appearance and customs of the printed maps and portraits of foreign rulers had furnished a Turks intensifi ed. Citizens, and immigrants to th e city like new cosmopolitan context for family portraits in Venetian Sansovino, were becoming engrossed with their former hou es.34 As Isabella Palumbo-Fo ati has shown in her lands now controlled by the Porte, a preoccupation that study of inventories from the 158os, the accumulation of prompted the state in 1556 to commission Paolo Ramusio to goods in Venetian households, including portraits, was spread write a hi tory of the conquering of Constantinople by the across all social levels. Portraits of family members and Venetian and French in 1204. 28 Moreover, beginning in celebrated historical figures we re frequently displayed in the mid-sixteenth century, an immense variety of materials bedrooms and entrances. As a result, according to Palumbo­ on the Turks was publi hed in Venice, including histories, Fossati, 'affective and commemorative' fun ctions combined travel accounts, chronicle , plays, and co tume illustrations.29 witl1 more famili ar association of portTaiture with 'personal 35 Sansovino's histories provide a good example of enthusiasm and social identity'. Images identified as Turks (Turchi e for the subj ects; hi seri es on Gl'amzali twdzesclzi overo vite de Turclze) were also becoming familiar sights on the walls of 36 princijJi della casa otlzomana wa published in 1573, and four Venetian houses. A small portrait of a Turk (Turca retratta), editions of his Historia universale dell'origi.ne et imperio de turclzi for example, was among the possessions documented in the appeared between 1560 and 1600. house of the craftsman Andrea Faentino. The display of tl1is The production of portraits of Turks accompanied the portrait by an artisan, who was himself a foreigner, may flouri shing market for printed material on the Ottomans. have signaled hi desire to adopt certain prevailing cultural 37 Franco incorporated several military leaders from Islamic attitudes in Venice. Moreover, the presence of a portrait of Andrea himself indicates the complex functions and lands into his 1596 Effiggie naturali, a series of 35 portraits that relations that were played out between portraits and viewers was expanded to 55 images for an edition in 1608 (see figures in Venetian homes.38 5 and II ). The 56 pages of Pietro Bertelli 's Vite degl'impemtori The sudden appearance of framed mirrors must have de'turclzi con le lora iffiggie include brief biographies of the been a part of the construction of new forms of identity. sultan and 15 full-page portraits (see fi gures 6 and g). These These novel objects, as recorded by notaries, were displayed coll ections were not unique. For example, Prosapia vel within portrait collections.39 Among the numerous paintings genealogia imjJeralolum lurcicmum, a brief illustrated history in owned by Gasparo Segizzi, a painter of miniatures, was German verse , was published in Straubing in 1597 (see a small gilded mirror. This was likely located adjacent to a figure 10). And in Venice, 14 bu t-length portraits of the portrait of Caesar Augustus, one of five porn·aits of Roman sultans were painted following the ascension of Murad III emperors recorded in his rooms.40 Evidently portraits in (1574- 95). The portrait , now in Munich, have been general, but also generic portraits of Turks, played a attributed to Paolo Veronese's workshop (see figure 13).30 distinctive role in the articulation ofVenetian identity. What \Vhat brought' about th is interest in portraits of Ottoman was the relation, then, between hatred toward Turks in the leaders in the las t quarter of the century? Since the fall of streets of Venice and the purchase and display of images of Constantinople in 1453, Venetians had continually faced the them in Venetian houses? erosion of their earlier territorial dominance throughout the Mediterranean. The situati on stabilized, however, in the late sixteenth century, mitigating the anxieties that had C ONVENTIONS OF PORTRAIT BOOKS threatened th e economic and social security of Venetians In the last decades of tl1 e si.xteentl1 century, the Venetian 3 for generations. ' The most in1portant events included the government, inquisitors, and artists in Veni ce organized victory of the Holy League at Lepanto in 1571 , efforts by the the body into a legible system of di crete parts that drew Venetian to maintain good relations following their private attention to the nature of the body, to how it signified, and peace agreement with the Porte in 1573, and the turn toward how it was registered opti ca ll y. ~ ' G iovanni Battista della the East by the latter. As a result, in spite of Ottoman intro­ Porta, the fam ous advocate of the science of physiognomy, version, there were growing numbers of Turkish, Bosnian, postulated a 'Doctrine of Signatures', in which the study of Albanian, Persian, Anatolian, and 'Asiatic' businessmen in plant , chiromancy (palm reading), phys ical features, and Venice after 1573, all of whom were identified by the rubric body parts were deciphered as signs of character. 42 Size, 'Turk'.32 Foreigners, especially Muslims, in the city were shape, and lines visible on the exterior were deemed to subjected to regular attacks by Venetian , requiring efforts reveal interior trutl1s. Visual signs were also a preoccupation by the Senate to protect them. The commitment, made of Giovanni Bonifacio who promoted gesture a a universal finall y in 161 7 to house these groups in a Fondaco, a com­ language in his extraordinary L'arte de'cenni. 43 As he explains, bined re idence and warehouse, was a response to continued 'The concepts of our souls can be expressed in four ways, antagonism toward these outsiders. 33 [with] gestures, speech, writing, and symbols'. However,

42 BRO N WEN W ILSON only the first of these modes of communicating - 'the most undoubtedly found in the face. Now we have to note that in noble, ancient, and sincere way' - can be understood by such clear images of th e Orsin a men one sees greatness and people of all dialects and foreign languages. In support of his majesty in the countenance of the face, because tl1 ey have spirit argument that 'all the nati ons of the world' can agree on the and military vigor, witl1 open foreheads, and with moutl1s ratl1 er meanings of gestures, he cites the uses of them by European large for the most part, ignifying men of much eloquence; and with truly real likenesses, clearly we are able to believe artists in paintings, asserting that such signs would be (in the absence of any other kn owledge of th eir ~ ri gin s) tl1at recognized by Asians and Africans alike. Nevertheless, the they are without any doubt, descendants from the highest and text is a didactic one and readers are introduced to the noble bl ood, if from tl1 e face (that it is truly tl1 e demonstrator physiognomic complexities of every single part of the body. of our souls) one can conj ecture the greatness of generous, and For theorists of both physiognomy and gesture, the face and lofty though ts Y eyes were the most important carriers of meaning, and these For Sansovino, the portraits provide a frame for his external visible indices were considered to construe identity histories and allow the reader to profit from 'the presence and personality. of esteemed people'. Sign ificantly, he invests the image In this environment of increasing attentive ness toward with new potential; tl1e print is a mnemonic device that the visible appearances of people, the interest in images also memoriali zes. The portrait is not merely a historical of Turks by Venetians is revealing. 44 Even though printed illustration, but also charged witl1 reviving tl1e presence images and texts expose a number of prejudices, these of an absent individual, and with propelling tl1 e memory noti ons were directed toward performative aspects of group of that person into the present. The clarity of engraving identities, like faith and customs. Turkish stereotypes - preconceptions and oversimplifications forged by repetition distinguishes tl1e singulari ty of the face, and this in turn encourages the reader to scrutinize its topography for - circulated widely, but these moved through language and 48 were signified by actions and costume. By contras t, printed evidence of the sitter's talents and actions. The face is like portraits of Ottomans induced Venetians to refl ect on their a map, as Sansovino suggests, to tl1e sitter's personali ty, and own identities. even to his or her ancestry. This kind of evidence supports The printed portrait book, with its focus on the image of the author's substantive narrative of the individual's life and the sitter, was itself a burgeoning genre in the las t decades actions. of the century, particularly in l taly. 45 Francesco Sansovino's By contrast, in a portrait book it is the text tl1 at provides a previ ously mentioned history of the Orsina family, published frame for th e im ages. In I577, for example, Theobald Muller in Venice in I565, was a forerunner of the type. Only I I compiled an edition of I22 octavo woodcuts made by T obias portraits of the Orsina are included in the volume, despite Stimmer after portraits from Paolo Giovio's Niuse um in the appearance of I7 spaces. As Cecil Clough noted, the six Como (figure 8). Giovio's immense collection of renowned empty leaves suggest that no image could be found and that individuals exhibited in his palace was accompanied by texts the rest must have been 'deemed authentic likenesses' .46 in which the historical figure's deeds were described. His Sansovino's lengthy explanation of the value of portraits collecting extended to Ottoman artifacts, and these, including introduces a number of overl apping themes that are Turkish garments, resided in a special 'sala de'Turchi ', considered throughout this essay: a room that may have displayed some of his portraits of Ottomans and their allies .49 Seven Ottoman -sultans and Viewers are often curious to identify in likenesses (if!igie) those several other Muslim military leaders and rulers appear in virtues about which th ey have heard celebrated [and] to exalt Muller's Nfusaei ioviani imagines: artifice manu ad vivum expressae, their fame greatly among the li ving world and among writers; 50 thus one profits from the presence of esteemed people no less published in Basle. Two of Stirnmer's woodcuts of sultans than from tl1e memory of their honored deeds; and, as for tl1e - Bayezid 1 (reigned I389- 1402) and <;elebi (one of student of history, knowledge of cosmography is necessary Bayezid's four sons from the Interregnum; reigned 1403- 13) witl1 respect to pl aces where the described events occur, so too - served as models for Pietro Bertelli's Vite degtimpemtori does it confe r much to tl1at same history to have th e images of that was published in th e Veneto. In both publications, it is tl1 ose peopl e about whom one reads in front of one's eyes fo r the image that engages tl1e viewer. The format urges the the evidence signaled and illustrated [in tho e faces]. Thus viewer to contrast the individual faces of the famous heroes although having li·equently een for tl1emselves th at actions depicted in the prints and to consider how the actions [of individuals] do not correspond to their faces, and tl1at described in th e accompanying text bear on tl1e portraits.5' sometimes under beautiful faces one discovers dreadful and In Miiller's publication the faces of the men appear on both horrible thoughts, tl1 e reader will come to marvel .. . [and] to contemplate tl1e miracles th at nature knows to produce in the tl1e verso and recto of the sheets, enabling viewers to con­ countenances of man. And finding the forces of our souls trast the physiognomies of sitters, such as Mehmed n and implicated together with [NatureJ in tl1e making of tl1e face , in Giuliano de'Medici, who appear adj acent to one anotl1 er. the way th at smell , taste, and color are bound togeth er in the The repetition of frames highlights the distin ctiveness of tl1 e making of a fruit, tl1e judgment of human hearts is most faces in relation to the whole. Pietro's quarto engravings

