Populism Och Främlingsmisstro

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Populism Och Främlingsmisstro Populism och främlingsmisstro Sverige i Europa Populism och främlingsmisstro – Sverige i Europa Integrationsverkets skriftserie VI © Integrationsverket 2006 ISSN 1651-1425 Integrationsverket Box 633 601 14 Norrköping Grafi sk produktion och tryck: Elanders AB 2006 2 Innehåll Förord 5 4. Hur långt till höger? 29 4.1) Högerpopulismens position på en Summary 6 politisk höger–vänster-skala 29 Sammanfattning 8 5. Den högerpopulistiska partifamiljen 35 5.1) Kriterier för bestämning av partifamilj 35 Prolog från författarna 10 5.2) Vem tillhörpartifamiljen? 36 1. En introduktion till forskningsfältet 12 6. Populismens ideologiska grundvalar 38 1.1) En ouppklarad frågeställning: Sverige 6.1) Ideologins betydelse 38 som dubbelt undantag 12 6.2) Fosterlandet 39 1.2) Populismen i Västeuropa 14 6.3) Folket 39 1.3) Populism som empirisk realitet i 6.4) Välfärdschauvinism på etnisk- Europa 1414 nationell grund 41 1.4) Populism som idealtyp 15 6.5) Riktat missnöje 41 1.5) Populism som dubbel artikulering av 6.6) Kritik med den representativa folklighet och småborgerlighet 16 demokratin 42 1.6) Två defi nitioner av populism med 6.7) Populismens dynamiska form 44 fl era beröringspunkter 17 6.8) Främlingsmisstro och främlings- 1.7) Höger-, center - och vänsterpopulism 17 fi entlighet 44 2. En presentation av studien 19 7. Faktorer som gynnat framväxten av 2.1) Syfte 19 dagens högerpopulistiska partier 46 2.2) Populism och högerpopulism – 7.1) Postindustriella ekonomiska system svårdefi nierade begrepp 19 och utvecklingen av välfärdsstaten 46 2.3) Tillvägagångssätt 21 7.2) Legitimetskris inom de etablerade 2.4) Studiens upplägg 24 politiska strukturer 48 7.3) Konvergens i partivärlden 49 3. Populismens utveckling – första, andra 7.4) Ökad individualisering och nya och tredje vågen 25 politiska sakfrågor 50 3.1) Första vågen: Klassisk populism 25 7.5) Det historiska och ideologiska bagaget 51 3.2) Andra vågen – missnöjespartiernas framväxt 27 8. Det högerpopulistiska partiets 3.3) Tredje vågen – högerpopulismen organisation och väljarbas 52 dominerar den populistiska diskursen 27 8.1) Det organisatoriska dilemmat 52 3 8.2) Väljarbas 53 11. Sverige i Europa – från undantag till regel? 81 9. Västeuropeisk högerpopulism – från 11.1) Sverige som undantag 81 nationella till regionala partier 55 11.2) Faktorer som kan förvandla Sverige 9.1) Nationellt orienterade höger- från undantag till regel 83 populistiska partier 55 11.3) Uppenbar fara eller ett övergående 9.2) Regionalt orienterade höger- fenomen? 86 populistiska partier 60 Epilog från författarna 90 10. Populistiska uttryck i Sverige från 1980-talet till 2000-talet 63 Litteraturlista 92 10.1) 1980-talet: Skånepartiet i Malmö och folkomröstningen i Sjöbo 63 Bilaga 1 96 10.2) 1990-talet: Greven och betjänten intar den politiska scenen 68 10.3) 2000-talet: Sverigedemokraterna putsar fasaden 73 4 Förord Som ett led i att följa samhällsutvecklingen ur Projektgruppen som arbetat med studien har ett integrationspolitiskt perspektiv och arbetet bestått av doktoranderna Jenny Kiiskinen, Sigrid för att motverka och förebygga rasism och främ- Saveljeff och professor Björn Fryklund, alla från lingsfi entlighet, har Integrationsverket tagit ini- Internationell Migration och Etniska Relationer tiativ till en studie som analyserar framväxten av vid Malmö högskola. Björn Fryklund, har varit högerpopulistiska partier och främlingsmisstro i projektledare och är vetenskapligt huvudansvarig Europa. för hela studien och dess genomförande. Jenny Det denna studie syftar till är att beskriva och Kiiskinen och Sigrid Saveljeff är författare till stu- analysera hur relationerna och påverkan ser ut dien med undantag för kapitlet En introduktion vad avser populism och främlingsmisstro på till forskningsfältet. Integrationsverket anlitade en den europeiska politiska arenan. Alltfl er länder i extern anonym expert för genomförande av kva- Europa har fått se högerpopulistiska partier och litetsbedömningar. rörelser växa fram och växa till sig. Därför är José Alberto Diaz, forskningsledare vid Inte- det viktigt att kritiskt analysera denna utveck- grationsverket, har varit ledare för samarbets- ling och förhålla sig till den särskilt med tanke projektet. Johan Andersson, handläggare vid på att de populistiska partierna och rörelserna Integrationsverket har varit ansvarig för uppfölj- utmanar den representativa demokratin på dess ningsarbetet. egna grundvalar. Det sker genom att de i vissa fall Integrationsverket tackar de personer som varit framför uppfattningar som är eller gränsar till att delaktiga i arbetet med rapporten. vara rasistiska eller främlingsfi entliga. Det empi- riska materialet baseras på genomgående littera- Abdullahi Aress Jose Alberto Diaz turstudier inom forskningsfältet samt intervjuer Avdelningschef Forskningsledare med svenska EU-parlamentariker. Analysavdelning Analysavdelningen 5 Summary Populism and xenophobia: xenophobic and racist attitudes. The overall aim of the study is to describe populism and most of Sweden in Europe all right-wing populism as a political phenom- During