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2/2015

In High-tech’s Backyard Labour Rights as a Part of Wärtsilä’s Value Chain THIS IS AN UNOFFICIAL TRANSLATION. THE ORIGINAL REPORT HAS BEEN PUBLISHED IN FINNISH AND IS AVAILABLE AT: www.fi nnwatch.org. Finnwatch is a Finnish non-profi t organisation that studies the responsibility of global business.

Author: Sonja Vartiala and Sanna Ristimäki, Chapter 3: Minna Havunen Layout: Petri Clusius/Amfi bi Ky Publication date: March 2015 Cover Photo: Finnwatch/Sonja Vartiala Contents

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 4 2. WÄRTSILÄ AND CORPORATE RESPONSIBILITY ...... 5 2.1 Wärtsilä’s personnel practices ...... 5 2.2 Occupational health and safety at Wärtsilä’s workplaces ...... 6 2.3 Wärtsilä’s subcontractors and other cooperation partners ...... 7 2.4 Implementation and monitoring mechanisms ...... 9 3. ASSESSMENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS RISKS: LABOUR RIGHTS IN INDIA ...... 10 3.1 Limited freedom of association and the right to strike ...... 12 3.2 Use of child labour ...... 13 3.3 Salaries not suffi cient to cover living costs ...... 13 3.4 Caste system leads to discrimination ...... 14 3.5 Discrimination of women in the workplace very common ...... 16 3.6 India’s internal migrants face adversity ...... 16 3.7 Ineffective or lacking occupational safety ...... 17 4. WÄRTSILÄ IN INDIA – LABOUR RIGHTS AT WÄRTSILÄ’S FACTORY IN KHOPOLI ...... 18 4.1 Lowest wages paid by factory not suffi cient to cover living costs ...... 19 4.2 Living wage in Khopoli ...... 20 4.2 Workers not satisfi ed with the factory’s unoffi cial trade union ...... 22 4.3 Contract workers given consecutive short employment contracts ...... 22 4.4 More attention required for prevention of discrimination? ...... 24 4.5 Occupational safety and health of permanent workers well-organised ...... 24 5. WÄRTSILÄ IN INDIA – WORKING CONDITIONS AT A FACTORY RUN BY WÄRTSILÄ SUBCONTRACTOR ECHJAY FORGINGS ...... 25 5.1 Factory embroiled in court battle with trade union ...... 25 5.2 Contract workers work at the factory with no offi cial employment contracts ...... 27 5.3 Migrant workers do not receive sick leave compensation and have no annual leave ...... 29 5.4 Payslips not provided, meagre salaries and no compensation for overtime ...... 29 5.5 Worker accommodations in very poor condition ...... 30 5.6 Workers dissatisfi ed with occupational safety at the factory ...... 31 6. HUMAN RIGHTS RISK ASSESSMENTS – LABOUR RIGHTS IN MOZAMBIQUE ...... 32 6.1 Labour legislation ensures the rights of trade unions, implementation and monitoring of legislation ineffective ...... 33 6.2 Employment in informal economy commonplace, employment contracts rare ...... 34 6.3 Salaries often lower than minimum wage dictates ...... 34 6.4 Underemployment and illegally long workdays ...... 35 6.5 Inadequate occupational health and safety ...... 35 6.6 Use of child labour commonplace ...... 35 6.7 Gender discrimination a common phenomena ...... 36 6.8 Migrant workers at risk of being victims of forced labour ...... 36 6.9 Foreign expertise at the expense of the locals ...... 37 7. WÄRTSILÄ IN MOZAMBIQUE – LABOUR RIGHTS AT THE CENTRAL TERMICA DE RESSANO GARCIA GAS PLANT CONSTRUCTION SITE ...... 38 7.1 Wages not suffi cient to cover living costs ...... 38 7.2 Ambiguities in overtime compensation and deductions from salaries ...... 40 7.3 Strikes and unrest have resulted in dismissals, trade union not considered trustworthy ..... 41 7.4 Occupational safety at an adequate level, but heat causes problems ...... 42 7.5 Experts from abroad, builders from Mozambique ...... 44 7.6 Working conditions of security guards the site’s worst ...... 44 8. SUMMARY ...... 46 9. RECOMMENDATIONS...... 49 1. Introduction

Wärtsilä, a provider of power solutions for of Wärtsilä’s different activities in high-risk the marine and energy markets, is one of Fin- countries. One of the fi eld studies examines land’s largest listed companies1. The inter- the construction of a Wärtsilä-supplied gas- national corporation has over 200 places of fuelled power plant in Mozambique, the business in nearly 70 countries, and has sup- second concerns Wärtsilä’s own factory in plied power plants to over 169 countries2. India and the third Wärtsilä’s direct subcon- tractor in India. The fi eld research focuses on Although Wärtsilä conducts business in many examining Wärtsilä’s accountability with an countries that are classifi ed as high-risk with emphasis on labour rights. regard to human rights, its activities have received very little attention in . The report was funded by the Trade Union Solidarity Centre of Finland SASK, the Finnish The purpose of this Finnwatch report has Metalworkers’ Union, Trade Union Pro and been to examine Wärtsilä’s corporate respon- the Union of Professional Engineers in sibility policies and the monitoring thereof. Finland. The report presents three example cases

1 Largest companies, according to turnover, Finland http://www.largestcompanies.fi /toplistat/suomi/suu- rimmat-yritykset-liikevaihdon-mukaan-ilman-tytaryhti- oita (viewed on 18.2.2015) 2 Wärtsilä, Annual Report, 2013: http://www.wartsilare- ports.com/fi -FI/2013/ar/liiketoiminta/pikakatsaus/

Wärtsilä’s factory in Vaasa.

4 TIMO/FLICKR CREATIVE COMMONS TIMO/FLICKR CREATIVE 2. Wärtsilä and corporate responsibility

Wärtsilä is an international corporation that Declaration of Human Rights, national laws, supplies marine and energy-market power the ten principles listed in the UN Global solutions. The Group’s headquarters is Compact initiative, as well as the ILO’s Core located in Finland. Wärtsilä Corporation is Conventions.7 listed on the NASDAQ OMX , Finland, Wärtsilä’s Code of Conduct states that the and it has 200 points of business around the corporation strives to maintain the highest world.3 In 2014, Wärtilä’s turnover was EUR legal and ethical standards in all its business 4,8 billion.4 practices.8 The points in the Code of Conduct Wärtsilä’s business activities are in three key that focus on workers’ rights highlight areas the marine and power plant sectors respect for human rights and labour rights, and service provision. In the power plant fostering of equality, freedom from any type sector, Wärtsilä manufactures technology of discrimination and the right to a safe work that will secure general power production, environment. the functionality of the grid, industry’s own In addition to its Code of Conduct, Wärtsilä power production and the needs of the oil has published corporate responsibility poli- and gas industries. In addition to this, Wärtsilä cies regarding employee practices, and these supplies power plants that use different fuels are applied throughout the corporation9. The as their source of energy. policies are examined in more detail in the Wärtsilä’s activities in the marine technology following chapter (2.1). The corporation’s sector include the manufacture of ship occupational health and safety principles machinery and engines, aggregates, auto- are outlined in Wärtsilä’s policies relating to mation and power transfer systems used in Quality, Occupational Health and Safety and shipping, as well as providing solutions that the Environment (see Chapter 2.2). Wärtsilä will help manage and cut technology-related also has a public Supplier Handbook, which emissions.5 touches on issues of responsibility (see Chapter 2.3). In 2013, Wärtsilä employed approximately 18,700 people. In addition to the corpora- tion’s own employees, Wärtsilä’s factories and units employed contract workers from 2.1 WÄRTSILÄ’S PERSONNEL PRACTICES outside the corporation for a total of 2,813 Wärtsilä’s internal corporate policies 6 man hours. regarding personnel practices emphasise Wärtsilä divides corporate responsibility into equal opportunities for all workers, fairness of three areas: fi nancial, social and environmen- benefi ts and salaries, compliance with legis- tal. This report examines Wärtsilä’s corpo- lation and collective agreements, develop- rate social responsibility with an emphasis on ment of the personnel’s expertise, as well as labour rights. cooperation and communication between personnel and management. An effective Code of Conduct, which steers all of Wärtsilä’s activities, and dialogue with Wärtsilä promises to ensure fair salaries, stakeholders form the basis for Wärtsilä’s equality in recruitment, as well as freedom corporate responsibility policies. The Code of association and the right to collective of Conduct commits to honouring the UN bargaining. Wärtsilä prohibits all types of

7 Wärtsilä, Code of Conduct: tp://www.wartsila.com/en/

3 Ibid. sustainability/approach/Ourcommitment/CodefCon- 4 Ibid. duct 5 Wärtsilä, mission and vision, http://www.wartsila.com/ 8 Wärtsilä, Code of Conduct ”(...) company strives to COMMONS fi /about/yhtio-johto/strategia/MissionVision (viewed on maintain the highest legal and ethical standards in all 13.8.2014) its business practices.” CREATIVE

6 Wärtsilä, Annual Report, 2013: http://www.wartsilare- 9 Wärtsilä, Employee practices: ttp://www.wartsila.com/ ports.com/en-US/2013/ar/sustainability/personnel-and- fi /kestava-kehitys/Socialresponsibility/Employeeprac- social-performance/personnel/ tices 5 TIMO/FLICKR Wärtsilä strives to offer all its workers a safe workplace. FINNWATCH / SONJA VARTIALA / SONJA FINNWATCH

discrimination. The corporation’s fundamen- instances wherein a country’s national laws tal principle on salaries is that the corpora- prevent freedom of association and the right tion pays the same salary for the same work to collective bargaining, Wärtsilä has commit- and same performance. Salaries must be fair, ted to providing an alternative way in which decent and motivating. These objectives are workers’ can express their opinions and achieved by using a job’s level of demand worries.11 as the determining factor for its salary. According to Wärtsilä, differences in com- petence, experience and performance are 2.2 OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH AND noted by paying different people – not e.g. SAFETY AT WÄRTSILÄ’S WORKPLACES different genders – different salaries. Sala- ries are reviewed annually, and they must be Wärtsilä stated that it strives to offer all its on par with at least the local minimum wage. workers a safe workplace by complying with According to Wärtsilä’s corporate guidelines, high standards of occupational health and no illegal or unauthorised deductions may be safety. Wärtsilä’s principles on occupational made from salaries. health and safety are specifi ed in the corpo- ration’s Code of Conduct and QEHS policies12. According to Wärtsilä, part-time workers are The corporation has also drafted occupational given the same benefi ts as personnel in other health and safety guidelines, which it uses types of employment relationships. In cases to promote occupational health and safety of dismissal, Wärtsilä says it honours local in its global activities. Wärtsilä’s subsidiaries collective agreements and labour legislation. are required to have a management system Wärtsilä applies EU Directives, local laws, col- in place that supports the aforementioned lective agreements, as well as all similar pro- policies. At the end of 2013, 48 Wärtsilä sub- visions on hearing of employees and collec- sidiaries had a certifi ed OHSAS (OHSAS13 10 tive bargaining. 18001) in place. Wärtsilä’s Code of Conduct also empha- sises the importance of freedom of asso- ciation and the principles of cooperation. In

11 Wärtsilä, Annual Report 2013: http://www.wartsilare- 10 Ibid. ports.com/fi -FI/2013/ar/kestava-kehitys/henkilosto-ja- sosiaalinen-vastuu/ihmis-ja-tyoelaman-oikeudet/ 12 Abbreviationfor Quality, Environment, Health and Sa- fety 13 Abbreviation for Occupational, Health and Safety Ma- nagement Systems

6 Table 1: Number of accidents and absences at Wärtsilä’s workplaces.14

Accident 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 Total number of accidents 730 742 987 971 1,169 Accidents that lead to lost time 199 238 267 333 470 injuries Accident frequency / million hours 4.4 5.5 6.3 7.8 12.9

In 2013, over 80 per cent of Wärtsilä’s places 2.3 WÄRTSILÄ’S SUBCONTRACTORS of business had an occupational health and AND OTHER COOPERATION PARTNERS safety committee. These committees work Wärtsilä expects its suppliers and subcon- together with each company’s management tractors to commit to the corporation’s and personnel representatives to develop the Code of Conduct. In 2012, Wärtsilä drew up company’s occupational health and safety the Wärtsilä Supplier Handbook, which pro- programmes and ensure that these are in line vides instructions for Wärtsilä’s suppliers on with national laws and Wärtsilä’s policies.15 matters such as corporate social responsi- Wärtsilä stated that it regularly evaluates the bility requirements. corporation’s occupational health and safety. The handbook states that suppliers must The indicators used to evaluate occupa- commit to occupational health and safety tional health and safety performance include practices, to fostering equality in the work- the number of accidents, the number of place and to pre-emption of all discrimina- absences due to sick leave and the frequency tion. Workers shall be afforded freedom of of accidents. association. In instances wherein a country’s Wärtsilä has set a corporate target of national laws prevent freedom of associa- achieving a zero lost time injury rate. The cor- tion and the right to collective bargaining, the poration has adopted the Zero Injury training supplier shall commit to giving its workers programme to help achieve this target. an alternative route for making their opinions The programme comprises four hours of and views heard. Suppliers shall pay their e-learning and four hours of practical exer- workers a salary that is equal to at least the cises. The training is intended for all the cor- national minimum wage. Overtime pay shall poration’s workers, in factories, workshops be paid in accordance with local laws, and and other work points. In addition to this, the no illegal or unauthorised deductions shall be Board of Management monitors the safety made from salaries. Use of forced labour and performance of each company by reviewing child labour are strictly and unconditionally their accident and absence reports on a forbidden.17 monthly basis. Although the Supplier Handbook covers In 2012, Wärtsilä initiated safety walks. The labour rights, its focus is on the quality of Board of Management, division management products and other manufacture require- teams and the managing directors of Wärtsilä ments. The handbook does not, for example, subsidiaries carry out periodic visits to Wärt- touch upon the procedures that will result silä’s workplaces and speak with employees from violation of labour rights.18 about topics related occupational safety16. Wärtsilä states that it monitors its suppliers’ compliance with Wärtsilä’s corporate respon- 14 Wärtsilä, Annual Report, 2013, http://www.wartsilare- sibility policies by conducting regular audits ports.com/en-US/2013/ar/sustainability/our-fi gures/ and performance reviews. Wärtsilä rates its social-data/ subcontractors and suppliers according to 15 Wärtsilä, Occupational Health and Safety, http://www. wartsila.com/fi /kestava-kehitys/Socialresponsibility/ Occupationalhealthandsafety (viewed on 28.8.2014) 16 Wärtsilä, Occupational health and safety, http://www. 17 Ibid. wartsila.com/fi /kestava-kehitys/Socialresponsibility/ 18 Wärtsilä, Supplier Handbook, 2012: http://www.wartsi- Occupationalhealthandsafety (viewed on 28.8.2014) la.fi /fi /about/suppliers/supplier-handbook

7 the results of its audits and performance 2014, 254 (2012: 209) of ’s factories or reviews; based on these, a supplier can be estates located in high-risk countries were approved, be approved with certain limita- BSCI audited.23 tions and remarks, or be banned.19 According to Wärtsilä, its audits cannot be Wärtsilä also expects new cooperation part- compared to those conducted by Kesko, as ners to comply with the corporation’s Code the “approaches, requirements and tools of Conduct and to respect human rights. A used are company-specifi c”. Finnwatch company shall demonstrate compliance with believes that the comparison is justifi ed; in its Wärtsilä’s corporate responsibility policies annual report Wärtsilä states (as does Kesko) before they can be approved as a supplier. that it uses audits to monitor the responsi- However, this does not apply to individual bility of its subcontractors24. purchases or subcontractors that provide Wärtsilä explained that the number specifi ed smaller services.20 in its annual report is the supplier’s rating, Wärtsilä does not expect its suppliers to “which is not an audit, but a number of points require responsibility certifi cations from third awarded to each subcontractor”. This rating parties or to conduct audits, nor does Wärt- is compiled by utilising various data sources silä use high-risk country lists or other similar and systems. According to the corporation, “a ways to prioritise which suppliers must be supplier’s rating may also lead to a broader in the scope of responsibility audits. Wärtsilä supplier audit, at which time possible proce- states that its supplier audits “are based on dures and timetables can be agreed on” and business activities”. that “different types of ‘audits’ are carried out for a supplier at different times, which will In 2013, Wärtsilä rated a total of 209 suppliers vary in scope and content according to what for the fi rst time, and 239 suppliers were re- is required”25. However, Wärtsilä clearly states evaluated and rated. By the end of the same in its annual report, as well as on its website year, Wärtsilä had rated a total of 793 major that supplier ratings26 are based on pre- suppliers, which cover 95 per cent of the cor- assessments and completed audits”. poration’s total value of subcontracting. In 2013, only one supplier was banned due to Finnwatch was especially interested in the non-compliance.21 In 2014, only 657 major content, quantity and quality of audits speci- suppliers were rated (the corporation has fi ed in Wärtsilä’s annual report, as Finnwatch a total of 1,219 suppliers), but according to observed serious problems in the working Wärtsilä, this still accounted for over 95 per conditions of a factory run by Wärtsilä’s cent of the corporation’s total purchases.22 Indian supplier, which Finnwatch examined for this report. Finnwatch discovered that the The number of audits included in Wärt- silä’s rating process is massive. Let us use 23 Kesko, Corporate Responsibility Report 2013: http:// Kesko, which is considered a pioneer in cor- yhteiskuntavastuu2013.kesko.fi /gri/tunnusluvut/sosi- aaliset-vaikutukset/ihmisoikeudet porate responsibility (listed in the Helsinki 24 The defi nition for audit has been further specifi ed by stock exchange, turnover EUR 9.3 billion in ISO: ”Audit [is] systematic, independent, documented 2014), as a point of reference. In 2013, Kesko process for obtaining records, statements of fact or other relevant information and assessing them objec- conducted a total of 81 full subcontractor tively to determine the extent to which specifi ed re- audits and 25 re-audits. At the beginning of quirements [...] are fulfi lled.” ISO17000: https://www. iso.org/obp/ui/#iso:std:iso-iec:17000:ed-1:v1:en 25 Wärtsilä, Marko Vainikka, email 5.2.2015 19 Wärtsilä, Annual Report, 2013: http://www.wartsilare- ports.com/fi -FI/2013/ar/kestava-kehitys/henkilosto-ja- 26 Supplier rating, Annual Report 2013: ”Wärtsilä has sosiaalinen-vastuu/toimitusketjun-kehitys-ja-arviointi/ implemented measures to regularly track its supp- liers’ performance. As part of the supplier evaluati- 20 Wärtsilä, Supplier handbook, 2012: http://www.wartsi- on, Wärtsilä conducts a rating based upon Wärtsilä´s la.fi /fi /about/suppliers/supplier-handbook supplier requirements. This rating includes an evalua- 21 Wärtsilä, Annual report 2013: http://www.wartsilare- tion of compliance with Wärtsilä´s sustainability requi- ports.com/en-US/2013/ar/sustainability/personnel- rements related to legal compliance, environmental, and-social-performance/supplier-development-and- occupational health and safety management and so- performance/ cial performance. This rating is a result of pre-qualifi - 22 Wärtsilä, Marko Vainikka, email 19.2.2015 cation questionnaires and conducted audits.”