43 with a scintillating synop is of the su ltans' characters and BAJAZETH. II. TVRCARVM customs: the strangling of male siblings by the ascending . · lmpttaror. ultan, sexual appetite, and of course the seraglio. Mehmecl n, for example, as Bertelli relates, had 'a fa ce of an ugly yell ow color, with fi erce eyes, arched eyelashes, and a nose so hooked that it seemed on th e point of touching his lips . .. . H e was notably cruel in war as in peace, since for th e small est reason he would murder those young men in the seraglio tl1at he had loved Ia civiously.' 54 The profile portrait closely follow th e model first delineated by Costanzo cia Ferrara but Pietro's description, witl1 the bird-like eyes and no e, and yell ow skin , is culled from stereotypes that circulated widely in phy iognomical texts (figure g).5 5 Few of tl1 e faces of tl1 e sultans receive tl1 e same physical scrutiny, but the format always compel tl1 e reader to compare the image with the text, to find in Selim 's visage his predilection for pleasures, or to recognize the signs of virility in Nielun ed III ( ee fi gure 6). The sultan's face become fu sed with his history in th e reader' mind, and it emerge as a distinctive landscape. The turn of the head, forehead, eyes, and nose become botl1 signs and symptoms of hi singular personality . An in cription identifie each sultan further, specifying the referent, whose name is printed twice again on the same page in moveable type. ,. Figure 8. T obias Stimmer, Baiazeth.. 11. Turcarwn hnj;era/or, '577 · Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, T oronto. ! similarl y accentuate th e singularity of each sultan. The large I scale of the Iik'enesses (rffigie) , about half life-size, and the I ~ modeling of th e faces commands th e attention of the reader, a detail that is accentuated by th e direct gaze of the mo t recent sultansY This fi ction of the sitter's pre ence i emphas ized furth er by the absence of elaborate frames like tl1ose used by Stimmer. In the latter, the fram e highlight the act of re-presenting Paolo Giovio's paintings, in the redaction of the coll ector' muse um, for circulation in print. Franco's iconic im age of Niehmed 1u, a noted earlier, is supported by a military parade and stately procession that appear in th e background (see fi gure 5). When Bertelli f ~ copied the linage, this pictorial temporal frame migrated ~ I I in to th e biographical text that accompanies the portrait, I ' which has in tead been surrounded by crosshatching (see figure 6). As a result of tl1 e silnple dark ground, tl1 e vi ewer is forced to concentrate on the face of the sultan, and to compare hi facial features with the phys iognomies of the oth er sultans pictured in the book. Furthermore, wh en M A H 0 MET T ·o IMp, IX. considered in rel ati on to the abbreviated histories of the sultans' deeds (attionz), tl1 e facial eli tin ctivene s of each sultan become evidence of his singular personality read in the 53 text. Sub tantive details of military pursuits are interwoven Figure 9· Pietro Bertelli , Afalwmello lmjJ. IX. , '599· British Library, London.

44 BRONWEN -WIL S ON The portraits in Giacomo Franco's Effiggie naturali stand standard rhetorical conve ntions regarding the lifelikeness 56 6 alone, and thus these coll ections can be defin ed as albums. achieved by portrait painters. ' Compilers of portrait books The first portrait album appeared in Rome vvith the repeatedly stress the living presence of the sitters, usually publication in 1566 of Marco Mantova Benevides' Illustrium identifying the images as likenesses (iffigie) instead of portraits iureconsult01um imagines, a collection of engravings of jurists (ri.trattz). 63 Others stress their efforts to obtain accurate in1ages by Nicolo Nelli and Cornelis Cort published by Antoine of the sitters. Paolo Giovio referred to his museum as 'true Lafrery in RomeY The local ecclesiastical community and portraits faithfully copied from the original '; th ese were the pilgrims to Rome provided a market for portraits of popes painted copies he commissioned of a standard size from the and the city became the center for the production of portrait originals he had collected over 30 years. 64 Some publishers 8 books on other subj ects as we!P Nelli reprinted 24 of the even acknowledged their debt to earlier printed portraits.65 Benevides' plates in Venice in 1567 when he transferred his Compared with Giovio's historical portraits, however, Franco's business there toward the end of his career. Cornelius Cort sitters were 'captains of our age'. Thus, when Pieu·o Bertelli was also active from 1565 in Venice, where Franco studied copied Franco's engraving of .Mehmed m, the authenticity with him, and where he began his career by producing of the reigning sultan was guaranteed precisely because 59 fi·ontispieces and portraits for a variety of publishers. Franco's series comprised contemporaries (figures 5 and 6). Many printers operated in both cities; indeed, Pietro was In 1597 the same engraving was transformed into a one of the Bertelli family's 'printing dynasty' that operated in small woodcut medallion for the German portrait book Venice, Rome, Padua, and Vicenza for several generations.6o of the sultans, Prosapia vel genealogia imjmatorunz turcic01um Pietro, an engraver, publisher, and printer, had links to all (fi gu re 10). A portrait of Sinan Bassa, the sultan's captain these centers after extending the family business to Padua and Vicenza. His illustrated epitome of sultans follows conventions established in R ome for portraits of Roman emperors, but the Vicenza printing indicates he targeted a local audience that provided a market for both elite and popular printing houses . The portraits in Franco's albums are ranked by status. A.PP.E·ND"I Each edition begi ns with the pope, and progresses to the emperors, kings, and queens of Europe, including those of ~ Ill'.. . liter ~urcttfcQen . rertr~cn Persia, the T artars, and the T urks. Archdukes and princes "ub . l\."vfer · reg i ~uns follow, with the doge ofVenice as the transition between the · 6~ttTtnl!• . more illustrious category of royals that precede him and · ~· ·_, ' the dukes of the Italian states that follow. Generals, military leaders, and counts form the rest of the contingent. A group ' of si_:.c plates with 12 Roman emperors was added to the 1608 edition. The order of the sequence and the symbols of their authority - scepters, orbs, coats of arms, and batons - attest to th eir status and identify their rank. Franco explains the theme of his series in his dedication to Giovanni Battista Barbone, the Marchese of Monte Santa Maria and Captain General of th e Venetian army: I have collected and engraved the most natural likenesses that I was able to of the major princes and of the most celebrated captains of our age ... considering the conspicuous and glorious nobili ty of princes here poro·ayed, and together, with the celebrated and famous virtue of the others, I do not believe it possible to dedicate the said collection to another more worthy than your eminence; you, with your ill uso·ious ancient nobili ty joined together with noteworthy merits and the immortal splendor of proper virtue, are justly able to escort such a glorious series of heroes, and to conduct them 6 into tl1e view and consideration of tl1e world ' In contrast with the heroes that comprise the earlier Nfusaei ioviani imagines, Franco's portraits present living exemplars. The title of the seri es, EJ!iggie natumli, thereby resonates beyond Figure 10. Anonymous, Mehmed m, 1597. British Library, London.

45 general, al o copied from Franco's album, is 'Contrafactur', as the text above the small oval linage state (figures I I and I2). Lifelikeness lost ii1 the translation fi·om engraving to woodcut was compensated for by the counterfeit, a naturalisti c mode used to claiin 'th e n·uth of the eye-witness account'.66 Woodcut copies could be inserted into in expensive reprints as generic porn·aits, ii1 some cases even using the same portrait for different Jj ves. 67 According to one scholar, Cecil Clough, repetition itself provided 'a patina of authenticit:y'.68 In the case of Paolo Giovio's portraits, the circulation of Stiinmer's woodcut copies in I577 seems to have spurred coll ectors to commission painted copies. 69 H owever, although copying was an integral part of com­ piling these seri es, the process was clearly selective. Of the seven Ottoman sultans published in the I577 1\lfusaei ioviani imagines, only two, as previously noted, were reproduced by Pietro Bertelli. When Pietro copied Franco's print of Mehmed m he deleted the background, but he also altered the cepter wielded by the sultan and the cartouche, deta il s that indicate the image is neither traced nor a mere copy. The mall changes mark the artist's intervention and gesture ,.

Figure 12. Anonymous, Sinan Bassa, 1597. British Library, London.

toward the fi ction of the prinnnaker' own pre ence before the sitter. The se ries of bust-length portraits of th e" sultans, now in Munich, furthers the suggestion that models were al tered in the studio in order to create the effect of life­ likeness. In some cases it is the representational conve ntion that iinplies authenticity. For th e portraits ofMehmed li and Suleyman, for instance, the artist has adopted the profile poses familjar from a range of models, but the details of the faces are rendered with spontaneity. Only one of the Munich portraits, a profile of Bayazid 11 (reigned I48 I- I5I2; figure I3), bears much resemblance to the sitter in Giovio's painting of th e sultan, who turns instead toward the vi ewer, as seen in Stun mer's reproduction (see figure 8). If Giovio's model se rved as a prototype, the painter from the Venetian ; SINAN CAP. GENERALE workshop has transformed it. BASSA ~ Ione of these Venetian artists seems to have drawn ' DE:C ESSERCITO DI MAVMET IMPE_ DE TVRCHl. on portraits by Ottomans who were themselves pressed to turn to \1\Testern examples for their portrait albums, a Figure 11 . Giacomo Franco, Sinan Bassa, 1596. Corrcr Li brary, Venice. genre initiated by Sayid Lokman and Nakkas Osman in

46 B RO N W EN WILSO Figure '4· Leandro Bassano, i\lfarin Grimani, '595· Gemaldegaleiie, Dresden. Figure ' 3· School ofVeronese, Baia<.elh 11. 158os. Bayerische Staatsgemalde­ sammlungen, Munich.

1579 .l0 Limited access to the sultan and prohibitions against natumli costume book (figures 14, 15, and 16).'3 Nevertheless, fi gurative representation pressed artists to search outside the differences are revealing. 73 For the printed portrait, the empire for models for their illustrated genealogies. A Franco has faithfully copied the image of the doge, but likeness 'was considered a " refl ection " of the person, devoid he has omitted the view of Venice in the window from of his soul', and thus Islamic artists conveyed information Leandro's painting (see figure 15). The doge's likeness about historical and fi ctive perso ns through iconographic is verified by his family arms a nd his name. The latter is conventions and compositional devices such as seating inscribed in Roman letters, as if carved in the pseudo­ arrangements.l' Until the ninetee nth century, as Esin Atil pediment below, anchoring the printed image to the explains, 'all representations of rulers were executed fi·om broader conve ntions of painted portraits. Marin Grimani's memory and based on accepted models of an ideal type' death in 1605 prompted his omission from the 1608 edition authenticated by research into the individual's 'physical of the album, in which he was replaced by Doge Leonardo characteristics' .72 Producers of portraits, then, appear to Dona (reigned 1606- 12). The specter ofGrimani's presence, have resisted copying entire series in order to assist in th e however, remains in the co tume book (see fi gure 16). In this fi cti on of the sultan's singular presence. case, Franco extended th e body of the model to emphasize In early printed costume books, by contrast, almost every the ducal robes. A descriptive caption of the costume figure of a 'Turk' can be traced back to Nicolas de Nicolay's and th e view of the Piazzetta and Ducal Palace have engravings of 1567, including those used by Pietro Bertelli replaced the signs of the sitter's identity see n in the printed for Book 1 of his Diversarum nationwn habitus, first published in portrait. The referent has been reduced to a Venetian type 1589 in Padua. Giacomo Franco contributed designs for fi ve emphasizing the costume and spaces inhabited by someone plates in Book 11 of Pietro's series that was first published of his stature. In the costume book the conventions reduce in 1592, and in 1610 Franco published his own book of individuals to types; by comparison, in the portrait books, the Venetian costumes, Habiti d'lzuomeni et donne venetiane. A paint­ type - sultans, heroes, and popes - opens into individuals. ing by Leandro Bassano of Doge Marin Grirnani (reigned The mechanical process of reproduction worked together 1595- 1605) provided a model for both Franco's E.ffiggie with tl1e precision of copperplate engraving to render the

