Chechen Scholars on Chechnya

Chechen Scholars on Chechnya Julie Wilhelmsen and Erika Fatland, eds Norwegian Institute of International Affairs International of Institute Norwegian Institutt Utenrikspolitisk Norsk NUPI Report Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2010 ISBN: 978-82-7002-287-8 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be printed in part or in full without the permission of the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Fax: [+ 47] 22 36 21 82 Chechen Scholars on Chechnya Julie Wilhelmsen and Erika Fatland, eds Contents Julie Wilhelmsen: Introduction...........................................................................................7 Abbas D. Osmayev: The Chechen Republic: From ‘Counter-Terrorist Operation’ to Peace (1999–2005) .........................................................................11 Tamara U. Elbuzdukayeva: Economic Recovery in Chechnya: History and Modernity ...............41 Vakhit Kh. Akayev: The Conflict between Traditional Islam and Wahhabism in the North Caucasus: Origins, Dynamics and the Means for its Resolution ...........................................................................................63 Chechen Scholars on Chechnya Introduction Julie Wilhelmsen The purpose of this publication is, as the title indicates, to give Che- chen scholars the opportunity to present to the English-speaking world their version of what has happened to Chechnya. Over the years, a great many books and articles dealing with this tiny republic in the Russian Federation have been published in Western academia, but we seldom hear from Chechen scholars. It is high time for them to take part in the discussion. It might be easier to achieve a more ‘objective’ analysis of a conflict from the outside: however, those caught up in a conflict have not only the right to give their version, they also have a particular credibility when doing so. The scholars presented here have tried to remain in place at the Chechen State University in Grozny through these past twenty years of upheaval and war. Surely they have been as close to the object of study as it is possible to come. For scholars working in a peaceful, pluralistic society it is easy to be critical and balanced. That is our mandate; it is what is expected of us. In a setting of war and ensuing authoritarianism, however, adhering to these virtues can be costly and even dangerous. The fairly balanced character of the accounts in this volume is therefore no trifling matter. It testifies to the personal integrity and quality of the authors. It also gives hope that Chechen academia can survive despite constant at- tempts at politicization. Abbas D. Osmayev is a Candidate of Historical Sciences and Associ- ate Professor at the Chechen State University. He has published widely on Chechnya and the Caucasus in both a historical and current perspective. His chapter presents a broad outline of the second Che- chen war from its beginning in 1999 until 2005. It traces the military operations, the so-called political settlement and the installation of the Kadyrov regime, with the subsequent ‘Chechenization’ of the conflict. 8 Julie Wilhelmsen and Erika Fatland, eds Despite the top–down structure of the chapter, with a focus on Mos- cow’s policies, the core story here is that of the Chechen civilian population. Osmayev consistently draws into his account the devastat- ing effects of the war between federal forces, separatists, Kadyrovtsy and Radical Islamists on the Chechen people. Building on this, the article explains something which has always been difficult to under- stand for the outsider: the initial legitimacy enjoyed by the Kadyrov regime. Caught between a rock and a hard place, the war-weary Che- chen people supported Akhmad Kadyrov because he promised not only to fight the Radical Islamists but also to defend the population from the unspeakable atrocities of the federals. However, the transfer of control to a Chechen regime did not make things much better. The Kadyrovtsy received a mandate for indis- criminate use of force – and they used it. The war turned into a civil war. Despite the widespread impression that the cycle starting with war, continuing with a political settlement and ending with ‘Che- chenization’ has resulted in some kind of resolution of the conflict, this article shows how the war seems set to go on, and on. At the end of the chapter, Osmayev notes that several former separatists were elected into the 2005 Chechen parliament, and that can give a certain hint in the direction of concord. But we are still left with the uneasy feeling that there will be no peace in Chechnya until a true process of reconciliation has been carried through and the grievances of the people have been addressed from the top of the Russian political system. Today’s regional authorities in Chechnya are nowhere close to launch- ing such a process of reconciliation. Their authority