8 Indian supplier Finnwatch investigated had 2.4 IMPLEMENTATION AND never been audited, even though it had been MONITORING MECHANISMS rated and marked as approved in Wärtsilä’s Wärtsilä told Finnwatch that, if a subcon- supplier database (see Chapter 5). tractor’s working conditions do not meet Wärtsilä responded to Finnwatch’s supple- with Wärtsilä’s policies, the corporation and mentary questions by stating that “the cor- subcontractor work together to draw up an poration’s general practice is that Wärtsilä action plan to correct these issues. If a sub- is responsible for its own activities and sup- contractor does not comply with the action pliers for their own”. Wärtsilä stated that it plan or it does not have the capacity to promotes responsibility of business activi- correct observed issues, Wärtsilä terminates ties by including the key requirements speci- cooperation. fi ed in the Wärtsilä Supplier Handbook into Wärtsilä stated that it had committed to con- the agreements Wärtsilä enters into with tinuous and open dialogue between company 27 suppliers. management and workers’ representatives. Wärtsilä’s annual report gives the impression Wärtsilä promotes the implementation of its that the corporation conducts systematic, Code of Conduct by actively distributing infor- long-term responsibility monitoring based mation on its corporate responsibility policies on open criteria (e.g. Supplier Handbook) to its workers and by monitoring compliance and ratings (including pre-assessment and with policies. completed audits), and this applies to 95 per According to Wärtsilä, its objective is to cent of the corporation’s total value of sub- ensure that each worker, as well as other contracting. However, there is a clear incon- actors are aware of the content of the cor- sistency between the information given in poration’s responsibility policies. Wärtsilä Wärtsilä’s offi cial annual report and informa- actively trains its workers and reported that, tion the corporation submitted to Finnwatch. in 2013, a total of 91 per cent of its workers Based on Wärtsilä’s responses, it is unclear had completed a course that dealt with the which Wärtsilä suppliers have been audited corporation’s Code of Conduct. and what these audits entail. Providing erro- neous or misleading information in a listed The corporation’s management, as well as company’s annual report is a violation of Fin- management of subcontractor companies land’s Securities Markets Act (2012/746), and are responsible for ensuring compliance with this type of information must be corrected or national laws and Wärtsilä’s own responsi- supplemented immediately in an adequate bility policies at each place of business. 28 manner. Ultimately, responsibility for monitoring the realisation of corporate responsibility falls on the Wärtsilä Corporation Board of Manage- ment, which periodically assesses the via- bility of Wärtsilä’s responsibility policies and, when necessary, makes decisions on needed changes or interpretations. The Board of Management also monitors implementation of the policies.29

29 Wärtsilä Annual Report, 2013, page. 55: http://www. 27 Wärtsilä, Marko Vainikka, 16.2.2015 wartsilareports.com/fi -FI/2013/ar/hallinnointi/johto- kunta/ 28 Securities Markets Act, Chapter 1, Section 3: https:// www.fi nlex.fi /fi /laki/ajantasa/2012/20120746

9 3. Assessment of human rights risks: Labour rights in India

India is far ahead of many other Asian countries in the realisation of numerous human rights. India is a democratic republic. The country’s media is allowed freedom of speech relatively well, and its civil society is strong, although in recent years the government has obstructed the activities of organi- zations that criticise the government by limiting INDIA the amount of foreign funding they may receive. However, the wealth and rights of India’s 1 billion residents are distributed very unevenly. Corruption, impunity and poor implementation and monitoring of Maharashtra laws are extremely damaging to India’s human rights state situation.30

India’s economy has experienced a signifi cant boost during the past decade, and it is the world’s third largest economy in terms of purchasing power after the United States and China.31 However, India’s eco- nomic growth has slowed noticeably from 2011, 0 500 km when the global recession began to also affect India.

A slump in the service sector’s and industry’s growth, PLANEMAD/WIKIMEDIA CC-BY-SA as well as a drop in investments have had an adverse effect on India’s economic growth. Strong infl ation has also posed problems. However, the economy is still lived in extreme poverty. In 2010, a third of the expected to recover somewhat in 2014–2015.32 world’s 1.2 billion people living in extreme poverty Nonetheless, economic growth has not eliminated lived in India.33 inequality or poverty, and economic disparity has The majority of India’s labour force works in the grown in both cities and the countryside. Due to the informal sector: in 2009–2010 the share of people, unequal distribution of income, economic growth who worked in the informal economy, was approxi- has not been able to reduce poverty to the extent mately 84 per cent and, in 2011–2012, approximately that was predicted. Although India has managed to 82 per cent. The share of workers in the informal successfully curtail the share of its population living economy has declined to some extent in recent in extreme poverty (less than $1.25/day) over the years, but, at the same time, the majority of jobs that past two decades, in 2010, 32.7 per cent of Indians

30 Freedom House, Freedom of the Press 2014, India, https://free- 33 UNESCAP, Statistical Yearbook for Asia and Pasifi c 2013, Income domhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2014/india#.VIXP03uQm- Poverty and Inequality, pages 109–111 and 115, http://www. TU (viewed on 8.12.2014); Human Rights Watch Report 2014, unescap.org/sites/default/fi les/D.1-Income-poverty-and-inequa- India, http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2014/country-chapters/ lity.pdf (viewed on 8.12.2014); Belser Patrick, Rani Uma, Exten- india?page=2 (viewed on 8.12.2014); Human Righs Watch, India, ding the coverage of minimum wages in India: Simulations from http://www.hrw.org/asia/india (viewed on 8.12.204). household data, ILO 2010, page 1, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/ 31 World Bank, GDP Ranking, PPP based, 2013, http://data- groups/public/---ed_protect/---protrav/--travail/documents/pub- bank.worldbank.org/data/download/GDP_PPP.pdf (viewed on lication/wcms_145336.pdf (viewed on 8.12.2014); The UN Mil- 8.12.2014). lenium Development Goals Report 2014, s.9, http://www.un.org/ millenniumgoals/2014%20MDG%20report/MDG%202014%20Eng- 32 India budget, Macroeconomical Framework Statement 2014- lish%20web.pdf (viewed on 8.12.2014). 2015, http://indiabudget.nic.in/ub2014-15/frbm/frbm1.pdf (vie- wed on 8.12.2014); ILO, Global Employment Trends 2014, page 59, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/- --dcomm/---publ/documents/publication/wcms_233953. pdf (viewed on 8.12.2014); IMF, World Economic Outlook, Oct 2014, pages 54 and 188, http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/ weo/2014/02/pdf/text.pdf (viewed on 8.12.204).

10 have been created in India’s formal economy have customs and beliefs, as well as discrimination based been informal in nature. This means e.g. that workers on caste also increase human rights risks.38 do not receive in-kind benefi ts or social security.34 The ineffective realisation of labour rights has now When we take into account this type of work in the received more attention than previously in India. In formal sector, as well as work in the informal sector, 2011, trade unions worked together to organise an 92 per cent of the entire labour force was in the extensive demonstration in Delhi39, and at the begin- scope of informal employment in 2009–2010.35 ning of 2012, India’s eleven largest trade unions The use of contract workers has been highlighted as organised a 24-hour-long general strike to demand one of the background factors for the informalisation better labour rights and protest rising prices.40 In Feb- of the formal economy and informal employment. For ruary 2013, the general strike was repeated, this time example, while new jobs are created in registered for a period of two days.41 companies, these jobs do not often entail perma- The following section gives an overview of India’s nent employment or benefi ts, due to the increased human rights situation with the objective of com- use of contract workers.36 In India, contract workers piling a rough human rights risk assessment for are often in a very vulnerable position. They do factory activities in the state of Maharashtra. The not necessarily receive the minimum wage or may risk assessment, which is based on written sources, receive less pay than permanent workers. Although, focuses specifi cally on labour rights. Other important they might have the right to social security, the prac- issues that must be taken into account in the Indian tical implementation of this has been ineffective.37 operating environment include the risk of corruption, Ineffective legislation, insuffi cient implementation of the rights of indigenous people, as well as environ- legislation and the poor collective bargaining rights ment and tax-related matters. However, these points of the labour force in India increase the human are not examined in this report. rights risks of corporate activities. Various traditional Maharashtra is India’s second most populous state, with 112 million residents. Urbanisation has been rapid in Maharashtra. In 2011, 45.3 per cent of the

34 India Labour Market Update, Dec 2013, http://www.ilo.org/ 38 Franciscans International, Modern Slavery In India – Cases of wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/ Bonded Labour, 2012, page 8, http://franciscansinternational.org/ documents/genericdocument/wcms_232565.pdf (viewed on fi leadmin/docs/Contemporary_Forms_of_Slavery/Modern_Slave- 9.12.2014); ILO, Global Employment Trends 2014, page 61, http:// ry_in_India___Bonded_Labour_Cases_FINAL_17_Sept_2012.pdf www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/- (viewed on 23.11.2014). --publ/documents/publication/wcms_233953.pdf (viewed on 39 Bhowmik Sharik, India:Nation-wide Strike on 20-21 February 9.12.2014); Papola, Trilok Singh, Role of Labour Regulation and 2013, Global Labour Column, http://column.global-labour-univer- Reforms in India, ILO 2013, s.8-9, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/ sity.org/2013/02/india-nation-wide-strike-on-20-21.html#more groups/public/---ed_emp/---ifp_skills/documents/publication/ (viewed on 23.11.2014). wcms_232497.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014). 40 AlJazeera, Millions of Indian Workers Stri- 35 Papola, Trilok Singh, Role of Labour Regulation and Re- ke for Rights, 2012, http://www.aljazeera.com/news/ forms in India, ILO 2013, s.8-9, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/ asia/2012/02/201222842550702681.html (viewed on 23.11.2014). groups/public/---ed_emp/---ifp_skills/documents/publication/ wcms_232497.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014); India, Decent Work 41 AlJazeera, Millions Strike in India Over High Prices, 2013, http:// Country Programme 2013-2017, ILO, page 8, http://www.ilo.org/ www.aljazeera.com/news/asia/2013/02/201322016857755633. wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/ html (viewed on 23.11.2014). documents/genericdocument/wcms_232655.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014). 36 ILO, Global Employment Trends 2014, page 61, http://www.ilo. org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/---publ/do- cuments/publication/wcms_233953.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014); India, Decent Work Country Programme 2013-2017, ILO, pages 8–15, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/--- ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/documents/genericdocument/ wcms_232655.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014). Papola, Trilok Singh, Role of Labour Regulation and Reforms in India, ILO 2013, pages 8–9, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_emp/--- ifp_skills/documents/publication/wcms_232497.pdf; ILO, India Labour Market Update, Dec 2013, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/ groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/documents/ genericdocument/wcms_232565.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014). 37 Shyam Sundar K.R, Non-regular workers in India: Social dialogue and organizational and bargaining strategies and practices, ILO 2011, page 16-17, http://www.labour-rights-india.eu/documents/ WP-30_India_full.pdf (viewed on 16.12.; Papola, Trilok Singh, Role of Labour Regulation and Reforms in India, ILO 2013, pages 15 and 23, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_emp/--- ifp_skills/documents/publication/wcms_232497.pdf; Rajeev Mee- nakshi, Contract Labour Act in India: A Pragmatic View, IGIDR Pro- ceedings/Project Reports Series, 2009, http://www.igidr.ac.in/ pdf/publication/PP-062-33.pdf (viewed on 15.12.2014).

11 state’s population lived in urban areas. Maharash- collective bargaining in practice. Many employers tra is India’s most industrialised state, and its capital bypass trade unions and negotiate instead with Mumbai is the centre of India’s economic activity. employer-established trade unions or individual Maharashtra’s gross domestic product accounts for workers. Similarly, legislation in many of India’s states 14 per cent of India’s total gross domestic product. does include provisions on recognition of trade Even so, the state is home to a large number of poor unions. Maharashtra, however, is one of the excep- people, and, in 2011, 23.3 per cent of the state’s city- tions: the state’s laws include provisions on recogni- dwelling population lived in slums.42 tion of trade unions and on the rights and obligations of these unions.45

The government also has the right to limit the right to strike. For example, the right to strike of workers in 3.1 LIMITED FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION public services that are deemed of public interest is AND THE RIGHT TO STRIKE restricted in different ways, and services in both the India has only ratifi ed four of the International Labour public and private sectors involving very varied activi- Organization’s (ILO) eight Core Conventions. It has ties can be considered of public interest. Different yet to ratify Core Conventions 87 and 98, which states also have laws that allow the administration cover freedom of association, as well as the right to to completely prevent strikes in fi elds they consider organise and collective bargaining.43 In 2011, India’s important. 46 Maharashtra has a law like this, which Minister of Labour and Employment Mallikarjun allows state administration to prohibit strikes in Kharge noted that India does not intend to ratify Core fi elds that are considered important with regard to Conventions 87 and 98. According to Minister Kharge, society’s safety and provision of necessary societal freedom of association is already secured by Indian services. Violation of this prohibition can result in a legislation and the right to organise is not dependent prison sentence of up to one year or fi nes. The law on the ILO Core Conventions. India has also stated gives state administration free rein to determine that the conventions have not been ratifi ed, because which fi elds are important or necessary to society.47 they would ensure government employees freedom of association, and according to India, the politicised Unionization rate in India is low. Trade unions pre- trade unions could this way sway the impartiality of dominantly represent formal economy workers, and workers.44 trade unions are very rare among the majority of workers i.e. those who work in the informal econo- India’s national legislation does not contain a provi- my.48 In addition to the low rate of unionization and sion on recognition of trade unions, which hinders ineffective or lacking legislation, the fragmented

42 Economic Survey of Maharashtra 2013-2014, https://mahades. 45 ILO, Challenges, Prospects and Opportunities of Ratifying ILO maharashtra.gov.in/fi les/publication/esm_2013-14_eng.pdf (vie- Conventions Nos. 87 and 98 in India, 2011, pages 25–26, http:// wed on 8.12.2014). www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro- 43 ILO, Ratifi cations for India, 2014, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/ new_delhi/documents/publication/wcms_165765.pdf (viewed en/f?p=1000:11200:0::NO:11200:P11200_COUNTRY_ID:102691 on 23.11.2014); The Maharashtra Recognition of Trade Unions (viewed on 23.11.2014). and Prevention of Unfair Labour Practices Act, 1971, http:// bombayhighcourt.nic.in/libweb/acts/1972.01.pdf (viewed on 44 ITUC, Annual Survey of Violations of Trade Union Rights – India 23.11.2014). 2012, http://survey.ituc-csi.org/India.html?edition=336#tabs-1 (viewed on 23.11.2014); Business Standard, Government to Say 46 ILO, Challenges, Prospects and Opportunities of Ratifying ILO Off to Core ILO Conventions, 2011, http://www.business-stan- Conventions Nos. 87 and 98 in India, 2011, pages 21–24 and 40, dard.com/article/economy-policy/govt-to-stay-off-core-ilo-con- http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/- ventions-111031100019_1.html (viewed on 23.11.2014); ILO, --sro-new_delhi/documents/publication/wcms_165765.pdf (vie- Challenges, Prospects and Opportunities of Ratifying ILO Con- wed on 9.12.2014). ventions Nos. 87 and 98 in India, 2011, pages 47–50, http:// 47 Maharashtra Essential Services Maintenance Act, 2011, http:// www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro- bombayhighcourt.nic.in/libweb/acts/2012.12.pdf ; Business new_delhi/documents/publication/wcms_165765.pdf (viewed on Standard, Essential Services Maintenance Act Comes Into Force 23.11.2014). in Maharashtra, 2012, http://www.business-standard.com/ar- ticle/pti-stories/essential-services-maintenance-act-comes-in- to-force-in-maha-112080300577_1.html (viewed on 9.12.2014); ITUC, http://survey.ituc-csi.org/Union-busting.htm (viewed on 3.4.2014) 48 Papola, Trilok Singh, Role of Labour Regulation and Reforms in India, ILO 2013, page 14, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/ groups/public/---ed_emp/---ifp_skills/documents/publication/ wcms_232497.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014); Sen Ratna, Organizing the Unorganized Workers: The Indian Scene, The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Jan 2013, http://wiego.org/sites/wiego.org/ fi les/publications/fi les/Jhabvala_Unorganized_Workers_IJIR.pdf (viewed on 9.12.2014).

