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Searching for a Common Idiom Among African
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, xxxiv:4 (Spring, 2004), 595–599. AFRICAN TEXTS Robert I. Rotberg Searching for a Common Idiom among African Texts President Robert Gabriel Mugabe is remarkable for hav- ing transformed a well-managed, thriving, promising southern African country into a failed state—all within the last six years. In 2003, inºation in once wealthy Zimbabwe was racing along at 500 percent; staples and fuel were in short supply; unemployment reached 80 percent; hospitals barely functioned; and schools were without textbooks and teachers. Mugabe, a latter-day despot, had rigged a re-election in 2002, attacked civil society, killed and maimed opponents, suspended the rule of law, and thumbed his nose at President Bush and other foreign and local critics. In 2003, Mugabe had been a dominating prime minister and president for twenty-three years. Yet, before Zimbabwe’s inde- pendence in 1980, Mugabe had not always been the key ªgure in his people’s struggle against white-settler rule. Indeed, had one of his better-known competitors taken power, Zimbabweans could have avoided the home-grown tyranny under which they now chafe. First came Joshua Nkomo, but his easy-going and compro- mising ways led to a fratricidal battle; Ndabaningi Sithole, Herbert Wiltshire Chitepo, and Mugabe emerged from it as the leaders of a Shona-speaking nationalist movement called the Zimbabwe Af- rican National Union (zanu). Nkomo thereafter (from 1963) led the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (zapu). zanu was backed by China and zapu by the Soviet Union. Sithole and Mugabe were jailed for almost ten years, to late 1974, by the internationally illegal white-settler government of Rhodesia, which usurped power in 1965. -
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project DISCUSSION PAPER 59 THE ZIMBABWEAN NATION-STATE PROJECT A Historical Diagnosis of Identity and Power-Based Conflicts in a Postcolonial State SABELO J. NDLOVO-GATSHENI NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Zimbabwe Nationalism State Political conflicts Political development Political leadership Elite Ethnicity National identity Nation-building Post-colonialism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-696-1 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................................4 List of Acronyms ...............................................................................................................................................5 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................7 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................9 2. Defining the African National Project ................................................................................................18 -
OTHER ISSUES ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & Mps, JUNE 2000
Zimbabwe, Country Information Page 1 of 95 ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT OCTOBER 2003 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & MPs, JUNE 2000 & MDC LEADERSHIP & SHADOW CABINET ANNEX F: MDC POLICIES, PARTY SYMBOLS AND SLOGANS ANNEX G: CABINET LIST, AUGUST 2002 ANNEX H: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF THE DOCUMENT 1.1 This country report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The country report has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The country report is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the country report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: ZWE31570 Country: Zimbabwe Date: 20 April 2007 Keywords: Zimbabwe – MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? 2. How many branches are there in the province of Bulawayo? 3. How many wards are there? 4. Can you provide information on the leaders of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo? 5. Can you provide information on the activities of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo in 2006? 6. Can you provide information on council elections in Bulawayo around October 2006? 7. Did Zanu PF lose seats in the council elections in Bulawayo in October 2006? 8. Can you provide information about Gukurahunde? RESPONSE 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? The MDC headquarters are located in Harvest House, the corner of Angwa Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue in Harare. Angwa Street is parallel to First Street. Attached is a map of Harare, showing Angwa Street, First Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue (Africa South of the Sahara 2003 2003, Europa Publications, 32nd edition, London, p.1190 – Attachment 1; Mawarire, Matseliso 2007, ‘Police left a trail of destruction at Harvest House’, Zimdaily.com website, 29 March http://zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1480/2007-03-29.html – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 2; ‘Harare’ 1998, Hotels-Tours-Safaris.com website http://www.hotels-tours-safaris.com/zimbabwe/harare/images/citymap.gif – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 3). -
2GECOU Does Democracy Matter?