47 MARINO GRIMANI DOGE DI VENETIA z-c . ;r 9r' Fnmu hnw11.

Figure 15. Giacomo Fran co, 1\lmin Grimani. 1596. i'vlarciana Libra~y, Venice. Figure 16. Giacomo Franco. in questa habilo si vede il . er.m.o Doge di Venetia, 1610. Bri tish Li brary, London.

singul arity of th e likeness legible. These were the 'clear resemblance to representation - in the Renai sance: 'The im ages' about which San ovino enthused in his Orsina new presence qf th e work succeed the form er pre ence of history, stressing th e claims to objectivity made by the art of the acred in the work . . . the presence of an idea that is engravin g. Franco was am ong tho e popular printmakers made visible in the work: th e idea of art, as th e arti t had wh o altered his sty le of working the plate, even erasing signs it in mincl ' .75 The co li c Li on of image con iderecl here of his sty le in accordance with the subj ect matter.74 In his signal a reversal of this formulati on since th e artists have portrait book, moreover, every engraving is marked with subordjnatecl their individual style in order to replicate the Franco Fomza. The printmaker usually differentiated between original. Yet, thi is not merely a return to earlier practi ces; the work. he engraved - signed with forficit - and those instead, the likeness of the sitter i produced in the work of he designed, indcntified with Janna or fimnis. The latter printing thrmwh th e printer's work of reproduction. designated th e shaping the likeness, and the artist's control over its mechanical reproducti on. In this light, th e use of A C TING LIKE A ' TURK' the term iffigie comes into sharper focus. Pietro Bertelli and Venice was a departure point to the East, and o·aveler to Franco clearly intended to a sert th e pre ence of the sitters th e Levant often relinquished their native dress in favor in the im ages. Their engravings can be understood foll owing of Ottoman attire. Venetians en route to Constantinople the co nve ntions of icon painting in which th e presence of eire eel as Turks for protection, and perhaps to signal the the sitter i ensured by th e repetition of gestures, naturalism, thres hold between the two cultures . For example, the artist and by th e suppression of the arti t' tyle. Hans Belting Gentile Bell ini returned in Ottoman clres foll owing hjs 76 has desc ribed the transition from icon to art - from work for Mehmed II , whose portrait he painted in 1481.

48 B R ON W EN W I LSON The bailo, the Venetian ambassador, and his retinue were legislated religious identity required a correlation between given robes of state by the Grand Vizier and the Sultan.77 one's faith on th e interior and how one appeared to others Even before departing from Venice, however, the bailo and on the outside. 84 his family could appear for their journey attired in Ottoman Increasing efforts to distinguish between an individual's costume.78 :Moreover, after the unexpected defeat of the external appearance, internal character, and superfi cial Turks at Lepanto, the u·iumphant Venetian oldiers returned identity provided fodder for popular representations of to Venice dressed up as Turks. 79 Turks. La tuna was the title of two plays tl1at were published In some cases, u·avelers passing through Venice not in Venice in 1597 and r6o6, respectively, th e latter a satire only changed th eir clothes but also their religiou identities. by Giovanni Battista Della Porta tl1at was probably penned The distinctions between dressing as a Muslim (da turco), in the 1570 .85 The author's fascination witl1 appearances appearing as one (far turco), and turning into a Muslim drives the plot of this comedy that hinges on tl1e ways in ([ani turco) were crucial. For both judges and witnesses which bodies seem to or fail to signify. Set on th e island of in legal u-ials, the costume of suspects wa used as evi­ Lesina, then a Venetian outpost off the Dalmatian coast, dence 'to decide their real identity, and to condemn them the play begins with two old men, Gerofilo and Argentoro, if it conflicted with their primary, sacramental identity'. 80 each planning to marry the other's daughter, Clarice and Numerous Venetian inquisition cases document the inter­ Biancofi ore. The wives of tl1e men were abducted by Turks, rogation of visitors suspected of converting from Christianity to whom the elderly inamomti express their gratitude in to Lutheranism,Judaism, and Islam. According to Randolph absentia as they describe tl1 e women's physical character­ Head, 'The Signoria resolved the tension between com­ i ti cs and personalities with comic, if brutal, flare.86 The mercial advantage and religious purity by insisting that every bovine phys iognomy attributed to one of the women recalls individual should be clearly and unambiguously assigned tl1 e visual comparison tl1 at illustrated the many editions of 8 to only one religion'. ' These concerns are demonstrated Della Porta's De lzwnana plrysiognomonia (figure 17). Gerofilo's in a brief sketch of a case in which three men, Giovanni so n Eromane, already secretly wed to Clarice, and his friend, Fecondo, Giovanni Lopez, and Bartolomeo Derera - from Eugenio, with whom Biancofi ore has become pregnant, set Barcelona, Madrid, and Sevill e respectively - arrived out to rescue the girls by dressing up as Turks and abducting in Venice dressed as Christians.82 All three were accused tl1em. Once disguised, Eromane and Eugenio become of heresy, however, when they were found preparing to separated when tl1 ey cross paths with 'real ' Turks, Dergut depart for Constantinople 'dressed as Muslims (da turclzz) and and Hebraim .87 The girls, apprised of the charade, express wearing turbans'. 83 The two Giovannis, a friar and a soldier, their pleasure at the sight of the 'Turks', Eromane, now with initially identified themselves as Morescos who had been Dergut, who mistakes their eagerness for tl1e behavior of forced to live as Christians in Spain, but both later confessed prostitutes. Clarice, surprised that she is being tied up and to having been baptized. Fra Giovanni then asserted that he ravished, asks Dergut if by dressing in the costume of a Turk wanted 'to be a Muslim (far turco) on the outside, and not he has taken up their customs. 88 Throughout the play etl111i c to renounce his faith in his heart'. When the Turks were stereotypes are expressed in actions and costumes instead of sleeping, he testified, he would secretly make the sign of physical features. For example, as Eromane states to his tl1 e cross, adding that he had denied his faith 'only with Turkish accomplice, 'if I had not seen you dressing up with his moutl1 and not otl1 erwise with his heart'. Bartolomeo my eyes, I would have judged you to be a true Turk', adding initially denied being baptized, accounting for his Christian that he could not have done better if he were of the Turkish dress as mere ceremony, but he later recanted, stating race .89 H owever convincing Dergut's performance, the end 'I became a Turk (farmi turco), but not with my heart, of the play reveals he too is an imposter, born a Christian, because I am a Christian'. Both were sentenced to the but taken by the Turks and circumcised. Not only Italian, gall eys becau e for the inquisitors 'to choose to appear as a but of noble Venetian blood, he is identified by his father, Muslim on the outside' was to have become one (fatto turco). now the governor of Lesina, by a scar on his forehead. By contrast, Giovanni Lopez denied eitl1er dressing as a Signs of authentic identity like noble blood and scars could Turk (da turco) or becoming one (farsi turco), and he was not be exchanged like clothes or faith. 90 La turca, with its released. He confessed only to shaving his hair and eating comic exaggerations, demonstrated what Della Porta would meat on two Fridays but asserted that he had had no elaborate in De humana jJ!rysiognom.onia: the potential for intention of giving up his Christian faith. Indeed, he clain1 ed misinterpreting a person's character, and the need for to have urged Fra Giovanni to return to the Christian faitl1 . instruction in reading the signs that determine personality. Giovanni Lopez was freed on th e condition that he was Despite the Venetian community in Constantinople, and forbidden from all dealings - especially tl1ose of faith - the presence of subjects of the Ottoman Porte in Venice, with Turks or other infidels. Costume for the judicial infi·equent travel perpetuated the long- tanding negative authorities, like eating meat on Fridays and circumcision, view of Turkish culture. There was little knowledge of was evidence of having acted as a Muslim, and clearly tl1 e Turkish language in Venice.9 ' Instead, theater, u·avel