12 nature of India’s trade union movement, disputes under the age of 14 in dangerous jobs. In autumn within the movement and political variance have 2014, India’s parliament had yet to approve the law, been considered problematic with regard to freedom but according to press reports, the bill, which has of association.49 been further worked on by the new government will be heard by parliament in the near future.55

The use of child labour has decreased in Maharash- tra during the past few decades, but, according to 3.2 USE OF CHILD LABOUR its 2011 census, the state still has approximately India has not ratifi ed ILO Core Conventions 138 half a million child labourers. Children usually work and 182, which apply to child labour.50 Use of child in urban-based factories, carry out domestic work labour is widespread throughout the country, and and work in the agriculture sector, e.g. harvesting children work in many different sectors. Estimates cotton.56 on the number of child labourers vary. According to India’s national statistics, child labour decreased The use of child labour is also linked to India’s caste between 2001 and 2011. According to the last system, which will be further examined in Chapter offi cial census in 2011, there were just over 4.4 3.4. million child labourers between the ages of 5 and 14, whereas according to the 2001 census there were 12.6 million. If children, who work for 3 to 6 months a year, are included the total number of child 3.3 SALARIES NOT SUFFICIENT labourers is approximately 8 million according to the TO COVER LIVING COSTS 2011 census.51 According to unoffi cial estimates, the Data on India’s wage development varies according number of child labourers is closer to 50 million.52 to the research materials used. According to India’s offi cial wage statistics, although the country’s gross Use of child labour is related to crime and human domestic product has grown, its real wages and the traffi cking.53 According to information published in purchasing power of workers have declined rather the Guardian newspaper, up to 100,000 children are than increased in recent years. Personnel costs of taken from their homes each year to work in dif- industrial workers are already lower in India than ferent parts of India. Only a fraction of these cases in China. The drop in purchasing power has caused are included in statistics, and impunity is common.54 unrest throughout India, and trade unions have pro- In August 2012, India’s government, drafted a bill tested rising prices. according to which children under the age of 14 could no longer be employed in fulltime jobs, and young people between the ages of 14 and 18 would no longer be allowed to work in dangerous jobs. The previous law only prohibited employment of children

49 Bhowmik Sharik, India:Nation-wide Strike on 20-21 February 55 Human Rights Watch, World Report 2013, India, http://www.hrw. 2013, Global Labour Column, http://column.global-labour-univer- org/world-report/2013/country-chapters/india?page=2 (viewed sity.org/2013/02/india-nation-wide-strike-on-20-21.html#more on 10.12.2014); ILO, Natlex, 2014, India, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/ (viewed on 9.12.2014); Papola, Trilok natlex/natlex_browse.details?p_lang=en&p_country=IND&p_ classifi cation=04&p_origin=COUNTRY&p_sortby=SORTBY_ 50 ILO, Ratifi cations for India, 2014, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/ COUNTRY (viewed on 10.12.2014); The Economic Times, Final en/f?p=1000:11200:0::NO:11200:P11200_COUNTRY_ID:102691 Law for Complete Ban Child Labour, 2014, http://economictimes. (viewed on 23.11.2014). indiatimes.com/news/economy/policy/fi nal-law-for-complete- 51 State wise details of working children in the age group of 5-14 ban-child-labour-soon/articleshow/45442534.cms (viewed on years as per Census 2011 and 2001, http://labour.gov.in/upload/ 10.12.2014); Business Standard, Shri Bandaru Dattatreya Chairs uploadfi les/fi les/Divisions/childlabour/Census-2001%262011.pdf National Consultation on Child Domestic Work & Traffi cking, (viewed on 10.12.2014) ; National Commission for Protection of 2014, http://www.business-standard.com/article/government- Child Rights, 2014, http://ncpcr.gov.in/showfi le.php?lid=930 (vie- press-release/shri-bandaru-dattatreya-chairs-national-consulta- wed on 10.12.2014) ; Ministry of Labour and Employment, About tion-on-child-domestic-work-traffi cking-114120901286_1.html Child Labour, http://labour.gov.in/content/division/child-labour. (viewed on 10.12.2014). php (viewed on 10.12.2014); 56 State wise details of working children in the age group of 5-14 52 Guardian, Rescues Fear India Will Drop New Law Banning Child years as per Census 2011 and 2001, http://labour.gov.in/upload/ Labour, 2013, http://www.guardian.co.uk/law/2013/feb/23/india- uploadfi les/fi les/Divisions/childlabour/Census-2001%262011.pdf law-child-labour (viewed on 10.12.2014). (viewed on 10.12.2014); National Commission for Protection of 53 US Department of Labour, Findings of the Worst Forms of Child Child Rights, 2014, http://ncpcr.gov.in/showfi le.php?lid=930 (vie- Labour 2013, India, http://www.dol.gov/ilab/reports/child-labor/ wed on 10.12.2014); UNICEF, Maharashtra, 2012: http://www.uni- fi ndings/2013TDA/india.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). cef.org/india/overview_4294.htm 54 Guardian, Rescues Fear India Will Drop New Law Banning Child Labour, 2013, http://www.guardian.co.uk/law/2013/feb/23/in- dia-law-child-labour (viewed on 10.12.2014). http://www.savet- hechildren.in/images/wingsreportpdf.pdf

13 On the other hand, alternate studies show that the As early as in 1982, the Supreme Court of India took income of workers has grown in recent years.57 The a strong stand on compliance with minimum wages, real income of households (i.e. income from work, when it defi ned forced labour as work for which capital gain, received transfer payments) seems to workers are paid less than the minimum wage61. The have grown between 1999 and 2011. However, eco- use of forced labour is further examined in the fol- nomic disparity has grown in India, both between lowing chapter. the richest and poorest tenth and within the middle India’s minimum wage system has been criticised class.58 for being far too complex and ineffective. The trade India’s minimum wage legislation is based on a union movement feels that, in practice, the system minimum wage law enacted in 1948, the purpose is diffi cult or impossible to monitor. The minimum of which is to prevent the exploitation of workers. wage system has also been criticised because it The manner of determining a minimum wage is very does not ensure a minimum subsistence for workers complex in India. Minimum wages are legislated by and their families. India’s trade union movement has both the national and state governments. Factors demanded that the minimum wage be increased.62 that impact the way in which a minimum wage is In 2009–2010, 29.3 per cent of India’s labour force determined include the fi eld, professional group and lived on less than $1.25/day, and 66.3 per cent of the expertise of the worker, as well as the location of his/ labour force lived on less that two dollars/day. 63 her workplace. As a consequence of this complex system, there are over 1,200 different minimum wages in India, and there may be numerous different minimum wages for the same work in different parts 3.4 CASTE SYSTEM LEADS TO DISCRIMINATION of India.59 India’s Constitution prohibits caste-based discrimi- However, minimum wages do not apply to all nation. However, due to deep-rooted practices, inef- workers, and India does not have a single statutory fective implementation of legislation and impunity, minimum wage that applies to all fi elds and areas. caste-based discrimination is commonplace. The India’s national minimum wage fl oor is only indica- caste system is a form of social and economic hierar- tive. Extending the statutory minimum wage so that chy rooted in culture and Hindu tradition. It divides it applies to the entire labour force has been deemed people into social classes or castes, in which a per- important, as the majority of the Indian labour force son’s position in society is based on their ancestry is not within the scope of social security coverage. and cannot be altered. The system is maintained by The development of a comprehensive and effectively different social, cultural and economic structures. A implemented minimum wage system has been seen caste determines a person’s course in life from work as an important step in improving social fairness to marriage, and makes upward social mobility dif- and reducing inequality. It is also thought that the fi cult or impossible. The Dalit, who are believed to implementation of more comprehensive minimum be below the caste system, as well as indigenous wages will reduce the wage gap between men and peoples are in an especially weak position.64 women.60

57 ILO, Global Wage Report 2012/13, pages 10 and 23 http://www. 61 ILO, A Global Alliance Against Forced Labour, Report I, 2005, ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/---publ/do- http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/relm/ilc/ilc93/pdf/ cuments/publication/wcms_194843.pdf; AlJazeera, Millions St- rep-i-b.pdf rike in India Over High Prices, 2013, http://www.aljazeera.com/ 62 SASK, Ihmeellinen Intia: uusi talous, vanhat ongelmat, 2009, news/asia/2013/02/201322016857755633.html (viewed on pages. 33–34, http://issuu.com/akava/docs/ihmeellinen_intia_-_ 23.11.2014). uusi_talous_vanhat_ongelmat ; India, Decent Work Country Pro- 58 ILO, Global Wage Report 2012/13, page. 23 http://www.ilo.org/ gramme 2013-2017, ILO, page 14 (footnote), http://www.ilo.org/ wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/---publ/docu- wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/ ments/publication/wcms_194843.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); documents/genericdocument/wcms_232655.pdf (viewed on ILO, Global Wage Report 2014-2015, pages 20-27, http://www.ilo. 9.12.2014); The Times of India, Trade unions’ 10-point wishlist for org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/---publ/docu- new government, 2014, http://timesofi ndia.indiatimes.com/busi- ments/publication/wcms_324678.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). ness/india-business/Trade-unions-10-point-wishlist-for-new-go- 59 Paycheck, FAQs on Minimium Wages in India, http://www. vernment/articleshow/34508139.cms (viewed on 10.12.2014). paycheck.in/main/salary/minimumwages/minfaqfolder/mini- 63 ILO, India Labour Market Update, Dec 2013, http://www.ilo.org/ mum-wages-in-india#Inf1 (viewed on 10.12.2014); Minimum wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/ Wage Comparison: Asian Countries, WageIndicator Minimum documents/genericdocument/wcms_232565.pdf (viewed on Wage Report Series 01, 2012, http://www.wageindicator.org/do- 9.12.2014). cuments/publicationslist/publications-2012/120627Minimum%20 64 The , Part III, http://lawmin.nic.in/ol- Wage%20Comparison_Asian%20Countries_Representation.pdf wing/coi/coi-english/coi-indexenglish.htm (viewed on (viewed on 10.12.2014). 10.12.2014); Dalit Solidarity Network, http://dalit.fi /kasti- 60 Belser Patrick, Rani Uma, Extending the coverage of minimum syrjinta/ (viewed on 10.12.2014); Embassy of Finland, Delhi, wages in India: Simulations from household data, ILO 2010, Maatiedosto Intia, http://www.fi nland.org.in/Public/default. pages 1-2, 7,9 and 19, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/ aspx?nodeid=43332&culture=fi -FI&contentlan=1&displayall=1 public/---ed_protect/---protrav/---travail/documents/publication/ (viewed on 10.12.2014). wcms_145336.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014).

14 Discrimination based on caste also manifests as vio- Dalits are employed in temporary jobs far more often lence. In 2014, numerous acts of violence targeting than the population on average and often end up in the Dalit were reported.65 menial jobs.70

According to the International Labour Organiza- An effort has been made to improve the rights of tion (ILO), there is a clear connection between the Dalits by providing preferential treatment and e.g. a long-term institutional discrimination of population certain quota of tenures at government agencies and groups, such as the caste system, and the common educational institutions have been reserved.71 The use of forced labour. The most common form of idea that preferential special treatment should also forced is bonded labour. An over- be extended as a mandatory practice in the private whelming majority of its victims are believed to be sector has also been highlighted. For example, the Dalits or indigenous people.66 Some of the Dalits National Commission for Scheduled Castes has pro- forced into bonded labour are children. It is common posed, most recently in October 2014, that Dalits for bonded labour to be passed on within a family, should have reserved quotas in the private sector.72 when the role of the person required to complete Some companies have already voluntarily initiated bonded labour is passed on to a younger sibling or procedures that will improve the position of Dalits. other family member.67 For example, global business group Tata Group, one of India’s largest corporations, supports the educa- The use of bonded labour was prohibited in India tion and employment of Dalits, also in management with a separate law in 1976. India’s Constitution also positions.73 forbids forced labour. However, poor implementation of legislation has led to mediocre results.68 In addition to Dalits and indigenous peoples, India’s Muslims are vulnerable and targets of discrimina- In the professional and work world, caste-based dis- tion. Muslims experience discrimination with regard crimination can mean that a person of a lower caste to employment, and they can fi nd it diffi cult to fi nd is less likely to be employed in certain types of jobs, housing or acquire bank loans. Some Muslims may earns a smaller salary than persons of other castes, even claim to be Hindu in order to get a job more receives fewer benefi ts and must work in dangerous easily.74 Muslims are in a weak position education- working conditions.69 It has been determined that wise and economically: poverty is prevalent among

65 National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, Where is state protec- 70 World Bank, Perspectives on Poverty in India, 2011, pages 231- tion as violence against Dalits rise in Maharashtra, asks NCDHR, 232, http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSCon- 2014 http://www.ncdhr.org.in/media-library/press-release/whe- tentServer/WDSP/IB/2011/05/05/000356161_20110505044659/ re-is-state-protection-as-violence-against-dalits-rise-in-maha- Rendered/PDF/574280PUB0Pers1351B0Extop0ID0186890.pdf rashtra-asks-ncdhr/ (viewed on 10.12.2014); The Hindu, Triple (viewed on 10.12.2014). Murder of Dalit Family Rocks Maharashtra, 2014, http://www. 71 Intian perustuslaki, osa III, http://lawmin.nic.in/olwing/coi/coi- thehindu.com/news/national/triple-murder-of-dalit-family-rocks- english/Const.Pock%202Pg.Rom8Fsss%286%29.pdf (viewed on maharashtra/article6527697.ece (viewed on 10.12.2014). 10.12.2014); IDSN, Dalits’ Access to Education, http://idsn.org/fi - 66 ILO, A Global Alliance Against Forced Labour, Global Report under leadmin/user_folder/pdf/New_fi les/Key_Issues/Education/DALIT_ the Follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Princip- EDUCATION_IDSNbriefi ngpaper.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). les and Rights at Work 2005, pages 30-31, http://www.ilo.org/ 72 Business Standard, Consider Job Reservation for SCs in Private public/english/standards/relm/ilc/ilc93/pdf/rep-i-b.pdf (vie- Sector: Panel, 2014, http://www.business-standard.com/article/ wed on 10.12.2014) ; Center for Human Rights and Global Justi- pti-stories/consider-job-reservation-for-scs-in-private-sector- ce & Human Rigths Watch, Caste Discrimination Against Dalits panel-114103001411_1.html (viewed on 10.12.2014). Or So Called Untouchables in India, 2007, http://www2.ohchr. org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/ngos/chrgj-hrw.pdf (viewed on 73 Further information: http://www.tata.com/ourcommitment/ar- 10.12.2014). ticles/inside.aspx?artid=HchoeNSAzOM= 67 Franciscans International, Modern Slavery in India – Cases of 74 New York Times, For India’s Persecuted Muslim Minority, Cau- Bonded Labour, 2012, page 12, http://franciscansinternational. tion Follows Hindu Party’s Victory, 2014 http://www.nytimes. org/fi leadmin/docs/Contemporary_Forms_of_Slavery/Modern_ com/2014/05/17/world/asia/india-muslims-modi.html?_r=2 (vie- Slavery_in_India___Bonded_Labour_Cases_FINAL_17_Sept_2012. wed on 10.12.2014); Al Jazeera, Muslims Masquerade as Hin- pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). dus for India Jobs, 2013, http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/ features/2013/12/muslims-masquerade-as-hindus-india- 68 Franciscans International, Modern Slavery in India – Cases of jobs-2013129134443863250.html (viewed on 10.12.2014). Bonded Labour, 2012, pages 13–14; http://franciscansinterna- tional.org/fi leadmin/docs/Contemporary_Forms_of_Slavery/ Modern_Slavery_in_India___Bonded_Labour_Cases_FINAL_17_ Sept_2012.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); Intian perustuslaki, http://india.gov.in/sites/upload_fi les/npi/fi les/coi_part_full.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); Bonded Labour System Abolition Act 1976; http://pblabour.gov.in/pdf/forms_procedures/procedu- re01_bonded_labour_system_abolition_act_1976.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). 69 ILO, Equality at Work, Global Report under the follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, 2011, page. 43, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_ norm/@relconf/documents/meetingdocument/wcms_154779.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); International Dalit Solidarity Network, Caste Discrimination in Business Operations, http://idsn.org/busi- ness-csr/ (viewed on 10.12.2014).