TheOpen University UBRARY DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE1 FOk.SNDATK)N OF AnRICULTURALG1ANtsdNi ECONOMiCS 2GECOU FUNDED BY THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH COUNCIL'S GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE PROGRAMME Does Democracy Matter? Pointers from a comparison of NGOs' influence on environmental policies in Zimbabwe and Botswana Alan Thomas June 1995 ©MK c7- M am©CDL _7CD mnrkfia 17/, GECOU is a research project based at the Open University. It consists of six researchers from five different disciplines: four from the Faculty of Social Sciences, namely Professor David Potter (Political Science), Professor Andrew Blowers (Geography), Dr Bernard Eccleston (Social Sciences), and Dr David Humphreys (Political Science); and two from the Faculty of Technology, namely Dr Susan Carr (Systems) and Alan Thomas (Development Studies). The project examines the advocacy work of environmental NGOs (non- governmental organisations) and their role in the policy processes which directly affect global environmental problems. GECOU forms part of the UK Economic and Social Research Council's Global Environmental Change Programme. For more information contact: Dr David Humphreys, Research. Fellow, Faculty of Social Sciences, Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes MK7 6AA. Tel: 01908 654480 Fax: 01908 654488 E.Mail: [email protected] Previous GECOU Working Papers Annie Taylor, "Setting Environmental Agendas: NGOs, Democracy and Global Politics, A Framework and Methodology for the Research", GECOU Working Paper No. 1, October 1993. David Potter, "Democracy and the Environment in Asia", GECOU Working Paper No. 2, January 1994. David Potter, "NGOs and Forest Management in Karnataka", GECOU Working Paper No. 3, January 1995. DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE The Development Policy and Practice Research Group was set up in the Open University towards the end of 1984 to promote research on development issues. -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
ZIMBABWE: a POLITICAL BALANCE SHEET Part II: Party Politics and Foreign Affairs by J
i I1 1981iNo. 15 1 Africa ZIMBABWE: A POLITICAL BALANCE SHEET Part II: Party Politics and Foreign Affairs by J. Gus Liebenow The Mugabe government's ability to carry out innovative domestic and foreign policies depends in great measure upon the Prime Minister's creativity in retaining the support of those who gave ZANU-PF its victory in the February 1980 elections. The American Universities Field INSTITUTIONAL MEMBERS American Staff, Inc.,founded in 1951, is a non- University of Alabama profit, membership corporation of Brown University American educational institutions. It Universities employs a full-time staff of foreign California State area specialists who write from UniversityIFullerton abroad and make periodic visits to California State member institutions. AUFS serves UniversityINorthridge the public through its seminar pro- Dartmouth College grams, films, and wide-ranging pub- Indiana University lications on significant develop- for Shipboard ments in foreign societies. Education University of Kansas Michigan State University University of Pittsburgh Ramapo College of New Jersey Utah State University University of Wisconsin System AUFS Reports are a continuing Associates of the Field Staff are series on international affairs and chosen for their ability to cut across major global issues of our time. the boundaries of the academic dis- Reports have for almost three ciplines in order to study societies in decades reached a group of their totality, and for their skill in col- readers-both academic and non- lecting, reporting, and evaluating academic-who find them a useful data. They combine long residence source of firsthand observation of abroad with scholarly studies relat- political, economic, and social trends ing to their geographic areas of in foreign countries. -
Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(S), 1957-1965
Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965 Joshua Pritchard This thesis interrogates traditional understandings of race within Zimbabwean nationalism. It explores the interactions between socio-cultural identities and belonging in black African nationalist thinking and politics, and focuses on the formative decade between the emergence of mass African nationalist political parties in 1957 and the widespread adoption of an anti- white violent struggle in 1966. It reassesses the place of non-black individuals within African anti-settler movements. Using the chronological narrative provided by the experiences of marginal non-black supporters (including white, Asian, coloured, and Indian individuals), it argues that anti-colonial nationalist organisations during the pre-Liberation War period were heavily influenced by the competing racial theories and politics espoused by their elite leadership. It further argues that the imagined