the last decades, right-wing populist enon. Modern research related to populism and parties have become more and more prominent right-wing populism is therefore central in this within the European societies. This development study. can, in the long run, lead to increased xenophobia The study shows that Sweden at the moment and racism even in Sweden. It is therefore impor- is to be seen as an exception when it comes to tant to discuss what constitutes populism, and successful right-wing populism. Swedish popu- right-wing populism as a central part of popu- list elements have most of the time been con- lism, but also to discuss how society can handle nected to certain events (such as the referendum and meet this specifi c political movement and its in Sjöbo in 1988) or to political movements that political parties. have been active and successful for only a short Today we can see a number of right-wing period of time (such as New Democracy in 1991– populist parties which are all active within the 1994). What we can see today is a party called the European political arena. Vlaams Belang from Sweden Democrats which, by using right-wing Belgium, Front National from France, Danish populism, uses all its power to mobilize support People’s Party from Denmark and Lega Nord in relation to the national election in September from Italy are all examples of such parties. These 2006. But the Sweden Democrats are still strug- parties have managed to establish themselves as gling with their past – a past which implies strong prominent political factors within the Western connections to racist movements that were active European democracies of today. The political during the 1980s. The history of the party prob- development in Europe can come to infl uence the ably makes it more diffi cult for the party to gain political environment in Sweden even though we the same amount of electoral support as its col- do not have a successful right-wing populist party leagues in Western Europe. in Sweden represented on a national level at this But, as research has shown, there are factors moment. The development in Europe can come within the Swedish context that could work in to infl uence the emergence of a Swedish right- favor of the development of a Swedish right-wing wing political party which takes nourishment populist party. A number of Swedish voters feel from xenophobia and racism. In the long run this that they no longer can identify with the estab- development can lead to increased xenophobia lished political parties. If the voters no longer can and racism even in Sweden. identify with the established parties, this could The study Populism och främlingsmisstro – work in favor of the development and growth of a Sverige i Europa is part of the work done by the right-wing populist party, since parties like these Swedish Board of Integration in order to prevent tend to be favored by the reduction of party iden- 6 tifi cation. These kinds of parties are also favored kind of reluctance towards the European Union by a reduction in class voting. In Sweden, as in the have had the ability to gain support among the rest of Europe, party identifi cation as well as class voters and have been able to establish themselves voting have been reduced among the voters. This on the political scene. One could therefore con- could, in other words, be factors that in the long clude that if a right-wing populist party uses the run could work in favor of the establishment of a negative attitudes towards the European Union, it Swedish right-wing populist party. can have a chance of gaining votes and establish- Political discontent and alienation are other ing itself on the Swedish political scene. relevant factors when it comes to explaining the But, whether the Sweden Democrats gain emergence of right-wing populist parties. This more votes in the next national election or not, can make formerly loyal voters change party loy- or whether a new right-wing populist party alty. Studies made in Western Europe during the establishes itself on the Swedish political scene, last decade show that people’s trust in political we cannot overlook the fact that Sweden is a part institutions has decreased, which could work in of Europe – a Europe where right-wing populist favor of the development of a new party – such as parties have gained major electoral success during a right-wing populist party – that will exploit this the last decades and have become a political agent development. Studies made in Sweden show that, on the European political scene. The existence during the years, the Swedish voter has become of right-wing populist parties can therefore no more and more dissatisfi ed with the established longer be denied; this type of parties are here to political parties and institutions. This is therefore stay. The big challenge for the Swedish society an important factor that can work in favor of the is therefore to handle the existence of this party establishment of a Swedish right-wing populist family – irrespective of its presence within the party that takes nourishment from a widespread Swedish national context.
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