15 the Muslim population, especially in cities, and a Hindu women.81 Women are still often employed in large number of Muslims live in areas where poor traditional “women’s professions”, as maids, cooks, infrastructure hampers access to educational institu- seamstresses, nurses, teachers and cleaners, and tions and health care services. Only a small portion many women work in the informal economy. 82 of Muslims participate in regular wage-earning Sexual harassment is common in the workplace, and, work, and are generally subjected to poor terms of in 2013, the government intervened by enacting a employment.75 law to counteract this. According to the law, work- places are required to establish separate committees for intervening in sexual harassment experienced by women. The head of the committee, as well as 3.5 DISCRIMINATION OF WOMEN IN at least half its members must be women. However THE WORKPLACE VERY COMMON there is still much to do before the law can be imple- India’s Constitution prohibits all types of gender- mented in the workplace.83 based discrimination. However, women are not con- sidered equals with men in India, and discrimination is prevalent in all areas of life. Women from groups that already experience discrimination, such as the 3.6 INDIA’S INTERNAL MIGRANTS Dalits and Muslims, are especially vulnerable. Selec- FACE ADVERSITY tive gender-based abortions are common in India, Estimates on the number of internal migrants in as is impunity for sexual crimes against women.76 In India vary according to the method of calculation. 2013, the number of crimes targeting women rose by According to data from offi cial censuses, there are 47 per cent from the previous year in Maharashtra.77 over 300 million internal migrants in India. Work and Work and employment opportunities are unequal marriage are the most common reasons for migra- for men and women in South Asia. Women earn less tion, and migration can entail settling for a longer and are over-represented in unpaid domestic work.78 period of time in a new location or short-term moves The wage gap between men and for seasonal work. The majority of seasonal migrants is massive, and similar work experience does not are poor and have little education. Specifi cally the ensure the same salary for a man and a woman.79 number of people moving from the countryside to cities for work is on the rise. Internal migrants Only a small share of women participate in the already make up approximately one-third of India’s labour force: in 2011–2012 only around 22.5 per cent urban population.84 of women were part of the labour force. The partici- pation of women in the work world has increased The contribution of internal migrants in the labour a bit in cities, but it has continued to decline in market is an important resource for India’s economy. the countryside.80 It is far more diffi cult for Muslim However, migrant issues have not gained prominence women to fi nd employment in India than it is for on the administration’s agenda, and the country’s legislation has failed to offer security to migrants, who are often very vulnerable. Migrants often work

75 Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, Social, Economic and 81 World Bank, Exclusion and Discrimination in the Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India, pages 106, Labor Market, 2013, page. 5, http://siteresources. 150 and 157-161, http://www.minorityaffairs.gov.in/sites/upload_ worldbank.org/EXTNWDR2013/Resources/8258024- fi les/moma/fi les/pdfs/sachar_comm.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). 1320950747192/8260293-1320956712276/8261091- 76 Muun muassa: National Alliance of Women India, 4th and 5th 1348683883703/WDR2013_bp_Exclusion_and_Discrimination_ NGO Alternative Report on CEDAW, http://nirantar.net/website/ Das.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). INDIA%204&5%20ALT%20CEDAW.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). 82 Rustagi Preet, Employment Trends for Women in India, 2010, 77 Crime in Maharashtra 2013, Chapter 5 Crime Against Women, ILO, page 27, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/--- http://mahacid.com/13Chapter-5%28127-142%29.pdf (viewed on asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/documents/publication/ 10.12.2014). wcms_146129.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). 78 ILO, Global Employment Trends 2014, page 61: http://www.ilo. 83 The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (prevention, pro- org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/---publ/docu- hibition and redressal)Act 2013, http://wcd.nic.in/wcdact/wo- ments/publication/wcms_233953.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); menactsex.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); The Times of India, Se- xual Harassment at Workplace Law Gets Tepid Response, 2014, 79 Paycheck.in, Gender Pay Gap in India, http://www.paycheck.in/ http://timesofi ndia.indiatimes.com/business/india-business/Se- main/world-map-gender-pay-gap/gender-pay-gap-in-india-1 (vie- xual-harassment-at-workplace-law-gets-tepid-response/article- wed on 10.12.2014). show/34450315.cms (viewed on 10.12.2014). 80 ILO, Labour Market Update, India, 2014, http://www.ilo.org/ 84 Unesco, Internal Migration in India Initiative – For a Better Inclu- wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/ sion of Internal Migrants in India, http://www.unesco.org/new/ documents/genericdocument/wcms_232565.pdf fi leadmin/MULTIMEDIA/FIELD/New_Delhi/pdf/Policy_briefs_full_ low_02.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); UNDP, Migration and Human Development in India, 2009, pages 1-15, http://hdr.undp.org/ sites/default/fi les/hdrp_2009_13.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014).

16 in the informal economy in poor working conditions the country’s government has enacted more specifi c without social security or other security provided provisions concerning occupational safety and health by law. Their salaries are often low, and payment of in four sectors: factory work, mining, construction salaries is uncertain. It is often diffi cult for migrants and harbour work. India also has a national policy to fi nd housing with clean drinking water and proper programme for occupational safety and health.88 sanitation, and their access to public services such However, ineffective implementation of legislation as education and health care is limited. Also, more and monitoring of compliance are a problem. Addi- often than not, internal migrants have no way of tionally, workers working in the informal sector are infl uencing government or policies. As they are dis- not protected by the law and industrial accidents are persed around cities and the countryside, it is dif- rarely reported. Awareness of occupational safety is fi cult for migrants to get organised in a way that often meagre, and due to shortage of work, workers would allow them to promote their own interests.85 are willing to work in potentially dangerous condi- The state of Maharashtra is one of the most popular tions. An increase in different employment types, destinations for Indian migrants. Migrants from both such as contract work has also made it more diffi cult within the state and from other states consider to include all workers in the scope of occupational Mumbai an especially attractive destination. Migrants safety.89 from other states are subjected to discrimination In 2003, the ILO estimated that 403,000 people died that sometimes escalates to violence, and often hear annually for work-related reasons in India, and that accusations that they have stolen local workers’ jobs. 356,000 suffered from occupational illnesses. This In 2008, attacks targeting migrants from northern means that, over 1,000 people died each day for India in Mumbai and other cities led to an exodus of work-related reasons.90 Over the past ten years, the migrants from the state. 86 number of industrial accidents, such as those at fac- tories, has declined.91

3.7 INEFFECTIVE OR LACKING OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY India has ratifi ed only 5 of the ILO’s 18 conventions on occupational health and safety. India has not rati- fi ed e.g. the ILO’s convention concerning occupa- tional safety and health and the working environment (No 155). 87 However, India’s Constitution empha- sises the safety and health of workers. Additionally,

85 Unesco, Internal Migration in India Initiative – For a Better Inclu- 88 ILO, Occupational Safety and Health, India 2013, http://www. sion of Internal Migrants in India, http://www.unesco.org/new/ ilo.org/dyn/legosh/en/f?p=14100:1100:0::NO:1100:P1100_ISO_ fi leadmin/MULTIMEDIA/FIELD/New_Delhi/pdf/Policy_briefs_full_ CODE3,P1100_YEAR:IND,2013:NO (viewed on 10.12.2014); Busi- low_02.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); UNDP, Migration and Human ness.Gov.In, Occupational Health and Safety, http://business.gov. Development in India, 2009, pages 28, 39-40, http://hdr.undp. in/legal_aspects/occupational.php (viewed on 10.12.2014); Na- org/sites/default/fi les/hdrp_2009_13.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); tional Policy on Safety , Health, Environment at Work Place, 2009, Abbas Rameez & Varma Divya, Internal Labor Migration in India http://labour.gov.in/upload/uploadfi les/fi les/Policies/SafetyHealt- Raises Integration Challenges for Migrants, Migration Informati- handEnvironmentatWorkPlace.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014). on Source, 2014, http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/internal- 89 India, Decent Work Country Programme 2013-2017, ILO, pages labor-migration-india-raises-integration-challenges-migrants (vie- 13-14, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/--- wed on 7.12.2014). ro-bangkok/---sro-new_delhi/documents/genericdocument/ 86 Abbas Rameez & Varma Divya, Internal Labor Migration in India wcms_232655.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); Pandita, Sanjiv, Sta- Raises Integration Challenges for Migrants, Migration Informati- tus of Occupational Safety and Health in India, InfoChange2009, on Source, 2014, http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/internal- http://infochangeindia.org/agenda/occupational-safety-and- labor-migration-india-raises-integration-challenges-migrants (vie- health/status-of-occupational-safety-and-health-in-india.html wed on 7.12.2014). ; Gurumurthy Ramachandran Panneer SigamaniOccupational 87 ILO, Ratifi cations for India, 2014, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/norm- Health and Safety in India, Economic & Political Weekly, 2014, lex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:11200:0::NO::P11200_INSTRUMENT_ http://www.epw.in/commentary/occupational-health-and-safety- SORT,P11200_COUNTRY_ID:2,102691#Occupational_safety_and_ india.html (viewed on 10.12.2014). health (viewed on 10.12.2014). 90 Al-Tuwaijri, Sameera, Beyond Death and Injuries: The ILO’s Role in Promoting Safe and Healty Jobs, ILO 2008, s.23, http://www. ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/docu- ments/publication/wcms_094524.pdf (viewed on 10.12.2014); Pandita, Sanjiv, Status of Occupational Safety and Health in India, InfoChange2009, http://infochangeindia.org/agenda/oc- cupational-safety-and-health/status-of-occupational-safety-and- health-in-india.html (viewed on 10.12.2014). 91 Government of India, Report of the Working Group on Occupa- tional Safety and Health, page 80: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/ groups/public/---ed_protect/---protrav/---safework/documents/ policy/wcms_211795.pdf

17 4. Wärtsilä in India – Labour rights at Wärtsilä’s factory in Khopoli

Wärtsilä has conducted business in India commissioned the organization, which is spe- for nearly 30 years, and it has over 1,200 cialised in labour rights, to conduct off-site employees in the country. The corporation’s interviews with Wärtsilä’s Khopoli factory activities in India include the manufacture of workers. modules for engines and power plants, supply A total of 15 workers took part in the inter- of power plant solutions and the provision views, which were carried out from January of various product-related support services. to April 2014. Our interviewers met some of Wärtsilä justifi ed the transfer of its manufac- these workers several times, and, in January ture plants to India with improved cost-effec- 2015, Finnwatch’s Finnish researcher took tiveness.92 According to Wärtsilä, its market part additional interviews carried out in order in India is growing, and it is thus important to to verify information received in initial inter- develop business locally. 93 views. Of the interviewed workers, 11 were In this report, Finnwatch inspected working presently working at Wärtsilä’s Khopoli-based conditions at a Wärtsilä-owned factory in factory. Four of the interviewed workers the city of Khopoli, Maharashtra, India. The were former contract workers at the factory. factory manufactures modules that will be The former workers were interviewed in linked to engines and power plants, as well order to gather information on the realisa- as pipe modules, which are supplied to Wärt- tion of labour rights of the factory’s contract silä’s clients and construction sites around workers. the world. Wärtsilä’s Land and Sea Academy The interviews were carried out off-site is also housed in the premises of the Khopoli individually with each interviewee, at the factory. In addition to the factory in Khopoli, workers’ homes or at cafes. The interviews Wärtsilä has a customer service point in were conducted in Hindi. Visakhapatman, in the state of Andhra Pradesh, and offi ces around India.94 All the interviews are written down in detail in interview notes. Some of the interviewed Around 100 workers with permanent employ- parties refused to allow interviewers to ment contracts (60 shop-fl oor workers and 40 record an audio of the interview and only offi ce workers), a varying number of agency some were willing to show our researchers workers (approximately 100–120 workers their employment contracts or payslips. on the shop-fl oor) and 40 contract workers According to the workers, they were not permanently employed through recruit- allowed to give the factory’s documents to ment agencies (including security guards third parties. and gardeners) work at the Khopoli factory. According to Wärtsilä, the number of contract To support the workers’ interviews, workers employed varies according the fac- researchers also collected information by tory’s production status. interviewing workers of the Land and Sea Academy and local authorities. Finnwatch’s Cividep is an Indian human rights organi- Finnish researcher and Cividep India also zation based in Bangalore. Finnwatch visited the Khopoli factory together with Wärtsilä’s representative. 92 Wärtsilä, Wärtsilä in India, http://www.wartsila.com/ en_IN/about-us/wartsila-in-india (visited on 28.4.2014); As per Finnwatch’s research ethics, Wärt- DNA India, http://www.dnaindia.com/money/report- silä was given the opportunity to comment wartsila-sees-khopoli-unit-as-global-hub-1184228 (vi- sited on 28.4.2014) on the fi ndings of the fi eld research before 93 Wärtsilä, Marko Vainikka, email 4.2.2015 this report was published. Finnwatch and 94 Wärtsilä, Wärtsilä in India, http://www.wartsila.com/ the corporation held detailed dialogue on en_IN/about-us/wartsila-in-india (visited on 28.4.2014) the fi ndings of the report between June 2014

18 and January 2015. Wärtsilä’s responses and A worker’s gross salary is made up of many views on the fi ndings of the report have been different parts. In addition to the basic included in the following sections. portion of the salary, Wärtsilä’s permanent in-house workers also receive other mone- tary benefi ts that are included in their net income. These benefi ts include a healthcare 4.1 LOWEST WAGES PAID BY supplement, a house rent allowance or an FACTORY NOT SUFFICIENT allowance for paying the interest on a home TO COVER LIVING COSTS loan, as well as compensation for work- The minimum wage for the technology indus- related transport expenses. Additionally, per- try in Maharashtra state varies depending manent workers also have extensive health on the worker’s level of competence. A insurance coverage, which also covers their minimum wage determines the basic pay a families. The reason for these benefi ts being worker receives before deduction of taxes paid in addition to basic pay is most likely and pension premiums. that these benefi ts can be paid tax-free, in The salary of all the Khopoli factory workers which case the factory and its workers need interviewed by Finnwatch at the beginning not pay taxes on anything by the basic pay. of 2014 varied from 8,500 to 32,000 rupees Statutory income taxes and pension pay- (105–395 euros). According to the salary data ments (Provident Fund, 12 per cent of basic Wärtsilä has given to Finnwatch, the sala- pay) are deducted from every worker’s salary. ries of the factory’s own workers varied at If a worker eats lunch or other meals in the the beginning of 2014 (January – April) from factory’s cafeteria, Wärtsilä deducts meal 13,558 to 43,640 rupees (167–539 euros), costs determined by the cafeteria price list and the median salary was 28,599 rupees from the worker’s salary. Workers may also (353 euros) a month. The monthly salary of take out loans from banks and credit unions the factory’s experienced contract workers that work in cooperation with the corpora- varied during the same time period from tion. Interest payments related to these loans 8,500 to 14,000 rupees (median salary are deducted directly from the worker’s 11,250 rupees, 139 euros), whereas the sala- salary. ries of workers such as cleaners and secu- rity guards, who were employed through The factory’s contract workers are not enti- recruitment agencies, varied from 6,645 to tled to monetary benefi ts in addition to their 7,585 rupees (median salary 6,807 rupees, basic pay except a house rent allowance. 84 euros). All the salaries paid by Wärtsilä Additionally, according to Wärtsilä, workers exceed or are equal to the minimum wage. have a group life insurance policy, which, Salaries are reviewed every six months95. however, does not cover workers’ family members. The workers interviewed for According to Wärtsilä, its policy, with regard Finnwatch’s report were not aware of this to salaries in India, is to provide the facto- insurance. ry’s permanent in-house workers a progres- sively growing salary, which is competitive The majority of the workers interviewed by and comparative with the general wage level Finnwatch felt that their salary was very in the city of Khopoli. On the other hand, the low and insuffi cient to cover basic needs. wages of contract workers are based on the The interviewed workers estimated that a local minimum wage. monthly net salary of approximately 20,000 rupees (approx. 247 euros) would be suf- fi cient to cover living costs96. Nearly all workers working on the shop-fl oor earned 95 The salary data given in the report is from the begin- less than this sum at the time the research ning of 2014. Wärtsilä has informed Finnwatch that it took place. According to interviewed workers, has raised salaries after Finnwatch’s fi eld research as a result of the state’s new minimum wage provisions. 96 Finnwatch’s estimate on a living wage will be examin- India’s state-specifi c minimum wages are reviewed ed in the following section “Living wage in Khopoli”. once every six months.