49 chronicles, and costume books fostered a vicarious experi­ these two corsairs have been carefuLl y copied from a ence of Ottoman life. The absence of a Turkish ambassador painted model once in Paolo Giovio's coll ection .99 Instead in Venice intensifi ed the spectatorial fascin ati on engendered of ethnicity, the men's profil es atte t to the statu of tl1 e by the occasional diplomatic visit. 92 In Con tantinople the copies as trutl1ful portraits. Ottomans, identified by name, bailo depended on interpreters, boys learning the language turban and likeness, and depicted in the prints of Stimmer, for trade whose frequent conve1 ions to Islam prompted calls Pietro Bertelli, and Giacomo Franco, offer li ttle evidence of for surveill ance by Venetian families. An:ciety was sharpened geographical or ethnic distinctiveness familiar from modern by th e apparent ease with which religious identity could be racial stereotypes. 100 In fact, the repetition of th e turban adopted.93 Reli gious antagonism was fu eled by diplomats highlights tl1e differences between the faces of Turks. who turned their attention to exterior manifestati ons of As Cecil Clough has noted, portrait books emerged the M uslim faith, in particular the contradiction perceived as phys iognomy was being promoted by humanists. 101 between private religiosity and visible expression of piety. A Ancient theories about phys iognomy circulating in the popular insult, for in ranee, was that one 'swears, drinks, fourteentl1 century continued to be rehearsed throughout and moke like a Turk', all practices forbidden by Islamic the Renaissance.102 Yet toward the end of the SL"Xteentll law. 9+ Thus, observance of restrictions against wine, gaming, century, writers began to emphasize the process of read­ bla phemy, respect for religious sites, and individual charity ing the face and body as texts comprising signs, a thesis were cited a displays of dissimulation that concealed the articul ated in Sansovino's introduction cited above. The facts of practice and thus intensified th e scandal. shift reAects a new interest in visual experience, precisely the Turkish stereotypes circulated in language, but these were kind of experi ence facilitated by prints. Furtl1ermore, claims related to customs and practices and not facial character­ of objectivity were advanced by engraving dming the decades isti cs. For example, the Venetian ambassadors promulgated in which theorists of physiognomy were conceptualizin o­ tl1 e 'discontent of [Turkish] ubjects, internal division, avarice, signs and gestures. The proverbial conviction that facial effeminacy, and corruption'.95 Despite the full restoration of characteristics were symptoms of the soul was coming to the Turki h Aeet, and costly reparation paid for peace defin e personality, and tllis became the framework for in 1573 by tll e Veneti ans, Marc'Antonio Barbaro related relocating identity in tlle individual. 103 th at tl1 e Ottomans were 'devoid of aggr essive drive'. In 1590 Edition of Della Porta's De humana plrysiognomia, published a diplomat described the 'dissolutenes of the sultan', in Latin in 1586 and in Italian in 1598, were populated witl1 'a debauched character (SardanajJalo) raised in the seraglios fi gures (see figure 17).10 + These rarely illustrate tl1 e detail among fool , dwarfs, and mutes' . Turks were characterized of his text, but the repeated juxtaposition of human with as li centious and lacking in masculine virtzl, on one hand, but animal heads compels tl1 e reader to compare faces. His violent and barbaric on tll e otl1er. Phrases like 'Turk - theory purports to decipher signs that 'tl1 at are fix ed in the a sassin - dog - hereti c' (Turco-assassino-cane-eretico) and body, and tl1 e accidents th at transmute signs [as going reel 'Turk - delinquent - man' (Turco-delinquente-uomo) indicate is a sign of shame] '. 105 Della Porta summarizes tl1 e usual tl1 at prej udice targeted acting like a Turk, and not looking array of Arabic, Aristotelian, and other antique sources. 106 like one. Nevertheless, hi project wa inspired by the growing epistemological superiority of optics, visual experience, and PHYSIOGNOMY AND SINGLING OUT THE ACTOR the conviction tl1at phenomena could be not only 'descriptive IN HISTORY but also explicative'.107 Thus he aimed to demonstrate what Ph ys iognomy, as a signifier of race in its modern sense, was a tl1e differences between faces elucidated about individuals. concept not ye t clearl y articulated. vVriters on physiognomy Followin o- tl1e conventions of tl1 e study of physiognomy, Della rehearsed antique th eori es that attributed differences in kin Porta divides the face and body into parts to explain their color to climate and geographical traits to the humors96 meanings, but these syntactical units are then reassembled According to Ptolemy, for example, it was tl1e humors and tl1 e meaning of the whole interpreted u ing hi 'syllogistic' th at caused Arabs to have double and servile souls and to metl1od, a metl1 od that claims to distill the essence of the be fraudul ent and unstable.97 The eli covery of new worlds individual from a list of character traits. He insu-ucts his prompted some new theories tl1a t attributed differences to readers in how to decipher the fa ce; the 'signs around the th e kinds of food digested, length of distance traveled, and eyes' are the most certain, because 'iliose form tl1 e likenesses divine will 98 Diiferences in kin pigment, however, are rare (iffigie) of the man. When all of the e a re taken together, tl1 ey in tl1ese earl y prints, perhaps clue in part to the medium that tell tl1 e truth.' 108 Broken down into its constituent parts and enco uraged printmakers to emphasize surface patterns and then reassembled, the face is transformed into a text. articul ated profiles instead. For example, the hooked noses Like poets and painters, he explains, we cannot only and craggy profiles of two of T obias Stimmer's woodcuts are identifY the habits of others, but also, foLlowin g tl1 e Socratic identified as Haireclclin (Horu ccius Pirata) and his captain, mirror, reAect on our own physiognomic in order to correct Sinan the J ew (Sinas Judaeus), but the phys iognomies of our imperfections. 109 According to a fourteenth-century

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11..._1 ST OT E LcS inlJd lrAr:rmcli, •fcribittif•nrrmm•g••m, (!} comofom. & CAP GNAE.DELLA FANT. DELLA . Cum p,,-u;!#p;. SIG DI VENETIA. E..,. F."'" lmtm . Std P•lttmn , c;,o cAd•m•nrius '"''"' I«• , P""""', cArnofom, ' v A <:rl•••m' F a. P~ru• Figure 18. G iacomo Franco, Giovanni Ballista Barbone, 1596. Marciana Library, Venice. Figure ' 7· Giovannj Bat6sta Dell a Porta, Magna Frons, 1586. Osler Library, McGill University, Montreal. escort the 'captains of our age' before the eyes of the world. Instead of the patron progressing through the porn·aits in treatise, 'many [men] are evil by nature and can do none a narrative sequence, the Venetian captain was inserted in to other than evil ', however, 'by the instruction and erudition the se ri es, similar to Linda Aleci's formulations for Paolo of wise men, they are able to become good and act against Giovio and his Museum project. 11 2 For all viewers of the their natural inclination. Similarly, as you can see in some series, the myriad faces gazing back would have reminded animals, dogs, [birds], and horses, among other animals, can viewers that they too were in the picture. Franco's album, be educated to do things that they do not do by nature'. " 0 with its distinctive historical frame, must have compelled By contrast, Della Porta suggests that by examining the viewers to refl ect on their own faces and also their singular faces of others we can reflect upon our own perso nality, and role within history. this points to new functions for printed portraits. A variety With engravings of rulers from England to Denmark and of Renaissance discourses recommended miming named Russia to Portugal, Franco constructed an atlas of faces actors. 111 As Sansovino advocated, viewers could profit from from 23 states of the world. As we have seen, tl1e Ottoman the study of faces, and Franco's albums offered viewers a Porte had begun to consolidate its western borders and by parade of illustrious contemporaries worthy of emulation. the end of th e century a new concept of Europe as a geo­ Moreover, in a striking mirroring of identities, Franco graphical and cultural enti ty was coming to be articulated."3 incorporated his dedicatee into the album as the twenty­ A concise expression of this development can be seen in the sixth of his 'glorious series of heroes' (figure 18). Giovanni two editions of Cesare Vecellio's costume books, published Battista Borbone could refl ect on his own image inside the in Venice in 1590 and 1598. In the first series he explained collection as his patronage of the series as a whole served to 'In our day, Europe comprises all those parts of tl1e world in which th e Christian fa ith is recognized, and some parts of of an alienating identity' in images. 1 16 The proliferation of the coun try of the T urk'. " 4 In the expanded 1598 edition, printed portraits available in single sheets or bound in se ries however, published with a parallel Latin text for an inter­ multiplied the possibilities of identification (at least for male national audience, the costumes are organi zed into 10 viewers). Ideal im ages of others would have fun ctioned to books. The Tw-ks are separated from Europe, whi ch is itself shore up the co herence of subj ects whose identifications divided into nati ons. Franco's inclusion of T urks, Per ians, with coll ective ocial types we re becoming fragmented by and Tartars belongs to this process of forging geographical various fi ctions that construed physical characteristics as boundaries. Until the middle of the sixteenth century, as signs of individuality. The split between self-refl ection and recalled above, the ultans had adopted \1\Testern signs finding one's identity at a distance meant that viewers wo uld of pre tige to signal their statu s to Europeans. Franco has see images of what they would like to be while simul­ re-appropriated this conve ntion, as it were, transforming his taneou ly striving for their own ideal. As a res ul t, however, O ttoman and oth er Muslim heads of state into models of the images wo uld have provoked the subject's aggression European nobili ty. Moreover, since th e fifteenth century, toward those ideals. For Veneti ans this narciss istic process th e military and poljtical machine of the Ottoman Empire was magnified by exchange with O ttoman Muslims wh o had garnered admiration and emulation from European represented what Venetians admrred and lacked, and also 5 rulers." The sultan and his generals were emblematic of what they feared. this relationship between leadership and military virtu and A vast array of repre entations and practices sought to in the portrait book they symbolize th e role played by the class ifY and catalogue the Turks in order to designate what indjviduals as em bled there. Franco's albums of faces, with made them both the same and different. The Venetian sta te, their combinati on of indjviduals, geographical distinctive­ tl1rough the Inquisition, worked to ensure tl1 at individuals ness, and histori cal pecificity, must have prompted viewers were ascribed to a single religious identity. Costume was to consider their place in the scheme of things. For Venetians, one way of marking religious identities that face fail ed to this serie of portraits may have reinforced the ways in reveal. And ye t it was precisely these non-identical features which the self was defin ed as part of a genealogical trace­ that appeared to be so easily rever eel : the apparent ease of able lin e. Nevertheless, such an opening up of the type changi ng identity by cross-dressing or religious conversion. into individuals may have disrupted the peculiarl y Venetian By contrast, portraits of Turks held up a mirror to construction of the individual as inescapable from the Venetians. Aggression directed toward the faces in the coll ective republican body. woodcuts, and to Turks in the streets ofVenice, might then Pietro Bertelli 's Vite degl'imperatori similarly aligns the be explained by the rival of tl1 e image, by its stubborn faces of rulers with their place in history. In contrast with exteri ority. " 7 This confrontation with Ottoman Turks, tl1 e Franco's synchronic portrait of the world, the sul tan parade production of printed portraits, and attention to tl1 e gran1mar through time, bound together in a taxonomy, a concept highlighted by the accompanying genealogical chart. The of the face worked together to establish the differences genus - identifl'ed by the turban - is divided into the between individuals, and in so doing, the face was becoming species of individuals, with the character of each illustrated co nstructed as discourse. By transforming resemblances into and described in the text. The organizational scheme enables repre entati ons, this process provided tl1 e ground for the readers to decipher the relation, following Dell a Porta, future ascription of facial stereotypes to ethnic groups. After Sansovino, and oth ers, between phys ical appearance and tl1 e repeated circul ation of identical images in print, and the character. alignment of singul ar facial features with group identities, tl1 e association of racism witl1 facial types would emerge out THE AMBIVALE N CE OF ADMIRATION of sixteenth-century prejudices with greater visibility. Scholars have stressed the ways in which identity-making in Nicolo Nelli, a printer of portraits cited earlier, pro­ the Renai sance compell ed subjects to di simulate, to adopt duced a dramatic woodcut with the face of a T urk in 1571 a mas k or perso na. By contrast, these series of portraits (figure rg). The profile accentuates th e phys iognomy of a encouraged viewers to refl ect on their own identi ties and rath er unremarkable face, but the -immense turban defin es it personalities . At the end of the century, viewers were learn­ as the face of a Muslim. The meaning of the print, however, ing to scrutinize the faces of others, but the Socratic mirror only becomes clear when the image is viewed upside down. also postulated refl exive specul ation about the se lf. More­ Seen from this direction the contour of the figure meta­ over, the multiplication of faces in prints in conjunction with morphoses into the face of the devil . The prin t was made in the presence of foreigners in the streets must have urged response to th e threat of war and it targeted the audience to Venetians to see themselves as other . This dual process which Sansovino directed his lr!fo1matione. The implication suggests the unraveling of the categori es of identi ty that tl1 at the Tw-k is two-faced responded to tl1 e imminent threat, defin ed the self and the emergence of a subject compell ed to but it also serves as dramatic te timony to long-standing search, in j acques Lacan's words, like Narcissus for 'the armor Venetian ambivalence.