is still built on guns. As for the federal authorities, acknowledgement of their respon- sibility for the grave atrocities committed against Russian citizens in Chechnya is urgently needed. Tamara U. Elbuzdukayeva is a Candidate of Historical Sciences and Associate Professor at the Chechen State University. Elbuzdukayeva writes on social and economic developments in the North Caucasus and has published widely on these issues in the early Soviet period. Her contribution to this publication is an historical analysis of the economic development of the Chechen republic since the beginning of the Soviet rule and until the present. Elbuzdukayeva’s point of departure is the immense consequences of the Civil War upon the Chechen economy at the beginning of the cen- tury. She then describes how the industry was repaired by the state, and how the early Soviet regime went about turning Chechnya into a developed, industrialized oil-producing republic. Throughout her analysis, Elbuzdukayeva is concerned with how the macro-economy affected ordinary citizens, and she pays specific attention to the situa- Chechen scholars on Chechnya 9 tion of Chechen women during Soviet rule. Elbuzdukayeva also describes the effects of the Second World War on the economy of the Chechen republic. The 1940s were a time of great destruction, but also of great activity in the republic. The final and most substantial part of the chapter deals with the after- math of the two Chechen wars in the 1990s. Elbuzdukayeva details the catastrophic consequences the warfare for the Chechen economy. She makes it clear how the grave social problems facing the Chechen population today are closely linked to the devastation of the economy, and argues that these problems cannot be solved without rebuilding and developing the entire Chechen economy, from heavy industry to the agricultural and social sectors. Vakhit Kh. Akayev is a Doctor of Philosophy and Professor at the Chechen State University, and is also a member of the Chechen Acad- emy of Sciences. Akayev has published widely on Chechen history, culture, society and religion. In this chapter Akayev makes a case for ordinary Chechens as Sufi Muslims and not Radical Islamists. After so many years of ‘terrorist talk’ framing Chechnya as a bastion of Wahhabism, such a comprehensive account of the various forms of Islam in the region is indeed pertinent. Akayev explains the Islamization of the peoples of the North Cauca- sus, and looks into the recent Islamic revival during perestroika and glasnost. He pinpoints how traditional religious and ethnic identities are closely entangled and also shows how religious structures and politics are intertwined. Sufi brotherhoods have been instrumental in mobilizing regime support, but they also wield influence over political actors. Likewise, neo-Wahhabi ideas influenced the Dudaev regime, but the regime also employed religious slogans for its own purposes. Akayev’s detailed and informative account emphasises the syncretic and changing character of religion in the region. He notes the misuse of key terms and distinctions in writings on Chechnya and tries to give words such as taip, vird, Wahhabi clear content and definition. As such, his chapter is a reply to other writers in the field but can also serve as an excellent introduction for those seeking a deeper under- standing of the social and religious fabric of Chechnya. The main focus of his chapter is the challenge that the conflict between traditional Sufi Islam and neo-Wahhabism poses to Chechen society. Neo-Wahhabism, a recent arrival, actually contradicts traditional Sufi Islam in a fundamental way, but the war provided fertile ground for these radical ideas. The conflict inherent in the different teachings of Sufism and neo-Wahhabism is underscored by a genera- 10 Julie Wilhelmsen and Erika Fatland, eds tional cleavage between the younger generation, who did not experience the deportation of the Chechens to Central Asia – an experience that in many ways constituted the Chechens as a nation – and the older generation that did. It is the younger generation who endorse neo- Wahhabi ideas and are drawn into the ranks of the Jamatist groups. The conflict between traditional Sufi Islam and neo-Wahhabism has long since left the level of theological debate, and is being played out in the fight for power and positions, very often taking on violent ex- pression. Despite Akaev’s expressed optimism concerning the positive effect of the massive propagandistic counteroffensive launched against neo- Wahhabism in the region in recent years, he seems to believe that the only way to achieve stability in the long run is through establishing a dialogue between those representing traditional Islam and those representing neo-Wahhabism in Chechnya. We welcome the opportunity to give these scholars the opportunity to make contact with a broader public.

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