19 only those workers, who had worked at the Table 2. factory for more than 8–16 years could earn Food expenses Price in Price in a monthly net salary of over 20,000 rupees. rupees euros In spite of this, working at the factory for a 20 kilos of rice (45 rupees/kg) 900 11,1 long period of time was not always enough to 5 kilos of lentils (85 rupees/kg) 425 5,2 guarantee a decent salary. One of the inter- 15 litters of milk (32 rupees/litre) 480 5,9 viewed workers had worked at the factory 3 litres of cooking oil (100 300 3,7 for eight years (two years of this time as a rupees/litre) trainee), but, at the beginning of 2014, his Vegetables (50 rupees/day) 1500 18,5 monthly net salary was only 13,000 rupees Animal protein (eggs, fi sh, meat) 1000 12,3 (160 euros). Coffee/tea (125 rupees/week) 500 6,2 Fruits (150 rupees/week) 600 7,4 The factory’s workers were not satisfi ed with Total food expenses 5705 70,4

a wage agreement negotiated by General FINNWATCH / SONJA VARTIALA Kamgar Union, the trade union active at the Other expenses factory (see Chapter 4.2.). This agreement Rent 4000 49,4 includes an annual pay rise of 8 to 10 per Water and electricity 400 4,9 cent. The size of the annual increase depends Firewood, fuel oil, gas 900 11,1 on the profi t made by the factory. School payments, tuition, 1500 18,5 transport According Wärtsilä, it has entered into a Medicines and other health care 750 9,3 unique agreement with General Kamgar Clothing 1000 12,3 Union already at the beginning of the 1990s. Traditional festivals and 500 6,2 The corporation stated that it had contacted weddings the union and commissioned it to act at Commute to and from work (50 1500 18,5 the factory. All the workers at the factory rupees/day) automatically become union members and, Other expenses in total 10550 130,2 according to Wärtsilä, this was done to avoid All expenses in total 16,255 200,6 periodic renegotiation of pay. Therefore the rupees euros factory does not have a collective agreement that is updated and reviewed every 3 to 4 a month (37 euros). Rents for residences years. located reasonably close to the city are around 4,500–6,000 rupees a month (55,5–74 The workers felt that the income gap euros). between management and the factory’s shop-fl oor workers were signifi cant, and Wärtsilä offers factory-owned housing to they estimated that a wage model based on the factory’s top management and a few percentile pay rises would only see this gap workers, who must be close to the factory grow. in case of e.g. disruptions or faults in the manufacture process. There is also housing available on the factory grounds for Finnish employees posted at the factory. Wärtsilä’s 4.2 LIVING WAGE IN KHOPOLI Khopoli factory has a total of 20 residences. At Finnwatch’s request, Cividep collected Shop-fl oor workers receive a house rent information on the workers’ monthly food allowance from Wärtsilä. In addition to pro- and housing costs, as well as other expenses. viding an allowance for rent, the factory The following table gives an estimate on the pays 90 per cent of its employees’ home costs for the basic needs of a family of three. loan interest payments, if the worker wants The rents for residential housing in Khopoli a home of their own. Wärtsilä stated that are very high. Rents for residences in the the allowance for interest payments was city’s unoffi cial residential areas or villages in one method for encouraging workers to the countryside are around 3,000 rupees commit to a job at Wärtsilä’s Khopoli factory.

20 Wärtsilä’s Land and Sea Academy is housed in the premises of the Khopoli factory. FINNWATCH / SONJA VARTIALA / SONJA FINNWATCH

Shop-fl oor workers interviewed by Finnwatch During their interviews, some workers complained that the allowance for interest said that they sometimes loaned money payments really only benefi tted those in order to cover living costs. Two inter- workers, who already earned higher wages. viewed workers earned additional income One of the interviewed workers, who had from a second job or their own company. worked at the factory for over eight years, The workers said that holding down two had saved up money to build a house, but he jobs was extremely stressful. Wärtsilä could not get a loan from his bank due to his reminded Finnwatch that holding down two meagre monthly salary. According to Wärtsilä, jobs at once without permission from one’s this is was an isolated incident, and the cor- employer is illegal in India. poration stated that when workers request it, According to the above calculation, a living the corporation provides proof of a worker’s wage for a family of three with one provider employment at the factory to their bank. in Khopoli is approximately 16,000 rupees Cividep’s assessment on a living wage also a month.97. The calculation does not take takes into account culturally important festi- into account monthly savings or fi nancial vals. In addition to weddings, the interviewed aid to relatives outside of the nuclear family. workers participated in seven to eight festi- It is essential for workers in India to have vals each year. The local wedding season runs savings to cover illnesses or other unex- from January to May, and during this time pected expenses, as the government does workers spend more money on wedding gifts not provide suffi cient social security. A fami- than at other times. Additionally, important ly’s children are also expected to take care festivals and holidays take place throughout of their grandparents, as well as any other the year. In Khopoli, such festivals include relatives outside of the nuclear family, who Diwali (festival of lights), Gudhi Pawda (new need help. For the aforementioned reasons, year), Pola ( a bull-worshipping festival cele- Finnwatch feels the calculation included in brated by farmers) and Gokul Ashtami (Krish- this report is moderate. The calculation cor- na’s birthday). During these festivals, partici- responds with e.g. the salaries and a living pants dress in their best clothing, serve food wage in India assessment updated by the to their friends and relatives and make reli- Asia Floor Wage Alliance’s in 2013. The gious offerings. AFWA’s estimate on a living wage in India

Unmarried workers are expected to send 97 The calculation presented in this report was compi- money to their parents and other family led during fi eld research in 2014. Finnwatch publis- hed its own Model for Calculation a Living Wage on members. Unmarried men are also expected 13.2.2015, and Finnwatch will use this calculation as to participate in covering their siblings’ a point of reference in all its future research. Calcula- tion model: http://www.fi nnwatch.org/images/palkka- wedding expenses. laskelmataulukko.pdf

21 was 16,240 rupees98. As noted above, the and pursuits of the internal trade union. workers interviewed by Finnwatch believed Workers felt that the internal trade union was that a monthly salary of 20,000 rupees was a undemocratic and did not intervene in or living wage. take a stand on issues that were important to workers. The workers were especially dis- Wärtsilä did not want to give further satisfi ed that the unoffi cial trade union did comment on the calculation of a living wage not allow shop-fl oor workers to participate in given in this report, but saw that living costs negotiations concerning salaries and working varied greatly depending on the consumer conditions, and because the union had been habits and preferences of individual workers. unsuccessful in wage negotiations with management. Wärtsilä explained that it had entered into 4.2 WORKERS NOT SATISFIED WITH THE a unique agreement with General Kamgar FACTORY’S UNOFFICIAL TRADE UNION Union already in the 1990s, and according No offi cial trade union acted at the Wärt- to this agreement all workers received an silä Khopoli factory during the duration of 8 to 10 per cent pay rise each year. Due to the fi eld research. Instead, an internal trade the agreement, no collective bargaining ever union, which was not registered as a trade takes place at the factory. All negotiations on union, acted at the factory. However, the salaries are conducted individually between internal trade union is affi liated with the the worker and foreman during development General Kamgar Union, and renewed its regis- talks. General Kamgar Union’s representa- tration to the external trade union in early tives visit the factory once a year to maintain 2014. the business relationship. Management at the Wärtsilä Khopoli factory Workers, who had been employed by the told Finnwatch that it had commissioned factory numerous times consecutively for the General Kamgar Union, which has its temporary periods (see next section, Chapter headquarters in Mumbai, to act as the fac- 4.3) had asked the union for help, but had tory’s internal union. Wärtsilä states that been told that the factory’s internal unof- this was done in order to avoid diffi culties fi cial union could do nothing for them. Both and confl icts with trade unions that strive Wärtsilä and a representative of the facto- to pursue different political objectives. The ry’s internal unoffi cial union, who Finnwatch corporation told Finnwatch that it feels that interviewed, confi rmed this point of criti- collective bargaining every 3 to 4 years is cism and stated that the union does not unnecessary. All of the permanent workers oversee the terms of employment of contract at Wärtsilä’s Khopoli factory automatically workers. become members of the internal union when employed by the factory. New representatives were appointed to the factory’s internal unoffi cial trade union during Many of the workers interviewed by the fi eld research in March 2014. The dif- Finnwatch also confi rmed that the internal ferent units at the Wärtsilä Khopoli factory trade union had been formed in order to keep appointed the trade union committee’s new other trade unions away from the factory. The members unanimously without elections. former chairman of the workers’ committee said that external trade unions predominantly pursued their own political interests instead of the interests of the workers. 4.3 CONTRACT WORKERS GIVEN CONSECUTIVE SHORT However, the workers interviewed for this EMPLOYMENT CONTRACTS report were not satisfi ed with the efforts Wärtsilä’s Khopoli factory uses the services 98 CCC, Asia Floor Wage in local currency, http://www. of two agencies for employment of contract cleanclothes.org/livingwage/asia-fl oor-wage-in-local- workers. The labour contracting agencies are currency (viewed on 22.1.2015)

22 Kedari Labour Service and Kamala Labour overtime wages are based. Deductions for Service. Kedari Labour Service, which is cafeteria purchases by contract workers are responsible for employment of shop-fl oor also marked on their payslips with a pen. The contract workers, has its offi ce at the Wärtsilä practice is very likely to cause confusion and facility, and one person, who is employed by misunderstandings with regard to payment of Wärtsilä, is responsible for relaying contract salaries. workers. During busy periods, workers work a notable When Finnwatch initiated its fi eld research in amount of overtime. For example, in July January 2014, the contract workers employed 2014, both the factory’s contract workers through the Kamala Labour Service worked and permanent workers worked four hours as security guards, cleaners and gardeners. of overtime nearly daily on the shop-fl oor. Later, in April 2014, Wärtsilä employed tens of Workers do not work overtime year-round. workers at its Khopoli-based factory through Overtime work is usually required during Kedari Labour Service. At the factory, contract production peaks related to the delivery of workers weld, carry out electric work, and orders. act as mechanics. According to Wärtsilä, the The factory’s former contract workers, who factory employs contract workers during pro- were interviewed by Finnwatch, did not duction peaks. have written employment contracts. Wärtsilä According to interviewed workers, con- denied this information and stated that all tract workers are often offered numerous workers are given a written employment con- consecutive short-term employment con- tract. In January 2015, Finnwatch contacted tracts. Their contracts often only last for six the previously interviewed contract workers months at a time. During the fi eld research, to verify Wärtsilä’s response. The workers Finnwatch researchers met with four former stood by their initial answers. According to contract workers, who had worked at Wärt- the workers, they had been called into work silä’s Khopoli factory for many years in short, by telephone, and no offi cial contracts had temporary periods. Their employment had been drawn up. been terminated every six months for a The factory’s contract workers were in a few weeks after which they had again been weaker position than then its permanent employed. workers. Contract workers could be dis- Wärtsilä told Finnwatch that it employed con- missed from their jobs at any time, if there tract workers according to the FIFO principle was no longer need for their contribution. (fi rst in, fi rst out). They are not permitted to be members of the factory’s unoffi cial trade union (see Chapter According to the interviewed workers, con- 4.2), and the health insurance policy and tract workers had complained that the temp other benefi ts they are offered are not nearly agency intermittently paid them lower over- as good as those the factory’s permanent time wages than was the standard. They workers receive. noted that these lower overtime wages had been paid to workers, who had come from Contract workers also have little if any India’s other states. The workers assumed chance of making their voice heard, and that this was because migrant workers may they can only turn to the labour service that not be aware of the local minimum wage recruited them. The former contract workers requirements. interviewed by Finnwatch said that they had asked the factory’s unoffi cial trade union for Salaries are paid to contract workers once assistance in attaining permanent employ- a month in the Wärtsilä factory cafeteria. ment contracts, but the trade union said it Normal monthly salaries are paid to workers could not help them. with a cheque but overtime is paid in cash. Overtime work is marked with a pen on pay- slips with no mention of the hours on which

23 4.4 MORE ATTENTION REQUIRED FOR 4.5 OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY PREVENTION OF DISCRIMINATION? AND HEALTH OF PERMANENT Only a few women and Dalits, a group outside WORKERS WELL-ORGANISED the caste system, work at Wärtsilä’s Khopoli- The workers interviewed for this report esti- based factory. According to the workers less mated that occupational safety was well- than ten of the factory’s 200 workers are organised and managed at the factory, Dalits and even fewer are women. Some of although, due to the nature of the work, the interviewees mentioned that the Dalits it involved safety hazards. For example, were subjected to discrimination at times. workers who completed work at great An example situation mentioned by some heights used appropriate protective equip- was an instance in which after a traineeship ment, such as harnesses and ropes. Workers a Dalit was not given a permanent contract, were provided gloves, work clothing, a and it had been given to a less competent helmet, protective footwear, as well as ear worker of a higher caste instead. The workers protectors and protective masks free of also said that Muslim workers were some- charge. times bullied. Most recently, a larger accident had taken Maharashtra’s Dalit population is growing place at the factory in 2009. The facto- and, at present, they make up over ten per ry’s health care clinic treats workers and cent of the state’s population. However, local residents free-of-charge two days a Wärtsilä’s factory has too few workers to week. Permanent workers and their family draw any broad-scoped conclusions on the members are covered by an extensive health distribution of labour force at Wärtsilä. The insurance policy. Contract workers are instances of bullying and discrimination covered by a more modest group insurance reported during our interviews were also very policy, which does not extend to their family probably isolated incidents. members. According to Wärtsilä, the com- prehensive insurance policy is a benefi t the Although, strong conclusions cannot be factory only wants to provide for its perma- drawn, it is clear that in the Indian context nent workers. special attention must be given to preven- tion of discrimination and active corrective Every worker at the factor takes part in measures. Wärtsilä’s corporate responsi- monthly occupational safety training. If there bility policies forbid any type of discrimina- are changes to manufacture practices or tion, but the corporation does not have a new machinery is installed separate safety separate policy to help improve treatment training is provided in addition to the monthly of groups that experience discrimination. training, In addition to this, the factory sup- During Finnwatch’s investigation, Wärtsilä did plies information on health-related matters however state that the corporation intended including HIV/AIDS, as well as provides fi rst to add diversity promoting indicators to the aid training. Workers said that the factory performance targets of its India-based per- also organises regular health checks for its sonnel managers. workers. Wärtsilä’s Khopoli factory has adopted the 5S workplace and process organisation method99. The method can also have a posi- tive impact on occupational safety. A visit to the factory by a Finnwatch researcher confi rmed the worker’s account that the factory was clean and the worker’s jobs were organised appropriately. The aforementioned points also have a positive impact on occupa- tional safety.

99 Wärtsilä India’s own video on the 5S method: https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=eUASAa-6ERI 24 5. Wärtsilä in India – Working conditions at a factory run by Wärtsilä subcontractor Echjay Forgings

Research for this report included a fi eld study members, who were dependent on their at the premises of Pushpaman Forgings a income. unit owned by Echjay Forgings, one of Wärt- The workers interviewed during the fi eld silä’s suppliers. The company was estab- research were involved in shop-fl oor work. lished in 1960, and its headquarters is located Typical work tasks included moving of steel in Mumbai. The Echjay Forgings factory is bars, heating of steel in the factory’s furnace, located in Honad Village, Khopoli, in the state forging, operating CNC , as well as of Maharasthra.100 loading and unloading. Echjay Forgings supplies fl anges, which are In order to protect their privacy, the workers used to connect pipes to one another. Wärt- names are not mentioned in this report. In silä rated Echjay Forgings (see Chapter 2.3) addition to the workers, Kamgar Congress in 2014, and the company was approved as Union, which acts at the Echjay Forgings a supplier and registered in Wärtsilä’s global factory, provided information to Finnwatch. supplier database. Suppliers registered in the database are permitted to supply products As per Finnwatch’s ethical code of conduct, to all Wärtsilä units. Wärtsilä told Finnwatch Echjay Forgings was given the opportunity to that ”... the assessment method has been comment on the report’s fi ndings. In its reply applied to Echjay Forgings where applicable. Echjay Forgings strongly urged Finnwatch to A pre-assessment and supplier rating have forgo publishing the report. According to the been carried out at Echjay Forging101. These company, the report was “highly objectiona- included matters related to labour rights. ble and vague, as well as highly prejudicial to Wärtsilä is also in the process of conducting a our interests”. The company also implied that supplier audit for this supplier, the results of the report had “ulterior motives”. which are as of yet unavailable,” Echjay Forgings’ views and comments to In April and November 2014, at Finnwatch’s the report are presented below. Additionally, request, Cividep, an NGO specialised in the company was given the opportunity to labour rights, interviewed Echjay Forgings’ publish a statement that would be attached workers. The worker interviews were con- to the Finnwatch report. This statement can ducted off-site. Additionally, in January 2015, be found on page 31. Finnwatch’s own researcher visited the Finnwatch takes all threats of legal action factory dorm in the village of Honad and met very seriously, and sees them as an attempt with workers. A total of 50 workers were to restrict freedom of speech and limit the interviewed for this research. ability of civil society to shine a light on Interview participants included the facto- labour rights violations. ry’s permanent workers, contract workers, migrant workers, as well as three former employees. The interviewed workers were 5.1 FACTORY EMBROILED IN COURT between the ages of 25 and 53. Half of the BATTLE WITH TRADE UNION interviewed workers were married, and they had an average of 4–5 dependents. Unmar- According to the interviewed former ried workers also had numerous family employees, the factory actively restricts the workers’ freedom of association. In 2010, a confl ict arose between Kamgar Congress 100 Echjay Forgingsin website, http://www.echjay.com/ Union and the factory, when a majority of 101 Supplier ratings. According to Wärtsilä’s Annual Re- the factory’s workers joined the trade union. port ”This rating is a result of pre-qualifi cation ques- tionnaires and conducted audits.” Before Kamgar Congress Union arrived,