52 B R ON W EN WI LSON 2 ~ Francesco Sansovino, Lettera overo discorso sojJra Le jJredillioni }i1lle in diversi lemjJi ria diverse fmsone ... (Venice, 1570). 3 ~ On Sansovino's views of th e Ottomans, sec Elena Bonora, Ricerche su Fran cesco Sansovino: imj;renditore. librario e Lellera/o (Venice: Istilll to Veneto el i Scienze, Lettere eel Arti, 1994), esp. pp. 1 25~ 37 . According to Bonora, Sansovin o's in vective in his lener to Alvise J\lichiel, published in 1570, conu·asts witl1 his earlier praise of the miJjtary talents of tl1 e sultans witl1 which he defends tl1 eir 'weak origins'. This respect for learned virtu sets Sansovino apart from tl1e prevailing European ideology of nobility . 4 ~ Francesco San s O\~no , lnformatione ... a So/dati C/uistiani e/ a Iaiii /oro che sono su Ia potentissima armata della . . . sign01ia di Venetia (Ve nice, 1570), unpaginated: 'Hu on1in_i cl 'ossa & di carne con1 e voi' and 'Questi cosi farti Azamoglan, rozzi, & villanj , sono per lo pitl gcnte cattiva & bestialc: & per ordinaria ocliano a morcte i Christiani , a'quali cercano el i fare ogni cEspiaccrc & insulto : ma qual n1araviglja e, po i ch'esse non riconoscono, ne anco padre ne madre, come veram ente barbari & coruaclin, & usati cia piccoli con ge me su·ana & chc non han no alrro oggctto che il Signor !oro, il qualc aclorano sopra tutte le case del mondo?' 5 ~ Th e last phrase is a paraphrase of Bon ora's words, Ricerche, p. 107. On Ottoman~Ve n e t~ i a n relations see Peter Sebastian, 'Ottoman governmem offi cials and th eir rela ti ons with the Republi c of Venice in the earl y sixteenth century', in Studies in 0/loman HistOI)' in Honour of Professor V. L. i\lenage, eel s Coli n Heywood and Colin Im ber (Istanbul: Isis Press, 1994), csp. PP· 332 ~5 . 6 ~ Nicolas Nicolay, Les qualre fmmiers liw·es des navigations etjJeret;~inations orientales (Lyo n: G. Rm·ill e, 1568), preface, p. 2: ' Par ainsi chacunc espece de beste par ordonnance naturelic est contcrmincc en ccnajne partie du monde .. . & desco uvcrtcs .... Ce que fa ict un grand argument & tcsmoinagc que l'hommc est le seul animam pour lcquel tout le mondc est faicr'. 7 ~ Sec Bronwen VVil son, ' '·The eye of Italy": the image of Venice and Venetians in sixteenth-century prints', Northwestern Uni versity, PhD dissertation, 1999, ch. 3· Figure '9· Nicolo NeUj , Turkish Pride, 1572. Biblioteca Comunale, Mantua. 8 ~ Andrew \~ l h ca tcroft refers to these distinctions in 171e Ottomans (Lo ndon: Viking, 1993), p. 39· 9 ~ For example sec the edition of Nicolay's Les quatre premiers Livres th at was prepared for Queen Elizabeth, and is now in th e British Library, London. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 10 ~ Se c \~l il so n , '"T he eye of Italy"', appendix B. This essay presents research undertaken while completing 1 1 ~ Sansovin o, /nfomzatione, 'A.mmazzercbbc i nobili & scgnalati capi de my dissertation at Northwestern University and during my christiani, come nemico mortale clell 'al tc prosapic de gli huomini chiari & postdoctoral fellowship from the Social Science Research eli como'. 12 ~ On Ottoman social organiza ti on see Halil lnalcik and Donald Council of Canada at th e University of British Columbia. Quataert, eels, An Economic and SociaL History of the 0/loman Empire IJ00~ 1 9 1 4 I am grateful to these institutions for their support and for (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Halil Inalcik, 77I e Ol!oman the generous assistance and insights of Larry Silver, Whitney Emj;ire: 17w Classical Age IJOO~ I 6oo , trans. Norman Itzkowitz and CoJjn Davis, Edward Muir, and Rose Marie Sanjuan. My thanks Ember (New York: Praeger, 1973); Glilru Nccipoglu, Architecture, Ceremonial, to Steve Ortega for many engaging discussions concerning and Power: 17w TopkajJi Palace in the Fifteenth and SLrteentlt Centwies (Cambridge, l\1uslims in Venice. David Vance commented on a draft of MA: MIT Press, 199 1), pp. 252~ 6 . Similar concerns were on tl1 e mind of Sebasti ana Venier, tl1 c Venetian general, who wrote of his plans to address this essay and he was instrumental in its completion. Angela his Aeet before they sailed into battle: ' [j mostrai in qual pcricolo si Vanhaelen read an earlier draft, and her response and trovavano, et quanta bisognava, cc n1 cttcss irno tutte lc nostre forzc per insights were invaluable. I am especially indebted to Adrian difenderci noi nostrc mogli , figliuoli , et beni cla un nimico, che non admettc Randolph and Bart Thurber for their extensive suggestions cont.i , nc cavallieri , ne gentiJhu omini, n1 a so lo rn ercanti, et popoli , che and extraordinary attention to the details. facciano buoni li suoi darii, et seguito a!J a sua con e: aclmettc vill ani , chc lavorano Ia terra, toglicnclo aJJ 'un o, ct aU'altro, li beni et figliuoli , et vercrognadoh le donne sccondo l'appctito !oro'. C ited in Paolo Preto, Vene<:ia e i twdti (Florence: Sansoni , 1975), p. 167. NOTES 13 ~ Fewer noble marri ages, howeve r, meant fewer children and thus a 1 ~ On the Battl e of Lepanto, see Onorato Cactani and Gerolamo Diedo, declining birth rate. See Stanley Choj nacki, 'Subaltern patri archs: pau·ician La baltaglia di Lej;anto (1571) (Palermo: Selleri o, 1995); Gino Benzoni , eel ., II bachelors in Renaissance Venice', in i\ ledieval lvlasculinities: Regarding i\1en in Meditenan eo nella seconda meta deL '.5oo alia lace di Lepanto (Florence: O!schki, the Middle Ages, eel. C lare Lees (Nlinneapolis: Unjvcrsity of Minnesota Press, 1974). For further bibliography see Vene<:ia e La r!ifesa dellevanle ria LejHmto a 1994), pp. 73~90; Virginia Cox, 'The single self: feminist thought and th e Candia 1570 ~ 1 670 (Venice: Arsenale, 1986); Carl Gollner, Turcica, 3 vols marriage market in earl y modern Venice', Renaissance Qwrlera', 48/3 (1995), (Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii SociaJjste Romania, ' 96 1 ~78 ) . pp. 5 1 3 ~8 J.