future Zimbabwean nations had a fluid and reflexive positioning of citizens based on racial identities that changed continuously. Finally, this thesis examines the construction of racial identities through the discourse used by black Zimbabweans and non-black migrants and citizens, and the relationships between these groups, to contend that race was an inexorable factor in determining belonging. Drawing upon archival sources created by non-black 'radical' participants and Zimbabwean nationalists, and oral interviews conducted during fieldwork in South Africa and Zimbabwe in 2015, the research is a revisionist approach to existing academic literature on Zimbabwean nationalism: in the words of Terence Ranger, it is not a nationalist history but a history of nationalism. It situates itself within multiple bodies of study, including conceptual nationalist and racial theory, the histories of marginal groups within African nationalist movements, and studies of citizenship and belonging. -
Political Accidents in Zimbabwe
Political Accidents in Zimbabwe JOOST FONTEIN Department of Anthropology and Development Studies, University of Johannesburg Introduction On 16 August 2011 Zimbabwe awoke to the news that retired General Solomon Mujuru, aka Rex Nhongo (his war alias), the former deputy commander of ZANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army) and independent Zimbabwe’s first black army commander, husband of the (then) vice-president, Joice Mujuru, long- term confidante of (then) president Robert Mugabe, and widely regarded as ‘king- maker’ with the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), had died in a mysterious fire at his farm in Beatrice, 60 km south west of Harare. Just four days later, on 20 August, amid public statements of grief from across the political spectrum, and growing speculation about the cause of his death, Mujuru’s remains were buried at the National Heroes Acre in Harare at a huge state funeral attended by tens of thousands of people. After the ‘inexplicable, horrendous fire accident’ – as Mugabe then described it1 – there was only a ‘small pile of charred bones and ash’ to be buried, and workers reportedly needed ‘shovels to scrape his remains off the floor’.2 ‘Burnt beyond recognition’, unconfirmed reports suggested dental records were needed to confirm his identity;3 and (unusually for state funerals in Zimbabwe) the ‘coffin remained sealed’.4 Nevertheless, the closed casket did little to contain the plethora of rumours that emerged in the months that followed, which remain unre- solved, despite police investigations and an official inquest. In this article, I use Mujuru’s death as way into discussing ‘political accidents’ in Zimbabwe’s recent history, in order to explore the efficacies of rumours and the poli- tics of uncertainty in relation to what I tentatively term the unfinished nature of death in Zimbabwe. -
“Walk the Talk”
“WALK THE TALK” ZIMBABWE MUST RESPECT AND PROTECT FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS DURING THE 2013 HARMONIZED ELECTIONS Amnesty International Publications First published in 2013 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2013 Index: AFR 46/009/2013 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. CONTENTS 1. Introduction -
The Struggle Within the Struggle: an Examination of the Political … 1
The struggle within the struggle: an examination of the political … 1 The struggle within the struggle: an examination of the political power wrangle between the African National Council and other nationalist parties, especially ZANU and ZAPU, in Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle (c.1971- c.1980) Fabulous Moyo Unit for Reformed Theology, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa Abstract The article examines the logic behind the establishment of the African National Council (ANC) under the leadership of Bishop Abel Muzorewa and it further explores how the movement got entangled in power politics of Zimbabwe’s liberation movements (c.1971 − c.1980) especially with the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) under the leadership of Ndabaningi Sithole and later Robert Mugabe, as well as its struggles with the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) under Joshua Nkomo. It further examines how the predominantly clergy-led ANC, having been constituted to represent the collective interests of Zimbabweans and the incarcerated nationalists, evolved after the 1972 “Test of Acceptability” into a political party whose support base would largely emanate from Protestants. This article highlights that the struggle for power in the nationalist leadership was the paramount cause for the undermining and discrediting by ZANU and ZAPU of the ANC and its Protestant-dominated leadership’s contributions to the Africans’ struggle for liberation (c.1971 – c.1980). Introduction The assessment of the role of Bishop Abel Muzorewa and his African National Council1