25 an internal trade union Maharashtra Rajya Therefore, the factory saw that Kamgar Con- Rashtriya Kamgar Sangh Union acted at the gress Union did not have any legal right to factory, but according to workers, the inter- demand changes to terms of employment nal union did not promote better terms of during the contract period in 2010. Echjay employment, nor did it intervene in or take a Forgings emphasised in its commentary to stand on problems at the factory. Finnwatch that while a collective agreement is in force, it is illegal for either party to par- After the workers changed unions in 2010, ticipate in new negotiations. the new union Kamgar Congress Union approached Echjay Forgings management Echjay Forgings felt that all statements issued and presented demands for improvement of by the Kamgar Congress were completely working conditions. The long list of demands false. According to the company, Kamgar included a raise to wages, to match the Congress Union has attempted to black- statutory minimum wage, as well as that the mail Echjay Forgings by instructing workers

factory provide protective clothing and equip- to drastically reduce production and to FINNWATCH / SONJA VARTIALA ment to workers at the factory’s expense. damage expensive machinery. According to Echjay Forgings, it has put up various notices, The factory’s response to these demands requesting that its workers refrain from such was to shut down operations temporarily. illegal activities. Copies of these notices were Some of the factory’s workers were later given to Finnwatch. asked to return, but a total of 287 lost their jobs. Currently a group of 35 workers is According to the company, every worker, seeking justice in a court case that the trade who lost their job, was offered statutory union brought against the factory. compensation. Echjay Forgings also told Finnwatch that 287 was an exaggeration of Workers interviewed by Finnwatch, who lost the number of workers, who had been dis- their jobs at the time of the lockout, never missed. Finnwatch asked for information on received written confi rmation that their the correct number, but Echjay Forgings did employment had been terminated. One of not wish to continue this dialogue. the interviewed workers said that he had arrived for work at the beginning of his shift, Echjay Forgings confi rmed to Finnwatch that but at the gate he was told that he could not the factory’s lockout began in March 2010. enter. He had been promised that he would According to the company the reason for be called back in to work later, but the call the lockout was that workers continued to never came, although the worker was in reduce the rate of production and to damage contact with his employer numerous times. machinery. Kamgar Congress Union has time and again The workers, who participated in the fi eld demanded the reemployment of the workers, interviews, said that several workers, who who lost their jobs.102 had demanded better working conditions, According to the former workers, after the had been threatened with dismissal and beginning of this confl ict with the trade that some, who had issued complaints, had union, the factory has employed more and been dismissed. Threats and dismissals have more migrant workers from other Indian caused fear among workers. Workers felt that states (see Chapter 5.2). these measures were implemented in order to limit workers’ participation in the trade Echjay Forgings has a very different view of union’s activities. the aforementioned events. According to Echjay Forgings, the factory’s contract with Echjay Forgings denied claims that the Rajya Rashtriya Kamgar Sangh Union was factory restricted freedom of association. valid from 28 July 2008 to 31 March 2011. According to the company, the current inter- nal trade union Pushpaman Forging Kamgar 102 Kamgar Congress Union, letter to Echjay Forgings on Sabha has a long-term collective agree- 21.7.2010 and 14.12.2010. Copies of these letters were provided to Finnwatch. ment with the factory. According to Echjay

26 The Echay Forgings factory is

FINNWATCH / SONJA VARTIALA / SONJA FINNWATCH located in Honad Village, Khopoli.

Forgings, the company’s workers had noticed contracts that were drawn up in English, that Kamgar Congress Union was not pro- and the company gave Finnwatch a copy of moting their interests, and had for this reason this contract. According to the company, the left the union and established their own trade terms of employment were explained to all union at the factory. According to the factory, workers at the start of their employment. The it has a new collective agreement in place company denied that numerous workers did that has been reached through collective not understand the content of the contract. bargaining with the trade union and spans According to the factory, the trade union from 24 September 2012 to 31 March 2016. selected by the workers also signed each Finnwatch asked for a copy of the new col- contract and explained the contract’s content lective agreement, but Echjay Forgings did to the worker before the worker signed the not want to answer any further questions. document. The workers, who participated in the fi eld research, told interviewers that around 70 5.2 CONTRACT WORKERS WORK AT permanent workers worked at the factory THE FACTORY WITH NO OFFICIAL at that time. The majority of the factory’s EMPLOYMENT CONTRACTS workers were contract workers. The permanent workers, who participated in According to the interviewed contract the fi eld research, had written employment workers, they had no written employment contracts. The employment contracts listed contract. Some of the interviewed contract the worker’s name, a job description, guide- workers had a yellow “job card” in their pos- lines and instructions for work (workers must session, on which completed work days and always comply with these) and restrictions hours were marked. The job cards do not concerning illegal strikes. Employment con- mention Echjay Forgings in any way, and tracts are written in English and, according the name of the agency, through which the to workers, the details within had not been workers are contracted, is only mentioned on explained in or translated into the local lan- come cards. Those workers, who did not even guage. Many interviewed workers did not have a job card said that the employer main- understand the content of their employment tained a record of completed work hours. In contract. practice, workers did not have any offi cial Echjay Forgings confi rmed that its perma- document confi rming their employment, nent workers had written employment which meant that they were exceptionally vulnerable.

27 Many workers do not have any offi cial document confi rming their employment.

In its response, Echjay Forgings confi rmed system, and by employing new contract that the factory employed 77 permanent workers from other states. workers, but did not wish to tell Finnwatch According to former workers, the factory the number of contract workers working forced workers to sign Provident Fund With- at the factory. When asked to confi rm that drawal forms, which workers normally sign contract workers did not receive a written when they resign from their job, and has employment contract, Echjay Forgings did not informed workers that they were no longer reply at all. employees of the factory but of a contract According to the company, it has the permits labour agency. Both trade union representa- and licenses for the employment of con- tives and former workers believed that the tract workers required by labour offi cials main motive behind this procedure was to in the state of Maharashtra. The factory’s ensure workers would not be as likely to terms of employment are determined in a demand their rights through the Kamgar Con- contract that workers enter into with the gress Union. agency they are employed through, as well Labour service agencies always hold legal lia- as India’s labour legislation. According to bility for the contract labour system, and for Echjay Forgings, contract workers are not this reason workers cannot sue the factory’s in a weaker position, because they all have management. This is also evident in prac- job cards on which the name of their agency tice in the letter sent by Echjay Forgings to is printed. This claim does not seem to hold Kamgar Congress Union, in which the factory true according to Finnwatch’s fi ndings. states that it was not responsible for the According to India’s labour law, factories may dismissal of 287 workers in March 2010, as not employ contract workers or day-workers the labour service agency was the workers’ for employment of a permanent nature. When actual employer not the factory103. According an employee has worked for a company for to the company, the factory’s payroll only had a total of 240 days, he must receive a perma- 104 workers on it.104 nent employment contract. Many of the inter- viewed workers had worked back-to-back for numerous years as contract workers without receiving permanent employment. It seems that the factory’s management is gradually withdrawing its liability for workers 103 Pushpaman Forgings, letter to Kamgar Congress by converting all workers to the contract Union on 6.1.2011. 104 Pushpaman Forgings, letter to Kamgar Congress Union on 26.6.2010.

28 5.3 MIGRANT WORKERS DO NOT 5.4 PAYSLIPS NOT PROVIDED, RECEIVE SICK LEAVE COMPENSATION MEAGRE SALARIES AND NO AND HAVE NO ANNUAL LEAVE COMPENSATION FOR OVERTIME The factory operates in three eight-hour After the factory’s lockout in March 2010 shifts, six days a week. This applies to both and the implementation of a new collec- permanent workers and local contract tive agreement salaries have been increased workers. from time to time. The monthly salaries of both permanent and contract worker However, migrant contract workers work varied between 10,000 and 12,000 rupees 12 hours a day six days a week. Some (EUR 123.4–246.8). The monthly salaries of workers said that overtime work was man- migrant contract workers varied between datory, whereas others said they worked 6,500 and 9,100 rupees (EUR 80.2–112.3). All overtime out of a sense of duty. A few of the the interviewed contract workers said that interviewed workers stated that they did not they were paid their normal hourly wage for have anything else to do other than to work. overtime work with no additional overtime Because salaries were very small, workers compensation. wanted to work overtime, so that they would have money to send back to their families, According to Echjay Forgings, all workers who lived in other states. were paid in accordance with agreements and contracts and that employees were enti- Permanent workers were entitled to 7 days tled to statutory bonuses that are reviewed of casual leave and 7 days of sick leave. every six months. The company emphasised Workers earn one day of paid leave for every that all workers were paid a minimum wage 20 days at work. All other leaves will be con- as stipulated in labour laws. Finnwatch asked sidered unauthorised. Echjay Forgings for additional information on Migrant workers do not have the right to paid salaries, but the company was not willing to leave. Migrant workers are paid a daily wage, continue this dialogue. so they are, in practice daily workers, who Many of the interviewed workers were not are not paid at all, if they are ill or absent for satisfi ed with the salary they received, and any other reason. they said they needed at least 20,000 rupees Echjay Forgings stated that all the employ- a month to live a decent life and be able to ment contracts entered into with factory put money aside for savings. workers comply with the collective agree- Migrant workers from the states of Haryan, ment between the factory and its internal , Madhya Pradesh, Jammu and trade union, as well as with India’s Factory Kashmir, , Arunachal Pradesh, Uttaran- Act. According to the factory, it is possi- chal, , , and Jharkhand had ble that some workers occasionally work to send money back home to their families. overtime, but in these cases they are paid The migrant workers, who took part in inter- overtime compensation that is pursuant to views, told Finnwatch that they tried to send legislation. According to Echjay Forgings, 4,000–6,000 rupees (EUR 49.4–74) to their the factory offers certain benefi ts that have family each month. been agreed to in the collective agreement, including annual leave. Echjay Forgings did not wish to comment on the dissatisfaction of its workers with regard Echjay Forgings also explained that the to salaries. company employs its workers to “complete orders”. Finnwatch asked for further informa- According to interviewed worker, pension tion on this practice, but the factory did not contributions are deducted directly from respond to any supplementary questions. the salaries of both permanent and contract workers. The factory does not send or give The factory added that it categorically denies contract workers payslips, so they have no “all that you have observed and reported”. proof of what they are paid. According to

29 The dormitory only has six toilets, which are not maintained or cleaned. FINNWATCH / SONJA VARTIALA / SONJA FINNWATCH

workers, the factory does not deduct other bathing waters are run into open sewers statutory payments, such as social security, outside the rooms and through them into the from their salaries. Workers said that they ground. had not been told about any possible health The factory has not arranged any type of insurance policy and that they were not given waste management for the dormitory, and any documents related to this. the factory’s own landfi ll is situated next Echjay Forgings confi rmed that all perma- to the workers’ accommodation. On hot nent workers are covered by the company’s summer days the area smells especially bad. pension policy and that workers are covered The dormitory only has six toilets, which are by the company’s ”workers’ compensation not maintained or cleaned. Many workers policy”. favour a nearby thicket instead of braving the toilets. According to Echjay Forgings, it has done 5.5 WORKER ACCOMMODATIONS its best to offer some workers housing and IN VERY POOR CONDITION the rest are paid a house rent allowance in Factory-provided accommodation for migrant accordance with Maharashtra’s legislation. workers is located right next to the Echjay Echjay Forgings emphasised to Finnwatch Forgings factory. The workers live in small that the factory is located in the village of 12–20 m² rooms, which have electricity, a Honad, which does not have any municipal metal roof and a concrete fl oor. The rooms services and no water connection, and that, have one window opening, which can be at the moment, the company was providing covered with shutters. Some workers pay 300 these. rupees a month for the accommodation while others live there free-of-charge. According to Echjay Forgings, the dormitory is intended as temporary accommodation for Each room houses 3–4 workers. The rooms migrant workers, and workers are expected do not have beds, and the workers sleep on to fi nd their own residence for which the thin mattresses. Rooms do not have air con- company then pays its workers the state’s ditioning, heating, running water or a toilet. statutory house rent allowance, Echjay There is only a single water point in the Forgings said that it was sorry that not all accommodation area in the form of a pump workers were willing to fi nd their own home, well. The same water is used for drinking, and had instead decided to stay permanently bathing and for toilet use. Cooking and in the dormitory. According to the company,

30 it is the responsibility of the workers living in the dormitory to see that it is cleaned, main- Statement by Echjay Forgings tained and waste is managed, just as it would Pvt. Ltd., dated: 16 January 2015 be their responsibility in their own home. Echjay Forgings Pvt. Ltd (Echjay) replied to Finnwatch’s initial communication, with preliminary comments. Thereafter, 5.6 WORKERS DISSATISFIED upon legal advice, Echjay has opted not WITH OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY to respond to further queries, as the legal AT THE FACTORY process is still pending According to the interviewed workers, acci- Furthermore, Echjay has explicitly denied dents are common at the factory. The most Finnwatch, or any of its associates, dangerous work points are near the furnace permission to publish any sub-judice where steel is melted and near the die matters in any public forum, in electronic hammers. Some of the workers are exposed or print form. to hot steel, and they use heavy machinery and dangerous tools. In spite of this, workers have only been given unoffi cial instructions on health and safety. According to workers, the factory does not implement adequate corrective procedures Many of those interviewed said that helmets after accidents. The workers added that were handed out to workers, when auditors many workers had incurred head, fi nger and arrived at the factory. When an audit ended, chest injuries. Small accidents were everyday the helmets were collected. When - occurrences at the factory, and large acci- tors arrived at the factory, some workers are dents occurred a few times a year. According asked to stay home and some were hidden to the workers, the factory provided fi rst aid outside of the shop-fl oor. According to the for injuries and health insurance (only for per- interviewed workers, there are not enough manent workers). When an accident occurs helmets for everyone. or someone falls ill the factory sends the Echjay Forgings, on the other hand, said that worker to a clinic or hospital of its choice. its workers receive all the necessary safety The factory does not have its own health care equipment and clothing. The factory denied facilities, doctors or nurses. all allegations that the safety equipment is In 2005, a worker lost all his fi ngers and only given to workers during inspections his hand in an industrial accident. The acci- and that the factory hides its workers during dent took place when the worker’s foot audits. accidently hit the start pedal on the fl oor According to the company, all its workers and the machinery’s hammer crushed the are insured in accordance with labour laws. man’s hand. There was no safety box on the Echjay Forgings also said that the factory machinery. After the accident, the factory pays for a group health insurance policy that moved the start pedal from the fl oor to the covers permanent workers and their families wall, but did not add a safety box. The worker (the insurance covers four people per family). received 300,000 rupees in compensation. According to the factory it was impossible The factory does not provide adequate pro- that any foreman could have promised to tective clothing to its workers. Some workers install a safety box around the die hammer. only had protective gloves. The workers do This would have prevented use the die not have helmets, gloves and safety shoes. hammer completely.

31 6. Human rights risk assessments – Labour rights in Mozambique

Mozambique is a country in south-east Africa rich in natural resources. Portugal’s colonial policy, the War of Independence which lasted for countless years and the following 16-year-long civil war have left Mozambique one of the world’s poorest countries – After the end of the civil war in 1992, more than 80 per cent of Mozambicans lived in poverty, and Mozambique was classifi ed as the world’s poorest country. Mozambique’s infrastructure was com- pletely destroyed during the wars, public health care was non-existent and the national debt was nearly 200 per cent of the gross domestic product.105

However, due to increased foreign investments related to its natural resources, and international development cooperation, Mozambique’s economy has started to recover, and during the last ten years the country’s economic growth has been the fastest in southern Africa.