53 '4·- Francesco Sansovino, L'historia di casa Orsina (Venice: Stagnini, 1565); disc usses related ideas in 'Veronese's images of foreigners', in Nuovi studi su also sec Bonora, Rirerche, p. 132. Paolo leronese, eel. Massimo Gcmi n (Venice: Arsenale, 1990), pp. 308- 16. 15 Origine ejalli dellejamiglie illustri d'ltalia (Venice: Altobcll o Salicato, 1582). Kaplan (p. 315, n. 18) cites Marco Boschini's description of how Veron esc 16 - CaJJitolo a Selin imperator de Turchi: delle feste el allegresse rh 'ei ji1ceva in wo uld have sketched foreigners in Venice; Le ricche minere della JJittvra vene,;iana Costantinopoli . . . della presa del'lsola di Cipro lenicc?, 1580). (Venice: F. Nicolini, 1674): 'Si cl eleuava questa Auttore (Veronese), per 17 Anon., Relatione di tv/toil svccesso di Famagosta lcnicc: Con Lice ntia tuclio particolarc, cl 'anclar eli quando, in quando, doppo !'haver cleposto i de' ignori Superi or, 1572). pennelli , nell c hare eli ri creazionc in Piazza San il Larco ad ossercare gli 18 - Sec Archivio el i Stato eli Venezia, hereaft er ASV, Ceremoniale. 1, p. 40; habiti bissari de Forestieri , che del continuo capitano in Venezia, come u, p. 28. Rocco Benedetti, Ragguaglio delle allegreae, solen nita e feste .folie in C itta Maritima cia tune le patti del Mondo, eel in panoclare ossetYava I enetiaJJer Ia felice villoria (Venice, '57 •); Ernst Gombrich, 'Cel ebrations in gli Armeni, da quali ricavava vcstimcnti eli suo genio, per vestirene poi Venice of the Holy League and the victory of Lepanto·, in Studies in (come moltc volte si vccl e) le sue fi gure, con turbanti in testa, con habiti, e Renaissance and Baroque Art Presented to .Anthon;• Blnnt, eels il l ichael Kitso n and sopravcstc tulle strisciate eli fab rii colore con bragoni, c calze infaldate, con J ohn Shearman (London and 1\ew York : Phaidon, 1967), pp. 62- 8; Ven ezia e scarpe aHa Pcrsiani . Ed in vera egli c un habito molto acl equato alia Pittura'. Ia difesa dellevante; Preto, I ene,;ia e i turchi, pp. 54- 9; Wolfga ng Wolters. 31 - For a summaty of Ottoman-European relati ons sec Paolo Preto, 'T he ·11 trionfo el i Lepanto (•57 1)', in Storia e politico nei dij1inti di Palauo Duwle: Papacy, Venice and th e Ottoman empire', in SJili!J>lllanthe . econd, eels lnalcik asJJelti dell'autoce/ebra,;ione della reJJIIbbliw di Vene,;ia nel cinquecento (V en icc: and Kafadar, pp. 195- 202. Arsenalc Eclitrice, 1987), pp. 207- 15; lain Fenlon, 'Lepanto: th e arts of 32 - According to Cemal Kafaclar, the prevailing view of modern scholars celebration in Renaissance Venice·, in Proceedings qfthe British Academy. L '{SJJJ. that Onoman Turks found commerce distasteful has been overstated. 1987 (O xford: Oxford UniYc rsiry Press, 1988), pp. 20 1- 36. Instead of a reducti on in O ttoman mercantile acti,,ity, the opposite occurecl 19 - Fcrnand Braucl cl, ' Bilan d'unc Bataille· , in II ,\lediterraneo, eel . Bcnzoni, in Venice where traders were even protected by Islamic law. See Cerna! p. 11 6. Kafadar, 'A death in Venice (1575): Anatolian Muslim mcrchams trading 20 - Anon., Lamento et ultima di.rJJeratione de Selim Gran Turco per Ia Jierdita della in the Sereniss ima', Journal '![Turkish tudies, 10 (1986), pp. 191- 218; csp. sucJ armata (Venice, 1575?). pp. 198- 202. 21 - Glilru Nccipoglu , 'Si.ilc)1llan the il lagni fice nt and the representation 33 - Concerns were raised over the 'inconvenience of the dispersion of the of power in the context ofOnoman- Hapsburg- Papal Rivalry', Art Bulletin. Turks th rough th e city' with complaints that they were stealing and using 71/3 (1989), pp. 401- 27. C hristian women. The Turks had th emselves pressed for a Fonclaco of their 22 - Prcto, lene,;ia e i turchi, pp. 314- 15 . own, and with th e in creasing population of Muslims, the Senate began lO 23 There arc few references to either of these works. Cecil Clough, consider the idea. According to Preto ( Vene,;ia e i /Jach.i, pp. 29- 31), there was 'Italian Renaissance portraiture and printed portrait-books', in 77w Italian an albe~go that responded to these needs by August '579· Complaints th at Book: Studies Presmted to Dennis E. Rl10des (London: British Li brary, 1993, the Turks 'all oggiano rubbati et assassinati' indicate the residence was as p. 189) cites Pieu·o Bertelli 's collection, but not Franco's. Pietro's portrait of much for their own protection as for Christians. il luracl 111 is published by Ubaldo Meroni, 'La sc ri c cl ci sultani turchi da 34 - Federica Ambrosini, '"Descrittioni del ilfonclo" nell e case vcnctc clei O sman a il luralt11 ', Ritratto Antico Jllustrato, t/july- Dcccmbcr (1983), p. 52. secoli xv• e xv11 ', Archivio Ieneta, ''7 (•98 1), pp. 67 ancl70. David Woodwa rd, Carl o Pase ro notes Franco's Ejjigie in a list of the primmakcr's works; i\lfaJJs as Prints in the Italian Renaissance: 1\1/akers, Distributors and Consumers, The 'G iacon1 o Fran co, cd itorc, incisorc c calcografo nci sccoli XVI c xvu', Panizzi Lectures, 1995 (London: British Library, 1996), p. 76. Isabella La Bibliofilia, 37/8- •o (•935), pp. 332- 56. Palumbo-Fossa ti , 'L'interno dell a casa dc LI'artigianato c dcLI'artista nella 24 - Sec Susa n Stewart, On Longing: }iarratives '![the Jlliniature, the Gigantic, the Venezia del cin queccnto', Studi vene,;iani, 8 (1984), pp. 109- 53. illy thanks to Souvenir. the Collection (Baltimore: J ohn Hopkins Uni versity Press, 1984), Patricia Fortini Brown for referring me to this stu dy. p. 125. 35 - Palumbo- Fossa ti, 'L'intcrno dell a casa', p. '45· 25 - Nccipoglu , .:soleyman the Magnificent', p. 407; Julian Raby, Venice, 36 - Palumbo-Fossa ti , 'L'interno dell a casa', p. 132 . In n. 45 she cites the Diirer and the 01iei1tal !I lode (Totowa, NJ: Islamic Art Publications, 1982), p. 25 . inventory of a barber in wh ich arc recorded 'clo i quaclreti con Turcho c 26 - Raby, I en ice, Diim; Lisa J ardine and J cny Bratton, Global Interests: .. rurchal. Renaissance Art Betz een East and II est r thaca: Corn ell University Press, 2ooo), 37 - Palumbo-Fossati (' L'intcrno della casa', p. 130, n. 44) cites Wilfrid csp. p. 42. On criticism of il lehmecl 's use of \\'estern archit ects for his Brulez's study. !llarchandsjlamands a l'enise (ts68- I6o.;) (B russels and Rome: palace, sec Nccipoglu , tlrchiterture, Ceremonirli. and Power, p. 250. Also see Academia Belgica , 1965), on the house as a place of assimilati on. Michael Rogers, The arts under Si.ilcyman the Magnificent ', in S1ile)'mfm the 38 - Palumbo-Fossati , 'L'interno dell a casa', pp. 144- 45 . Second and his Time, eel s Halil Inalcik and Ccmal Kafacl ar rstanbul: Isis Press, 39 - Palumbo-Fossati, 'L'intcrno dell a casa', p. '49· 1993), pp. 257- 9+ 40 - Palumbo-Fossati, 'L'interno de ll a casa', pp. '44 and '49- 27 - The clilficul ti cs of maintaining two fronts limited SLil eymim"s 4 ' - See Gasparo Colombina, Discorso so{Jra ilmodo di disegnare, dipingere, & campaigns against I ran. See Rhoads i\ Iurph cy, 'S i.i leyman 's eastern policy', spiegare second a !'una, & l'altr ·arte gli affetti jJrincipali, si naturali, come accidenlali in iili!J""[m the Second, eel s lnalcik and Kafadar, pp. 229-,1.8. Necipoglu, ne/1'/womo, secondo i jJrecetti dellajisonomia (Padua: Giovanni Temini); Giacomo 'Slilcymim th e Magnifice nt ', pp. 424- 5- Franco, De excel/entia et nobilitate delineationis libri duo (Venice, 16 11 ). 28 - Bonora, Ricerche, p. ' ' 3· 42 - Louise Geo rge Clubb, Giamballista della Porta, Dramatist (Princeton: 29 - Some exam ples incl ude Luigi Bassa no, Costwni et i modi /Jarticolari della Princeton Uni versity Press, 1965), chapter 1. vita de"tnrchi (il lunich: il la.x Hueber. 1963): Antonio il fcnavin o, Trattato de 43 - Giovanni Bonifacio, L'arte de cenni ice nza: Francesco Grossi, 1616): costnmi et vita de turchi (Florence: T orrcmino, 1548); Cosim a Filiarchi , Tmttato ' [ concettj de g li anin1i nostri in quattro n1 aniere si possono csprin1 ere; con i della guerra. et dell'nnione de /ninCijJi Christiani contra i turchi & gli altri infedeli ccnni, co'l parlare, con lo scrivcrc, c con i simboli' (p. 3); 'il [a del parlar in (Venice: Gabriel Giolito eli Fcrrarii, 1572); Giovanni Francesco Loreclano, sil entio, ch'c il piit nobil modo eli lasciarsi intenclere, non vediamo chc Lo /urea (Venice: Li bra ria dell a Spera nza, 1597); Giuseppe Rosaccio, r·iaggio alcun o habbia trattato' (p. 4); 'Nonclimeno piit fac ilmcnte ci a i cenni, chc da Venetia, a Costantinopoli per mare, e jJer terra. & insieme quel/o di Tena Santa dallc parole Ia vcrita si scopre, per csscr qucstc piu d

54 BRO N W EN WILSON parl arc co'l mczo dell a voce, e delle parole; csscndoci stata per benefi cio Zimmerman, Paolo Giovio: 77ze Hist01ian and the Crisis qf Sixleenlh-Cenlul)' /tab' unive rsale data daila 1atura, Ia quale dopa haver prodotti gli huomini' {Princeton: Princeton University Pre s, 1995). On Giovio's portraits of the (p. 8); 'Questo modo di farsi intendere con gesti, e con ccnni e veramente sultans sec i\ leroni , ' La serie dei sultani'. per ogni rispetlo nobilissimo, e particolarmcme per Ia sua anrichita, essendo 51 - ' Hasce virorum dignitate inprimis (quam gloria literarurm armorumue vero (come Aristotilc dice) che l'huomo nasce muto, e sordo, & che prima in suo quiq; gcnere conspicuam rcdelidcrc) illustriu m, ex i\ l usaeo loviano ode, e poi parl a, ma molto prima vedc, c forma atti, e gesti ' (p. g); 'E si ferc ad vivum expre sas Imagines consccrare voluimus: ut Heroes illi come sa rcbbe stimata cosa molto preciosa iJ posscdcr una li ngua chc da sib iipsis non magis cl epalingencsia hacce graphica & typographica'. tuttc lc nationi del mondo fosse intcsa, cosi non e cia stimar niente meno Ia Theobald J\IIlillcr, i\1/usaei ioviani imagines artifice manu ad vivum expressae cognitionc di questa artc, poiche con cssa potiamo ad ogni ge neratione (Basic: Petri Pernae, 1577), dedication. scoprir i dcsidcri nostri , e parimente gli altrui comprcndere, per esser i 52 - Clough, 'Itali an Renaissance portraiture', p. 183. nostri moti, e gesti come effetti naturali a tutti cgualmcnte communi. 53 - Paolo Giovio's coll ection of paintings and his Elogia, the bricflivcs that E vcran1 ente il nostro parlare e tanro varia, e diverso, e tantc sorti di he published without portraits, provides a prototype for Picu·o Berte lli 's linguaggi si ritrovano al mondo, che con grande in commodo spesse volte interest in the personality and historicity of the sultans. On the ways in non intendiamo Ia favella de'nostri vicini, non che degli stranieri, e wh ich Giovio's Elogia and his i\ luscum convey his interest in individuality de'lomani, ikhe c avenuto perche tralasciando gli huomini questa visibile sec Zimmerman, Paolo Giovio, p. 207 . natural favell a sono andati im·emando Ya rii artificiosi modi di favell are, che 54 - Pietro Bertelli , Vile degl'imperatori de'turchi con le !oro dfiggie (Vicenza: se iJ nosu·o parlare fosse naturale, tutti gli huomini con un solo idioma Pietro Berte Ll i, 1599), p. 31: 'Havea Ia faccia gialduccia, gl'occhi grifagni, lc parlerebbono e . .. perci6 da tune le genri con diletto cgualmente intcsa: cigli a arcatc, & il naso si adunco, chc pareva chc Ia punta gli toccasse lc onde !'opere dc'nostri pittori non sono mcno stimatc. & havute care da gli labbra . ... Fu notabilmcnte crudcle cosi in guerra come in Pace, poichc per Asiatici, cia gli Africani, e cia gli Antipodi istessi, di qucll o che siano da noi ogni picciola cagione faceva ammazzarc quci giovaneni del Serraglio, medesimi' (pp. II - 12). ch'csso a1nava lascivan1 ente'. 44 - For new research on relations between Venetians and T urks see 55 - Sec G iovanni Battista Dell a Porta, De lwmana fJI!Y;"iognomonia Steve Ortega's forthcoming PhD dissertation, Uni versity of iVIanchester; (\fico Eq ucnsc : losephum Cacchium, 1586). The first Ita li an edition was and Eric Dursteler, ' Identity and coexistence in the early modern published in 1598 under the pseudonym Giovanni De Rosa, Dellajisonomia Mediterranean: the Venetian nation in Constantinople', PhD dissertation, dell'lwomo (Naples: T arquinio Longo, 1598). For furth er editions sec Patri zia Brown University, 2000. Magli, /1 volto e l'anima:jisiognomica e passioni (M ilan: Bompiani, 1995), p. 173, 45 - Clough, ' Itali an Renaissance portrairure', p. 183. n. 33· Also see Pinzio, Fi.sionomia (Lyon: 1550; Milan: 1607); Giuseppe 46 - Clough, 'Ital ian Renaissance portraiture', p. 185. Rosaccio, II microcosmo ... nel quale si tralla brevemente dell'anima vegetabile, 47 - 'Perche gli huomini molte volte son curiosi di riconoscer nell'effi gie sensibile, & rationale: de/l'huomo sua comj;lessione, & jisionomia (Florence: quelle virtu, le quali essi hanno sentito celebrare, et esaltar ne grandi, ali a Francesco T os i, t6oo). fama del mondo vivente, et dagli scrittori, atteso chc non meno si trahc 56 - T his fo ll ows Clough's definiti on, ' Ita li an Renaissance poru·aiturc', profitto da ll a presenza delle persone eccell cnti per valore, che dalla p. 185. memoria de lor fatti honorati: onde si come a chi studiosamente riccrca lc 57 - T he album may have served as a companion to biographies primed Historic e necessaria lc cognitione dell a Cosmografia, per rispctto de luoghi , earlier in Padua. Clough, 'Itali an Renaissance portraiture', p. 185. On dove avenncro le case scritte, cosi conferisce mol to aJi a m cdesi1na Histo ria, Benevides' collections see Eugene Dwye r, 'Marco i\1antova Benevides e lo have r sotto gli occhi le imagin i eli coloro de'quali si lcggono le pruove i rittratti eli giurcconsulti illustri ', Bollettino d'Arlf, 76 {tggo), pp. 59- 71. segnalatc et illustri. Pcrcioche vedendosi spcsse volte che !'opere non 58 - Clough, 'Itali an Renaissance portraitu re', pp. t86, t88, and t8g. corrispondono ai volti, et che tailw ra souo bcllissimi visi, si cuoprono 59 - DiFrance later appeared in print, and after Giovio's death, his scn •irc appunto eli scorta a cosi gloriosa eric d'Hcroi, & condurli in vista & Elogia were published with some portraits. On C iovio, sec T. C . Price in consideratione del Mondo'.