However, even an average annual economic growth of seven per cent has not been enough to elimi-

nate the country’s poverty, and Mozambique is still MOZAMBIQUE classifi ed one of the world’s poorest countries106. According to the UN Multidimensional Poverty Index 2014, an estimated 70 per cent of Mozam- bicans lived in poverty; approximately 44 per cent of Mozambicans live in extreme poverty.107 Over half 3.0 NORDNORDWEST/WIKIPEDIA CC BY-SA the country’s population still lives below the poverty line measured in terms of purchasing power, and, in are of key importance in strengthening Mozambique 2010, over 40 per cent of the government’s budget society. was dependent on foreign development aid funds108. In 2007, Mozambique’s government enacted a new Nearly 80 per cent of Mozambicans earn their live- Labour Law and ratifi ed eight of the ILO’s Core Con- lihood from agriculture and family-owned farming ventions and ten of its conventions. 110 In addition to plots. The country’s population is very vulnerable as the new Labour Law and international agreements, climate change escalates. Drought and then again Mozambique’s newest poverty reduction strategy the fl oods have caused more and more harm to food PARP 111 includes administrative objectives related to 109 security . Employment opportunities in sectors employment. One of the PARP’s three key objectives other than in agriculture, and labour rights issues is to promote employment.112

105 Republic of Mozambique, 2010, Report on the Millenium De- 110 ILO, Ratifi cations for Mozambique, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/ velopment Goals, pages 6-7: http://www.mz.undp.org/con- normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:11200:0::NO::P11200_COUNT- tent/dam/mozambique/docs/Millennium_Development_Goals/ RY_ID:102964 (viewed on 20.10.2014); and ILO, 2011, Mozam- UNDP_MOZ_MDG_%20%202010_Report_.pdf bique Decent Work Country Programme 2011-2015, pages 3-4: 106 Ibid.; African Development Fund, 2013, Mozambique: Technical http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/program/dwcp/down- Assistance to Enable Large Scale Gas and Power Investments in load/mozambique.pdf Mozambique, page iv,: http://www.afdb.org/en/documents 111 Plano de Acção para Redução da Pobreza, Poverty Reduction 107 UNDP, 2014, Human Development Report 2014, page 180: Strategy Paper http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/fi les/hdr14-report-en-1.pdf 112 IMF, 2011, Republic of Mozambique: Poverty Reduction Strategy 108 UNICEF, 2011, Child Poverty and Disparities in Mozambique Paper 2011-2014, page 18: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ 2010, pages 3-8: http://www.unicef.org.mz/cpd/documents/ ft/scr/2011/cr11132.pdf CPD-Summary.pdf 109 Maailmanpankki, 2014, Program document for the tenth po- verty reduction support development policy fi nancing, page 10: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContent- Server/WDSP/IB/2014/11/13/000470435_20141113101213/Ren- dered/PDF/902990PGD0P146010Box385366B00OUO090.pdf

32 With regard to legislation, the rights of workers have in June 2014, and the trade union for public fi elds been secured relatively well, but implementation was recognised offi cially at this same time. Yet, the of legislation is a problem in Mozambique. Poverty, law does not apply to all fi elds including the police, weak administrative capacity and wide-spread cor- and the right to strike does not apply at all to the ruption have impaired implementation and moni- public sector.116 toring of the Labour Law113. Additionally, freedom of association and the right Starting in the 2000s, direct investments into Mozam- to collective bargaining, which are secured by bique have increased notably. Mozambique’s forest the law, are rarely realised in practice. The main industry and coal and natural gas discoveries have reason for this is that only a small share of Mozam- been an incentive for foreign companies. However, bique’s labour force holds trade union member- investments have not always improved the employ- ship. According to estimates, only approximately 2.5 ment of locals or the realisation of labour rights in per cent are members. An estimated 20 per cent of the desired manner.114 those, who receive a formal salary, are within the scope of collective agreements, and less than two Mozambique’s human rights situation is detailed in per cent of the entire labour force is within the scope the following sections. The objective is to compile a of a collective agreement117. Generally speaking, in rough human rights risk assessment for corporate addition to professional organisation, civil society is activities in the country. The risk assessment, which only just taking shape in Mozambique. is based on written sources, focuses specifi cally on labour rights. Other important issues that should be In 2013, there were more than 23 active trade unions taken into account in Mozambique’s operating envi- and two trade union confederations in Mozam- ronment include taxes and land rights, the impacts bique118. A total of 16 trade unions and one associa- of HIV/AIDS and the escalation of violence between tion that represented workers in the informal sector opposition party Renamo and the government. were affi liated with the OTM-CS. In 2014, the trade unions affi liated with the OTM-CS had an estimated 130,000 members.119 Four trade unions with a mem- bership of approximately 106,000 in 2013 were 6.1 LABOUR LEGISLATION ENSURES THE RIGHTS affi liated with a national federation by the name of OF TRADE UNIONS, IMPLEMENTATION AND CONSILMO.120 MONITORING OF LEGISLATION INEFFECTIVE According to the International Trade Union Con- The Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique and federation (ITUC), the rights of trade unions are Mozambique’s Labour Law ensure the freedom of not monitored in an adequate manner in Mozam- association and the right to collective bargaining. The bique. The confederation noted that only a fraction Labour Law ensures the right to join a trade union of employers have signed a collective agreement and prohibits any type of discrimination toward with workers or a trade union that represents them. members of trade unions. Workers have the right to The ITUC has also criticised Mozambique, because collective bargaining, the right to industrial action its offi cials do not implement necessary procedures and the right to strike.115 However, the law does to ensure that employers must comply with labour restrict the public sector’s right to organise. Public legislation. According to the confederation, the right sector workers were only given the right to organise

113 IMF, 2011, Republic of Mozambique: Poverty Reduction Strate- 116 AllAfrica, 2014, Assembly grants union rights to state workers gy Paper 2011-2014, pages 9-13: http://www.imf.org/external/ 2014, http://allafrica.com/stories/201406270295.html (vie- pubs/ft/scr/2011/cr11132.pdf wed on 29.9.2014); AllAfrica, 2014, Mozambique: Law on ser- 114 African Development Fund, 2013, Mozambique: Technical Assis- vice trade unions rights launched, http://allafrica.com/sto- tance to Enable Large Scale Gas and Power Investments in Mo- ries/201411180265.html (viewed on 12.1.2015); and SASK zambique, pages 2-4: http://www.afdb.org/en/documents Työmaana maailma, 2014, Mosambikin hallitus pelkää lakko-oi- keutta, http://www.sask.fi /kaikki-2/12-artikkeli/506-mosambi- 115 The Government of Mozambique, 2007, Labour Law 2007, page kin-hallitus-pelkaa-lakko-oikeutta (viewed on 15.12.2014) 64: http://www.mcli.co.za/mcli-web/news/2007/2007-373/La- bourLaw2007fi nalversioneng.pdf 117 Ulandssekretariatet, 2014, Mozambique – Labour Market Profi le 2014, page 4: http://www.ulandssekretariatet.dk/sites/default/ fi les/uploads/public/PDF/LMP/lmp_mozambique_2014_fi nal_ version.pdf 118 Ibid. 119 These numbers do not include public sector workers. OTM- Central Sindical, 2014, Boletim semestral: Trabalhador,: http:// www.otm.org.mz/images/Bolentim_informativo/Biletim%20 OTM-CS%202014.pdf 120 ITUC, Trade Union Development Projects Director, http://pro- jects.ituc-csi.org/consilmo (viewed on 15.1.2015)

33 to strike and collective bargaining are often with- a written contract has been signed, it only specifi es held, and the ITUC has reported cases in which trade the job’s working hours and location. Other matters union members have been threated and illegally dis- related to workers’ rights, such as annual leave, missed. 121 maternity leave and insurance cover are often left outside the scope of the employment contract127. In addition to this, the OTM-CS is believed to be Roughly only half of the country’s employed have strongly linked to the country’s ruling party Frelimo, an employment contract. Companies favour tempo- although the law forbids trade unions from partici- rary employment contracts, as they do not bind an pating in party policy. The OTM-CS has been criti- employer to perform statutory payments and other cised for being too pro-government and for pur- obligations.128 suing the party’s interests more than the interests of workers.122

Despite ineffective monitoring by the government, in 2013, the inspection agency responsible for moni- 6.3 SALARIES OFTEN LOWER THAN toring the Labour Law learned of numerous cases MINIMUM WAGE DICTATES in which the right to collective bargaining had been Mozambique’s minimum wage varies from one indus- withheld from workers. According to the inspection try to another, and the government publishes new agency, trade union activities had been completely minimum wage numbers each year. Minimum wages forbidden in some companies.123 are divided into 15 different categories according to profession. In 2014, the lowest minimum wage was 2,857 meticais, i.e. approx. 71 euros, and the highest minimum wage was 7,465 meticais i.e. approx. 184 6.2 EMPLOYMENT IN INFORMAL euros a month. The lowest minimum wages are ECONOMY COMMONPLACE, paid in agriculture and the public sector, and the EMPLOYMENT CONTRACTS RARE highest in the fi nance sector. In 2014, the minimum There are an estimated 11.8 million people of wage for the construction industry, which is the fi eld working age in Mozambique. Depending on the specifi cally examined in this report (see Chapter 7), source, 80 to 90 per cent of these people work in was 3,953 meticais i.e. approx. 98 euros.129 the informal economy124. Agriculture is the most According to Mozambique’s Labour Law, workers signifi cant form of livelihood in Mozambique, and shall be paid 50 per cent more for overtime com- a majority earn their livelihood from family-owned pleted before 8.00 pm than for normal work hours farming plots.125 According to an assessment by the and twice their normal wage for overtime night work, World Bank, only around nine per cent of the labour as well as for work during offi cial holidays. Workers force is formally employed. Regionally speaking, should be paid 25 per cent more than their general these fi gures are very commonplace, as up to 80 wage for normal night shifts.130 per cent of people in sub-Saharan Africa work in the informal economy126. It has been determined that the majority of workers in Mozambique’s private sector earn less than the Just as is the case amongst agriculture workers, minimum wage for their work, whereas in the public city-dwelling workers working outside of the formal sector salaries more often than not correspond with economy rarely have an employment contract, or if statutory requirements. Especially the employees of

121 ITUC, 2009, Internationally Recognised Core Labour Standards 127 ILO, 2011, Mozambique Decent Work Country Programme 2011- in Mozambique, page 3: http://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/pdf/Mo- 2015, pages 1-4: http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/pro- zambique_report-fi nal__2_.pdf gram/dwcp/download/mozambique.pdf 122 Ulandssekretariatet, 2013, Mozambique – Labour Market Profi le 128 Eurofound, 2012, Working Conditions in Mozambique: http:// 2013: http://www.ulandssekretariatet.dk/sites/default/fi les/up- www.eurofound.europa.eu/publications/htmlfi les/ef1094.htm loads/public/PDF/LMP/mozambique_2013_fi nal_web.pdf 129 Wageindicator.org, Minumum Wage Mozambique: http://www. 123 Allafrica.com, Mozambique: Labour Inspectorate Warns wageindicator.org/main/salary/minimum-wage/mozambique of Violations of Workers’ Rights, http://allafrica.com/sto- (viewed on 18.8.2014) ries/201402260214.html (viewed on 10.3.2014) 130 The Government of Mozambique, 2007, Labour Law 2007, page 124 ILO, Key indicators of the labour market database, http://www. 64: http://www.mcli.co.za/mcli-web/news/2007/2007-373/La- ilo.org/empelm/what/WCMS_114240/lang--en/index.htm bourLaw2007fi nalversioneng.pdf 125 World Bank, 2013, World development report 2014, page 307: http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTRE- SEARCH/EXTWDRS/EXTNWDR2013/0,,contentMDK:23459971~p agePK:8261309~piPK:8258028~theSitePK:8258025,00.html 126 World Bank, 2013, World Development Report – Jobs, page 50: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ EXTNWDR2013/Resources/8258024-1320950747192/ 8260293-1322665883147/WDR_2013_Report.pdf

34 small companies often earn illegally small salaries. 6.5 INADEQUATE OCCUPATIONAL The majority of Mozambique’s formal sector is made HEALTH AND SAFETY up of small companies and their workers earn very Mozambique has not ratifi ed the ILO’s Core Conven- little.131 tions on occupational health and safety. The only conventions it has ratifi ed deal with a worker’s right to compensation in the instance of personal injury due to industrial accidents or occupational diseases 6.4 UNDEREMPLOYMENT AND (conventions C17 and C18).134 ILLEGALLY LONG WORKDAYS Mozambique’s labour law specifi es that a worker’s According to an ILO report on the realisation of normal working hours shall comprise at most 8 hours labour rights, few employers in Mozambique imple- a day and 48 hours a week. Workers shall work no ment national statutory provisions on occupa- more than four hours of overtime a day, 8 hours a tional health and safety. Inadequate occupational week and 200 hours a year Workers shall have one safety practices are especially prevalent in informal rest interval of at least 30 minutes each workday. A economy workplaces, where workers lack any social worker shall also be entitled to a rest interval of 30 security and their occupational health and safety are 135 minutes before overtime work. A week shall include not monitored in any way . one whole rest day, in addition to which the Labour A signifi cant share of Mozambique’s labour force Law specifi es annual leave depending on the dura- work in industries classifi ed as dangerous or physi- 132 tion of a worker’s employment. cally strenuous. Work on commercial plantations and Mozambique’s employment options are divided in the agriculture sector is physically demanding, as follows: workers are unemployed, underem- in general and can without access to appropriate ployed, meaning workers only work a few hours a tools be dangerous. Sexual harassment, which is week, or they work for a larger number of hours also prevalent in workplaces, negatively impacts the than the Labour Law allows. It is estimated that the occupational safety of women in particular. Cases of majority of formally employed workers work long sexual harassment targeting women are reported in 136 days, exceeding the number of work hours allowed both the private and public sectors. for by the Labour Law. In 2012, Eurofound reported that approximately 60 per cent of workers in the formal economy worked over 50 hours a week. The report found that performance targets were very 6.6 USE OF CHILD LABOUR COMMONPLACE demanding in many private sector workplaces, and People under the age of 18 may not work in full time employees were under an immense amount of pres- jobs in Mozambique. Young people between the sure. According to the report, workdays were long ages of 15 and 18 can work 38 hours a week and 7 especially in the tourism sector, where 12 hour work hours per day at most. Each employer is responsible shifts without leave meant employees worked 72 for ensuring the education, health, as well as moral hours a week.133 and physical development of young workers. People under the age of 18 may not work in dangerous and physically demanding jobs at all. People under the age of 18 may only be employed after passing a health check during which the child’s ability to carry out the work in question is assessed. Children must be paid at least the statutory minimum wage.137

131 Newenham-kahindi et al., 2013, Effective People Management 134 ILO, Up to date conventions not ratifi ed by Mozambique, http:// in Africa, pages 72-75 www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=1000:11210:0::NO:11210 132 The Government of Mozambique, 2007, Labour Law 2007, pages :P11210_COUNTRY_ID:102964 (viewed on 15.1.2015) 51-55: http://www.mcli.co.za/mcli-web/news/2007/2007-373/ 135 ILO, 2011, Mozambique Decent Work Country Programme 2011- LabourLaw2007fi nalversioneng.pdf 2015, page 6: http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/pro- 133 Eurofound, 2012, Working Conditions in Mozambique: http:// gram/dwcp/download/mozambique.pdf; and Eurofound, 2012, www.eurofound.europa.eu/publications/htmlfi les/ef1094.htm Working Conditions in Mozambique: http://www.eurofound.eu- ropa.eu/publications/htmlfi les/ef1094.htm 136 United States Department of State, 2012, Mozambique 2012 Human Rights Report: http://www.state.gov/documents/organi- zation/204358.pdf 137 The Government of Mozambik, 2007, Labour Law 2007, pages 19-21: http://www.mcli.co.za/mcli-web/news/2007/2007-373/ LabourLaw2007fi nalversioneng.pdf

35 Mozambique has ratifi ed the ILO’s Minimum Age they have been thus bonded to forced labour by Convention and the Worst Forms of Child Labour debt144. In cities, children mostly work in the informal Convention138. In 2008, in addition to the country’s economy, e.g. as street vendors, litter collectors, car Labour Law, the government drafted an additional guards and domestic workers145. provision concerning children. The purpose of this was to abolish the use of child labour. The provision, overturned a clause in the 2007 Labour Law, which stated that companies were allowed to employ chil- 6.7 GENDER DISCRIMINATION dren between the ages of 12–15, if the government A COMMON PHENOMENA supplied the company with a special diploma139. Mozambique’s Labour Law forbids all gender-based discrimination. In spite of this, women are very vul- Despite this legislation, child labour is commonplace nerable, and gender-based discrimination happens in in Mozambique, especially in the informal economy. both the public and private sectors.146 Due to the absence of offi cial statistics, it is diffi cult to estimate the actual number of child labourers, Although the overall employment of women is but the prevalence of child labour in Mozambique even slightly higher than that of men, only a frac- is evident in numerous reports published in the tion of women are employed in the formal economy. country. According to the World Bank’s newest esti- In addition to this, women often receive a smaller mate in 2008, 28 per cent of girls and 27 per cent of salary than men for the same work. Women are also boys worked at least one hour per a week.140. employed less often than men in high salary jobs.147

As a consequence of the economic slump, it is very Sexual harassment in the workplace is common in common for children, especially those in the coun- Mozambique. Women are also at greater risk than tryside, to work. Children work on plantations, espe- men of not being provided social security. In 2014, cially during harvesting, in the forest industry and as Mozambique’s Ministry of Labor reported that espe- domestic workers. Children are also at risk of being cially pregnant women are often illegally dismissed exploited as sex workers. In the countryside, children from their jobs, as employers do not want to pay also often work on their family’s own farming plots. compensation for maternity leave148. Especially girls participate in housekeeping work and caring for their family’s farming plot. On commercial plantations, children are often paid a piecework rate, instead of an hourly wage.141 Instead of a monetary 6.8 MIGRANT WORKERS AT RISK OF wage, children may receive other compensation such BEING VICTIMS OF FORCED LABOUR 142 as school supplies . Forced labour is completely forbidden in Mozam- It has been reported in Northern Mozambique that bique. Numerous additional provisions applying to parents, who work at commercial plantations take forced labour have been enacted in addition to the their children to work with them in order to receive Constitution. Mozambique’s administration has also additional wages143. Some cases have also been launched provincial campaigns to spread information observed in which children have worked without a on procedures that will counter and pre-empt forced salary in order to pay back their parents’ debts, and labour. In 2012, this type of campaign event was