55 62 - Giovanni Gaetano Bottari (Raccolla di lei/ere sulla fJillura, scullura ed 77 - Charl otte J irouse k, 'More than ori ental splendor: European and architellura scritte da ' piu celebri Jmsonaggi dei secoli x v, xv1 e x vn [Milan: Ottoman headgear, I380- 158o', Dress, 22 (I995), p. 25. Commenting on the Giovanni Sil vestTi , 1822- 25], vo l. 2, pp. 128- g) documents many such exchange of clothe between heads of state, she notes the robes received by letters. For example, see no. 42 from Pieu·o Aretino to Paolo Giovio in 1545 Queen Elizabeth from Murad 111. regarding the portrait of the Venetian Daniele Barbaro: ·cotanto 78 - My th anks to Eric Durstcler for this information. sicuramcmc entro a clirvi che il ritratto del chiaro Barbaro Daniell o e in 79 - ASV, Collegia ceremoniale, Tome 11, pp. 28- 28v. foggia vivo ne'colori che l'hanno tolto cia! vero, ch'essc ncl o egli, eel il suo 8o - Randolph C. Head, 'Religious boundaries and the Inquisition in esempio insiemc, I an e che si crecle clivemata Ia natura, e Ia natura che si Venice: u·ials ofJ ew andJuclaize rs, 1548- 1580', ] oumal qfi\lfedieval and pensa conversa nell 'arte, riclucono in uno e l'e sere e'l parere ... appare si Renaissance Studies, 20l2 (1990), pp. 20 1- 2. bene !'a urea nobilita cl ell 'illustrare pcuo clellauclaro giova ne, che mentre il 81 - Head, 'Religious boundari es', p. I79 · gum·clo altrui si afli gge in lei, sino all'egregio del pensiero, sino a! ge neroso 82 - The men were brought before the Inquisition in May 163 1. ASV, dell a mente, sino a! cancliclo clell'anima, e gli scorge ncl reale spazio dell a Sam'Ufficio, Busta 88, f. 303, May I63 I, 22ff. My thanks to Steve Onega for se rena fl·onre ... si per miracolo della man el i qucll o, ci a cui nasce l'efligie, referring me to this trial. sara clalla prestanza del vostro sacro gi uelicio istimato, tra lc immagini moire 83 - The citations are as foll ows: 'vestiti da turchi con il turbame in testa'; che eli ogni famoso avete, una delle piu riguarcl ate'. On the uses of 'far turco esteriormente a non gia rinegar Ia fede col core'; 'con Ia bocca portrruwre as a synecdoche for painting, see Georges Dicli-Huberman, solameme et non alu·amente col core'; 'eli haver vissu to da Christiano come 'Ressemblance mythifice et ressemblancc oublicc chez Vasari: Ia legencle per ceremonia .. . io son Christiano, et sempre o vissuro da Christi ano farmi clu poru·a it "Sur le Vif" ', Melanges de /'Ecole Fran faise de Rome, ltalie et turco non pero con il core, perche io son C hristiano'; 'all'esteriore, secondo Miditerranee, 10612 (1994), pp. 383- 432. Ia scclta turchesca'. 63 - For example, compare the range documented by Clough, 'Italian 84 - On the origins of dissimulati on and religious persecution, see Perez Renaissance portraiture'. Zagorin, Wa)'S qf L)'ing: Dissimulalion, Perserulion, and Conjimnity in Earl)•1 \lodem 64 - '"Ritratti ve ri c ficl elmenre ricavati cl all'originale" (1549)'. Rosann a Europe (Cambridge M.A: Harvard Uni ve rsity Press, Iggo). In religious Pavoni, 'Paolo Giovio, et son muscc de portraits a propos cl 'une ex pos ition', directives after the Council of Trem, costume was described as a sign and Gazelle des Beaux-Arts (•985), p. " 4· the wearer's adherence to the costume's meaning signified irs effe ct. The 65 - See C lough's comments ('Italian Renaissa nce portraiture', p. 192) on aim was congruence between the sign and th e referem, between, for Philippe Galle's album Viromm doclorum de disciplinis benemerenlium XLJJ/I instance , a cleric's habit and his pious a Lions. The comportment of the imagines (Amwe'll, 1572). wearer was to become habitual and thereby in lllrn to invest the co tume 66 - David Landau and Peter Parshall, 771C Renaissance Print (New Haven with its meanings. On the council and conduct books see Giovanni Pozzi, and London: Yale Uni versity Press, 1994), p. 259· Also see Peter Pm·shall, 'O cchi Bassi', in 77lemalologie des !Geinen= Petits themes lilleraires, eels Edgar 'Imago conlrqfacta: images and facts in the Northern Renaissance', Arl HislOIJ', Mar ch and Giovanni Pozzi (Fribourg: Editions Universitaires, 1986), 16 (•993). pp. 57- 82. pp. I62- 205. Preto ('The Papacy, Venice a nd the Ottoman empire', p. 198) 67 - C lough, ' Ital ian Renaissance portraiture', p. '94· cites Kenneth M. Setton who comments on the need to give more emphasis 68 - Clough, 'Italian Renrussance portraiture', p. '94· to the Council of Trent's concern with the Turks. Kenneth M. Setton, 1l1e 6g - Pavoni, 'Paolo G iovio', p. 11 4. PaJ;acy and the Levant, (1204- 1571), vo l. 3, 77w Si.xleenth Cenllll)' lo the Reign qf 70 - Scyyid Lokman commented on the cl ifliculty of obtaining images Julius 111 (llhiladelphia: American Philosophical Society, I984), p. 463. of the sultans when he produced his album of panegyrics with poru·aits 85 - Giova nni Battista Dell a Porta, La !urea comedia nuova (Venice: Pietro by Nakkas Osman in '573· Nurhan Atasoy, 'The birth of costume books Cicra, 1606). Sec Clubb, Ciamballisla della Poria, pp. I72 - 85, who notes Della and th e Gcnerci Mehmed Album', in Osmanli ki)•qfetleri: Fenerci Me/mud Porta's presence in Venice in 1580, 1592, and perhaps in I60J. Alblimii (Istanbul: Vehbi Kov Vakfi, •g86), pp. 22- 3. The grand vizier, 86 - For example, Argento explains to Gerofilo th at he had to marry rich Sokullu Mehme.;l Pasha, who was included among those poru·ayecl, because his parems were poor, and that the woman was ugly (Della Porta, assisted in the acquisitions of models fl·om Europe. As in the West, La /urea , p. I3 r): Ger. Forse non era bell a. I Arg. Dico peggio. I Ger. Brutta, the portraits and th e biographies of the men were reconstructed on the arcibruua? I Arg. Peggio . I Ger. Fa ticliosa, riu·osa, mal conclitionata. I basis of research 'to ensure', as Atasoy explains, 'that th e portraits were Arg. Peggio. I Ger. Ma, che cosa si puol trovar peggio? I Arg. I'{ on si puo tTue to life' (p. 23). Earlier, the sultans had retained Muslim and Western dir tanto peggio, Pcggio, che non sia mille volte piu. Ella haveva una artists to make th eir own images; Necipoglu, Architerlure, Ceremonial, and fi sochionomia piu tosto di Vacca, che eli Donna, ma era asciutta, che Power, p. 252 . parcva il ritratto della peste, e dell a carestia, gli occhi guerci, spaventosi, 71 - Esin A ti l, 'The image of Si.ileyman', in Siiii!J>m[m the Second, eels lnalcik usc iti fuori , chc mirando te, pareva, che mirasse a!trov e, il naso tanto lungo, and Kafadar, pp. 333- 4. chc volendo uscir fuori , Ia punta era iii in Piazza, e Ia persona ancora in 72 - Atil, The image of Si.ileyman', p. 334· casa. II Mostaccio eli babu ino, Ia carne dura, & ncra come storno'. 73 - The pruming was one of a pair of portraits of Grimani and his wife, 87 - Dergut Rrus, th e single historical character in the play, was based on Morosina ~v l o ros ini , both of which were probably commissioned for th e the Turkish corsair Dragutto Rais who was legendary for his harassmem of family palace. On Grimani patronage, sec l\ lichcl Hoc hmann, 'Le meccnat Italy; Clubb, Ciamballisla della Porta, p. I75· de l\l(a.·in Grimani: Tintoret, Palma le J eunc, J acopo Bassa no, Giuli o del 88 - Clari ce states (Della Porta, La !urea, p. 41r ): 'Voi pur attenclete a Moro Ct lc decor clu palais Grimani; Vcroncsc Ct Viuoria a San Giuseppe', stringermi, & annodarmi, hor chi pi li mi potrebbe far un Turco? 0 forse Revue de /'Art, 95 {I992), pp. 4 I- 5 1. vcstendo l'habito Turchesco, havcte appreso i costumi Turcheschi '. 74 - Artists who engraved their own designs, and many of those who 8g - Dell a Porta, La /urea, p. 45v: 'Ero. Ah, ah, al1, come gemilmente fingi il engraved prints after paintings by others, were usually members of the Arte Turco, se non havess i con ques ti occhi visto travestirti, ti giuelicarei Turco dei Depcmori, th e painters' guild. By contrast, popular printmakers like vc rissimo, cosi tu hai il gesto, e'l ponamento. Der. Conoscerru bene se son Giacomo Franco were enrolled in th e Artc dci Stampatori c Librari, the Turco, o travestito. I Ero. Oh come attacchi ben le mani, o che compagni , guild of primers and bookse ll ers. c come fim bene l'arte !oro, se fu ssero eli razza Turchesca, non Ia farebbon 75 - Hans Belting's emphasis in Likeness and Presence: A His!OI)' qf the Image pill ve risimile, e non si puo far meglio, il fatto riuscira assa i bene'. Bifore the Em qfArt , trans. Edmundjephcott (C hicago: Uni versity of Chicago go - On Dell a Porta's problems with the C hurch regarding the Press, 1994), P· 459· implications of his theories of predestination, see Clubb, Ciamballisla della 76 - Klinge r and Raby, 'Barbarossa and inan', p. 47· Poria, ch. 1.

56 BRONWEN W I LSO N 91 - Although Venetian humanists learned Greek and Arabic, there was with Ethiopia, Lybia, and Numidia) are of a reasonable fa ire complex ion, little interest in Turkish, and an attempt to open a school to teach Turkish and very li ttle (if at all) inclining to blacknesse. So tl1at tl1 e extraordinary in the 1530s failed. Preto, Venezia e i turchi, p. 95· and cominuall vicinity of tl1 e Sunne, is not as some imagine the operative 92 - Preto, Venezia e i turchi, pp. 121- 2. According to t-.1larin Sanuto's Diarii, cause ofblacknese: though it may much furilier such a colour, as we see in there were 14 visit · made by ambassadors to Venice between 1496 and 1517; our country lasses . ... Omers more wise in meir owne conceit . . . plainely Peter Sebastian, 'Ottoman government officials', p. 327. conclude the generative feed of the Africans to bee blacke; but of the 93 - Preto, Venezia e i turchi, pp. 96- 100. Also sec Paul Kaplan, 'Veronese Americans to bee white; a foolish supposition, and convil1(;ecl not only out and the Inquisition: the geopolitical comex t', in uspended License: Essqys in of experience, but natural! Philosophic. So that wee must wholy ascribe it tO the Histol)>qf Censorship and the Visual Arts, eel. Eli zabeth Childs (Seattle: Gods peculiar will and ordinance'. University of Washington Press, 1997), pp. 85- 126; Benj amin Ravicl, 99 - Klinger and Raby, 'Barbarossa and Sinan'. 'The socioeconomic background of the expulsion and readmission of the too - T here were, of course, distinctive physiognomies used in pictorial Vcnetian j ews, ' 57 1- 1573 ', in Essays in Nlodem]ewish History, eels Frances representations of Ethiopians and Nloors, but this can be ascribed, in part, Malino and Ph yUis Cohen Alben (East Brunswick, NJ.: Associated to the longs tanding practice of representing blacks in European an, to tl1 eir University Presses: 1982), pp. 27- 55. On Catl10li c fervor surrounding tl1 e presence as servants in Italian house holds, and to the history of l'vloors on battle of Lepanto, see Carlo Dionisotti, 'Lepanto nell a cultura italiana the Comincnt. The adoption of a characteristic facial profile corresponds to del tempo', in ll Alediterraneo, eel. Benzoni, pp. 127- 51 , esp. pp. 132- 3 and tl1e uses of models, as already noted. Moreover, exaggerated facial features 144- 5· were more often used to convey differences associated wim class or moral 94 - Preto, Ven ezia e i turchi, p. 11 7: 'Bestemmiarc, bere, fum are come un values, as for example when ani ts ought to distinguish rural from urban turco'. dwellers. For a discussion of these issues see Robert Smith, 'In search of 95 - All arc cited in Preto, Venezia e i turchi: ' il malcontento dei sucliti, le Cmvaccio's Afri can go ndol ier', Italian Studies, 34 (1979), pp. 45-59; see di visione interne, l'avari zia, l'effeminatezza, Ia corruzione nella vita privata tl1 c images published in Hans:Joachim Kunst, 771e Aji"ican in Euroj;ean Art e pubblica' (p. 63); 'privo eli spima aggress iva '; 'clissolutezza del Su ltano'; (Bad Godesberg: Inter Nationes, 1967). For further sources on images sec 'un Sardanapalo allcvato nelli scrragli fra bulToni , nani e muti' (p. 66). Kaplan, 'Vcronese's images of foreigners'. On slaves see Dennis Romano, Turks were pictured as bloodthirsty at tl1 c same time that 'l'viazzemo un I-lousecrafl and Statecraft: Domestic Service in Renaissance Ven-ice, I400-I6oo turco' was a drinking toast. These kinds of aspersions were pressed into (Baltimore: j ohns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Iris Origo, 'Eastern setv ice by popular poet and in the prophetic literature that exploded slaves in Tuscany in the fourteemh and fifteenth cenruries', Sj;eculum, 30 around Lepanto (p. 11 8). (1955), pp. 32 1- 66. Also see me special issue 'Race and ethniciry in the 96 - For example, Della Porta repeats stereotypical dilTerences between tl1 e M iddle Ages', J ournal q[Medieval and Earlj>M odem Studies, 31/ t (200 1), Italians, Spanish, Germans, and ilie Turks that have been ascribed to especiall y Thomas Hahn, 'T he dilTerence the >[jcJclle Ages makes: Color geography and the humors. The cold north makes the inhabitants white, and race before the modern wo rld', pp. 1- 37. audacious, quick to give advice, wild, and ex travagant. By contrast heat in 101 - Clough, 'Italian Renaissance portraiture', p. '95 · equatorial climes causes black skin and cruel natures. T emperate zones 102 - Emilio Teza, Lafisiognomia: trallatello infrancese antico colla uersione italiana produce sc ientists and merchants, Italians are regal and noble, and the (Bologna: Gaetano Romagnoli , 1864), publishe details from fourteenth­ French inconsiderate. See DeUa Porta, Dellafisionomia delt'huomo (Venice: century tracts in Venice. Christoforo T omasini, 1654), ch. 16, pp. 22- 3; ch. 23, p. 37v. All citations 103 - Signifi cancl y the meaning of the word 'identity' underwent a from DeUa Porta are taken from the 1654 edition, unless noted otherwise. dramati c shift at tl1 e end of the Renaissance. Its Lati n roots were idem and 97 - 'Gli arabi sono latroni, d'animo doppi, fraudolenti, d'animo seiv ile, entitas, or 'same entity', a meaning tl1 at corresponds witl1 the sixteenth­ instabili, desirosi eli guaclagno'. Della Porta, Fisionomia (Venice: Christoforo century understanding of identity as 'absolute sameness', as 'cl1 e quality Tomas in i, 1654), p. 23 . of condition of being identical in every detail. . . . Also cl1 e fact of being 98 - The visit of the j apanese Ambassadors in 1585 prompted a new identified with.' By the midclle of the seventeentl1 centllly , however, me interest in skin color that did not correspond with existing climatic tl1 eories. term came to mean the inverse: 'the condition or fact of a person or th ing According to the j esuits, the j apanese youths had been descri bed as white being that specified unique person or thing, as a continuous unchanging in j apan, and yet appeared dilTerent to Europeans when they arrived after property throughout existence; the characteristics determining tllis, two years of travel. Guido Gualtieri drew on the tl1 eory of the humors, individuality, perso nality'. New Shorter Oiford English. Dictional)>( Oxford: attributing the change in color to their lengmy voyage: 'Ia carnagione, sc Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 1304. See j ohn Martin, 'Inventing sincerity, ben cli cono che nel Giapone suolc essere bianca, e i: ve risimile per li grandi refas hioning prudence: the discovery of the individual in Renaissa nce fredcli , che vi fan no, pure in questi per lunghczza e disagi del viaggio, s'i: Europe', American Historical Review, 102/5 (1997), pp. 1308- 42 . colorita in modo, che pii1 tosto tira al l'oli vastro'. Cited in Judith Brown, 104 - On phys iognomy sec J\llagli , II volto e !'an-ima. On Della Porta see Luisa 'Courtiers and Christians: the first j apanese emissaries to Europe', Muraro, Giamballista Della Porta mago e scienziato: in ajJpendice l'indice della Renaissance Qyarlerf:y , 48/4 (1994), pp. 872- 906. For a summary of theories Tawnatologia (Milan: FelrrinelJi, 1978). regarding skin color, sec the Venetian Giuseppe Rosaccio (1/microcosmo , 105 - VVhat is physiognomy, asks Della Porta in ch. 29, p. 39v: 'E dunque pp. 46-9), who eventually argues in favor of food: 'Onde, anche io un a sc icnza, che impara cia scgni, chc sono fi s ·i nel coqJo, & accidenti che confcrmando l'istessa ragione (per l'esperienza) clico cio avvenire, della trasmutano i segni, investigar i costumi naturali dell'animo. Habbiam detto conformita de cibi, e percio han no i popoli Scrifin i, Carcli, Lappi, Piermi, & i costumi natt1rali dell 'animo, accio l'huomo non s'inganni, che questa Biarmi, l'istessa sembianza, si come hanno parimcnte quciJi della Verginia, scicnza in segni : an chora quei costumi, o passioni dcll'animo, che florida, !sole, Canaric, Regno eli Cogno, China, Maluche, & Isola del s'acquista.ran co'l tempo, come esscr Matcmatico, o Medico, che cio cia i Giapon, con altre !sole & Regioni , chc non conobbero, ne Aristotele, ne segni del corpo non si puo conosccrc. C i habbiamo anchora aggiunto da gli Galeno, ne Hippocrate . . . . Nia se noi vorremo rassigurar l'ltaliano, ci accidenti, che trasmutano i segni , pcrche per alcuni segni, che sono nel trova remo tanta dilTerenza , che non si potra scorgere in lui regola corpo, csscndo alterato, vi sono, e vi si scuoprono, cotne Ia paura, e la universale eli ve ra cognitione, come si fara nell 'altre nationi'. Peter Heylyn, vc rgogna, che quando !'anima non basta sonl·ir Ia vergogna, spargenclo il M-ikrokosmus, or a L-illie DescrijJlion qf the Creal World (Oxford: J ohn Lichfielcl sanguc a ll e parti fuori del coqJo, appar il rossor, come capitano. Cosi and j ames Short, t62t ), p. 403, argued against this 'foolish supposition' fu ggenclo il sangue alle parti eli dentro, come in sua fortezza, '~ e n fuori Ia when he refl ected on the evidence posed by th e New \•Vorlcl: 'The pallidezza, cosi Ia palliclezza, e rossezza sono segni, che agevolmente inhabitants (though a great part of tl1is Country li cth in tl1c same paralcll spariscono'.

57 - Muraro, Giambattista Della Porta, p. 57· A papal buLl delayed relati ons, individualism, and identity in Renaissance Florence', in Urban life Jli ca ti on for two years and a vernacular editi on was prohibited on in the Renaissance, eels Susan Zimmerman and Ronald F. E. \, eel . Paul l'vlaurice Clogan (Cambridge: sa natura n1olte volte, sicco n1 e noi vedemo tutto giorno a uon1ini cd a Cambridge Uni versity Press, 1977), p. 61; J ohn Hale, 'The discovery of ti e. Jn omini dovete sapere chc molti ne sono el i si mala nan.1ra che per Ia Europe', pp. 39- 42; Preto VeneF ormation in Aledieval and Renaissance Europe, eel. Richard Trexler Sheridan (New York: Norton, 198r), pp. 193- 4. nghamton, !\1Y: Iccli e,-al and Renaissance Texts and Srudies, 1985), 117 - Silve rman, 17te 17mslwld, pp. 23 and 6o. 16; Ronald Weissman, 'The importance of being ambiguous: social

BRONWE N W I LSON •