138 ILO, 2011, Mozambique Decent Work Country Programme 2011- 144 United States Department of Labor’s Bureau of International 2015, pages 8: http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/pro- Labor Affairs, 2012, Findings on the Worst Form of Child Labor, gram/dwcp/download/mozambique.pdf http://www.dol.gov/ilab/reports/child-labor/mozambique.html 139 UNICEF, 2011, Child Poverty and Disparities in Mozambique 145 ILO, 2011, Mozambique Decent Work Country Programme 2011- 2010, page 23: http://www.unicef.org.mz/cpd/documents/CPD- 2015, pages 29-30: http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/ Summary.pdf program/dwcp/download/mozambique.pdf 140 World Bank, World Development Indicators: http://databank. 146 ITUC, 2009, Internationally Recognised Core Labour Standards worldbank.org (viewed on 12.3.2014) in Mozambique, http://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/pdf/Mozambique_ report-fi nal__2_.pdf 141 United States Department of State, 2012, Mozambique 2012 Human Rights Report: http://www.state.gov/documents/organi- 147 World economic forum, 2014, The global gender gap report zation/204358.pdf; and United States Department of Labor’s Bu- 2014, page 276: http://www.weforum.org/reports/global-gen- reau of International Labor Affairs, 2012, Findings on the Worst der-gap-report-2014; and United States Department of State, Form of Child Labor: http://www.dol.gov/ilab/reports/child-la- 2014, Mozambique 2013 Human Rights Report, page 23: http:// bor/mozambique.htm www.state.gov/documents/organization/220351.pdf 142 ILO, 2011, Mozambique Decent Work Country Programme 2011- 148 Allafrica.com, Mozambique: Labour Inspectorate Warns 2015, page 8: http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/pro- of Violations of Workers’ Rights. http://allafrica.com/sto- gram/dwcp/download/mozambique.pdf ries/201402260214.html (Viewed on 10.3.2014); and United States Department of State, 2014, Mozambique 2013 Human 143 United States Department of State, 2012, Mozambique 2012 Rights Report, page 22: http://www.state.gov/documents/orga- Human Rights Report: http://www.state.gov/documents/organi- nization/220351.pdf zation/204358.pdf

36 organised in the village of Ressano Garcia, where the to the ministry, there is a notable number of undocu- construction site examined in this report is located.149 mented migrant workers in the country, and foreign workers are often paid a higher salary than Mozam- Despite efforts by the government, the use of forced bican workers for the same work. In February 2014, labour is prominent especially in domestic work and the Ministry of Labor announced that it would in the countryside. Women and especially girls, who improve the monitoring of foreign labour, as well as have come to Mozambique from its neighbouring investing in the training and education of the local countries Zimbabwe and Malawi are at the greatest labour force.153 risk of being victims of forced labour. Women and children from the countryside may be deceived into Direct investments and the growing presence of moving to the city with promises of work and an foreign companies in Mozambique have also caused education. When in the city, they are nearly always other challenges related to labour rights. Foreign forced into unpaid domestic work or prostitution.150 companies have often been criticised for their poor treatment of local workers, violating the Labour Law and generally poor working conditions154. Inspections of foreign companies by the Ministry of Labor have 6.9 FOREIGN EXPERTISE AT THE uncovered abysmal conditions in which local workers EXPENSE OF THE LOCALS work, illegally low salaries, long work shifts and con- Mozambique’s average level of education is one tinuous illegal threats of dismissal. 155 of the world’s poorest, which means that there Arbitration agencies have been established is a shortage of workers with expertise. As a specifi cally to resolve disputes between foreign result, foreign labour force is often brought in for employers and local workers. In 2012, an arbitration demanding jobs that require an education.151 Foreign agency was established in each of Mozambique’s companies that are based in the country often provinces, the purpose of these agencies was to employ foreign work force for jobs that require spe- resolve industrial disputes before they reached the cifi c professional competence. court room156. Mozambique’s government has made it a priority to secure the right of its citizens to employment, by setting limitations for the maximum number of foreign workers. According to the Labour Law, an employer is also obligated to fi rst and foremost employ a Mozambican to a position that requires an education or has a high salary. In addition to this, the Labour Law stipulates that salaries shall be the same for a foreign and local worker.152

According to the Mozambique Inspector-General of Labor, provisions that apply to foreign labour force are violated continuously in the country. According

149 United States Department of State, 2012, Mozambique 2012 153 Allafrica.com, Mozambique: Labour Inspectorate Warns Human Rights Report, page 27: http://www.state.gov/docu- of Violations of Workers’ Rights. http://allafrica.com/sto- ments/organization/204358.pdf ries/201402260214.html (viewed on 10.3.2014) 150 UNICEF, 2011, Child Poverty and Disparities in Mozambique 154 Ulandssekretariatet, 2013, Mozambique – Labour Market Profi le 2010, page 24: http://www.unicef.org.mz/cpd/documents/CPD- 2013: http://www.ulandssekretariatet.dk/sites/default/fi les/up- Summary.pdf; and United States Department of State, 2012, loads/public/PDF/LMP/mozambique_2013_fi nal_web.pdf Mozambique 2012 Human Rights Report: http://www.state.gov/ 155 Allafrica.com, Mozambique: Labour Inspectorate Warns documents/organization/204358.pdf of Violations of Workers’ Rights, http://allafrica.com/sto- 151 Ulandssekretariatet, 2012, Mozambique – Labour Market Profi le ries/201402260214.html (viewed on 10.3.2014) 2013: http://www.ulandssekretariatet.dk/sites/default/fi les/up- 156 Ulandssekretariatet, 2013, Mozambique – Labour Market Profi le loads/public/PDF/LMP/mozambique_2013_fi nal_web.pdf 2013: http://www.ulandssekretariatet.dk/sites/default/fi les/up- 152 The Government of Mozambique, 2007, Labour Law 2007, page loads/public/PDF/LMP/mozambique_2013_fi nal_web.pdf 24: http://www.mcli.co.za/mcli-web/news/2007/2007-373/La- bourLaw2007fi nalversioneng.pdf

37 7. Wärtsilä in Mozambique – Labour rights at the Central Termica de Ressano Garcia gas plant construction site

In 2012, Wärtsilä entered into an agreement interviewed for the fi eld research. The inter- with Mozambican state power utility Elect- viewed workers represented different pro- ricidade de Moçambique and South African fessions, including building inspectors, energy company Sasol New Energy on the mechanics, builders and builders responsi- construction of a gas plant. According to the ble for the gas pipe system. Security guards agreement, Wärtsilä build a natural gas plant responsible for monitoring the construction by the name of Central Termica de Ressano site also participated in the fi eld research. Garcia, a pipe system and a transformer. Interviews were conducted off-site e.g. during Wärstilä supplied a total of 18 engines that commutes, in the nearby village and at cafes. run on natural gas for the plant. The plant The interviews were conducted in Portu- was completed in November 2014. guese. The fi eld research was carried out The plant, located in the Mozambican village between March and June 2014. of Ressano Garcia, will be the country’s Detailed notes were kept on each interview largest and Africa’s second largest gas-fuelled for documentation. Some of the interviews power plant. 157 The plant is located in a have been recorded on tape, but not all inter- small village158 in Moamba District in Maputo viewees agreed to this. A number of workers Province near the South African boarder. had been dismissed from the construction A small core group of Wärtsilä’s own person- site just before our fi eld research began, nel worked at the Ressano Garcia construc- and the interviewed workers were reluctant tion site mainly in the position of project to share their personal details. To support management. Wärtsilä has out-sourced the interview fi ndings, Finnwatch also examined majority of the Ressano Garcia construction employment contracts and the worker’s sites activities to subcontractors. Subcon- identity cares, which verifi ed that the inter- tractors were responsible for providing con- viewees worked at the Wärtsilä construction struction, security and food services and for site159. running the occupational healthcare clinic. Wärtsilä has purchased services from a total of approximately ten subcontractors during 7.1 WAGES NOT SUFFICIENT the different stages of the project. Depending TO COVER LIVING COSTS on the stage of the project between 50 and 800 workers have worked on the construc- The salaries of the workers interviewed by tion site. Finnwatch were in line with Mozambique’s statutory minimum wage. In 2014, the The purpose of Finnwatch’s fi eld research minimum wage for the construction indus- was to assess the realisation of the labour try was 3,953 meticais a month, i.e. approx. rights of workers at the gas plant construc- 93 euros.160 tion site. A total of 17 workers working at the gas plant’s construction site were The monthly salary of the interviewed workers was at lowest 5,000 meticais 157 Wärtsilä, press release 2012, http://www.wartsila. (118 euros) and at most 16,000 meticais com/en/press-releases/wartsila-to-supply-major- power-plant-to-mozambique-biggest-gas-fuelled- 159 Other gas plant are being built in the Ressano Gar- plant-ever-to-be-installed-in-the-country (viewed on cia area as well. and for this reason it was important 22.9.2014) for Finnwatch to verify that the interviewed workers 158 At the time of its previous census in 2007, there worked specically at the Wärtsilä construction site. were approx. 9,000 resident in Ressano Garciassa. 160 Wageindicator.org, Minimum Wage Mozambique, National institute of statistics Mozambique, http:// http://www.wageindicator.org/main/salary/mini- www.ine.gov.mz/en (viewed on 23.9.2014) mum-wage/mozambique (viewed on 18.8.2014)

38 (378 euros). The median salary of all workers table 3. was 8,000 meticais (189 euros). Although the Food costs Price in Price in interviewed workers received salaries that meticais euros clearly exceeded the minimum wage, many 20 kg of rice 750 17,5 said that they had to have secondary employ- 5 kg of lentils 200 4,7 ment to cover their family’s food, housing 5 litres of milk 450 10,5 and other monthly costs. 3 litres of cooking oil 350 8 vegetables for a month 500 11,7 It is very common that in addition to sala- Animal proteins (eggs, fi sh, meat) 1500 35 ried employment, a family maintains a small farming plot or carries out other work in the Coffee/tea 200 4,7 informal economy to make ends meet. One Fruits 500 11,7 worker said that his salary combined with his Nuts 250 5,8 spouse’s income was not enough to provide Coconut 200 4,7 for their 3-child family. In addition to the Total food costs 4900 114,7 parents’ jobs, the family farms their farming Other costs plot and receives help from the interviewed Rent 5000 117 worker’s mother, who sells home-baked Water and electricity 700 16,4 bread in the local village. Firewood, fuel oil, gas 850 19,9 Finnwatch’s researcher compiled a list School payments, study mate- 1000 23,4 of monthly costs for people living in the rials and transport fees village of Ressano Garcia. The list included Medicines, other healthcare 500 11,7 costs the month’s food and housing costs for a Traditional festivals, xitique162 1500 35 family of fi ve. Based on the costs calcula- tion, a family of fi ve living in the Ressano area Transport to work 500 11.7 TOTAL COSTS 14950 349 needs roughly 15,000 meticais (354 euros) a month to cover living costs161. The families of the interviewed workers were on average According to Finnwatch’s calculation, the made up of 7 persons, and for this reason average salary of construction workers and Finnwatch’s example calculation can be con- guards is only enough to cover half of a sidered quite modest. The calculation does month’s costs and is therefore not a living not take into account expenses that families wage. incur from weddings, which can rise into the Finnwatch asked the workers to estimate tens of thousands. how much money their families would need each month to cover all food, housing edu- cation, healthcare and other expenses. According to the interviewees, a family in the Ressano Garcia area needs roughly 20,000 meticais (473 euros) a month, which is three times more than the smallest salaries earned by the interviewed workers. According to Wärtsilä, wages comply with the agreement entered into with the client and local trade unions.

161 The calculation presented in this report was compi- 162 Xitique is an informal Mozambican saving and cre- led during fi eld research in 2014. Finnwatch publis- dit arrangement based on mutual trust. Money loan- hed its own Model for Calculation a Living Wage on ed is used on festivals, home repairs and for buying 13.2.2015, and Finnwatch will use this calculation as cattle. Further information e.g. FAO, Mutual Assis- a point of reference in all its future research. Calcu- tance Institutions in Mozambique, http://www.fao. lation model: http://www.fi nnwatch.org/images/palk- org/docrep/006/y5083e/y5083e0d.htm (viewed on kalaskelmataulukko.pdf 1.10.2014)

39 40 Wärtsilä’s constructionsite kilometres away. Insteadoftravelling to the capitalcityofMaputoseveral hundred the company’s offi workers mustretrievethempersonallyfrom not deliveredtotheconstructionsite, and payslips. The workerssaidthatpayslips are Wärtsilä constructionsitedidnotreceive viewed workers, personsworkingatthe the workers’payslips. According totheinter- Finnwatch wasunabletogetholdofany It isdiffi the LabourLawforovertimework. did notreceivetheremuneration stipulatedin for it. Numerousworkersbelievedthatthey and howmuchcompensationtheyreceived workers howovertimeworkwascalculated that theyworkedovertime. Itwasunclearto viewed forFinnwatch’s researchreported However, anotablenumberofworkersinter- in Mozambique’s LabourLaw. maximum limitforworkinghoursdetermined the constructionworkerscomplywith week. This meansthattheworkinghoursof shall notexceed8hoursaday, 48hoursa bique’s LabourLaw, normalworkinghours days eachmonth. According toMozam- to 5.00pm, andworkersworkthreeSatur- Wärtsilä, theworksite’s worktimeis8.00am which workersarenotpaidfor. According to include atotaloftwohoursinrestintervals, hours aday, sixdaysaweek. Work shifts by Wärtsilä toldusthattheyworkedten Most oftheconstructionworkersemployed DEDUCTIONS FROMSALARIES COMPENSATION AND 7.2 Wärtsilän rakennustyömaa AMBIGUITIES INOVERTIME Ressano Garciassa. in RessanoGarcia. culttoproveclaimsbyworkers, as ces, whicharelocatedin ment fromtheconstruction sitetrade union was alsounabletogethold ofthedocu- they receivedaprojectcalendar. Finnwatch employment forthespecifi (PLA) document, whichincludesthetermsof been giventheProjectLabour Agreement misunderstandings isthatworkershadnot Finnwatch learnedthatanothercausefor do notworkovertime. demonstrate thatanotableshareofworkers also statedthatitsworkinghoursstatistics rest intervalswerenotincluded. Wärtsilä not exceednormalworkinghours, when although inpractice theirworkinghoursdid reason, theythoughtworked overtime, are notconsideredworkingtime. For this not know, forexample, thatrestintervals the workersadequately. Manyworkersdid of employmenthadnotbeenexplainedto The interviewsmadeitclearthatterms their ownpayroll. payroll. Subcontractors inturntakecareof company inMozambiquemanagesthe of itsownemployees’salaries, andalocal offi indeed deliverthemtothesubcontractor’s payslips totheconstructionsiteandmay its subcontractors donotnecessarilydeliver country. However, Wärtsilä didconfi the caseofforeignworkerstotheirhome ration aresenttotheconstructionsiteorin employees directlyemployedbythecorpo- According to Wärtsilä, thepayslipsfor how muchtheyhavebeenpaid. said theychecktheirbankaccounttosee Maputo toretrievetheirpayslip, theworkers ces. Wärtsilä hasoutsourcedthepayment cproject, norhad rmthat

FINNWATCH SINTICIM, regardless of numerous requests. Wärtsilä would not give the documents to The SINTICIM is the only construction Finnwatch claiming that they were attach- industry trade union in Mozambique. It ments to the agreement entered into with is infl uential, but has also been criticised the client and marked as confi dential. for non-transparency and close ties with employers. According to the interviewed Finnwatch believes that employees should workers, the trade union is only visible at the be aware of all the attachments included in worksite, when it is there to collect member- their employment contracts, and this would ship fees. prevent unnecessary misunderstandings. According to Wärtsilä, it has provided infor- Mozambique’s trade unions have been mation on the PLA to its workers on a regular accused of being generally corrupt and for basis, but will, as a result of the Finnwatch pursuing the interests of companies at the report, pay more attention than previously to expense of the workers. According to the information fl ow. Labour Law, trade unions shall be politically unaffi liated, but for historical reasons, trade When responding to the Finnwatch report, unions act in close cooperation with Mozam- Wärtsilä stated that the corporation has bique’s ruling party, Frelimo.164 observed obvious differences in work culture between locals and Europeans, and work and Distrust in trade unions has meant that agreements are understood in quite a dif- strikes and demonstrations by workers are ferent way by Mozambicans than they are by often organised independently by workers Europeans. According to Wärtsilä, the work- with no support from the trade union. This site has a resource, the purpose of which is, in turn means that the strikes have been to support workers. The corporation stated illegal and often very poorly organised. As no that it will in future pay even closer attention one acts as offi cial head of the strikes and to ensuring that its local workers understand there are no predetermined objectives or ap- what is expected of them and what has been proaches, strikes can easily get out of hand agreed to. and turn violent165. All those who participated in Finnwatch’s interviews stated that in addition to legal social security payments, other deductions 7.3 STRIKES AND UNREST HAVE were made monthly from salaries. According RESULTED IN DISMISSALS, TRADE UNION to the workers, the deductions were justifi ed NOT CONSIDERED TRUSTWORTHY and the reasons given for these deductions The interviewed workers revealed that a included tardiness and mistakes made by the large number of construction workers and worker at work. guards had been dismissed by Wärtsilä’s sub- Mozambique’s Labour Law stipulates that contractor in early 2014. According to inter- deductions from salaries must be agreed viewees the dismissals were due to salary upon in advance and in writing. A verbal disputes and demands by the workers that agreement on deductions is not suffi cient they be given written employment contracts. according to the law. The total sum of deduc- Finnwatch was unable to get a hold of the tions may not be greater than one-third of a dismissed workers, so they could have par- monthly salary.163 ticipated in this research.

According to Wärtsilä, neither Wärtsilä nor Wärtsilä told Finnwatch that the dismissals its subcontractors make deductions based had been carried out in accordance with on tardiness or errors. However, the salary agreements, and the workers had been given of a worker who works on an hourly wage a statutory term of notice and the required is smaller, if the worker has arrived at work 164 Ulandssekretariatet, 2012, Mozambique – Labour later than has been agreed. Market Profi le 2013, http://www.ulandssekretariatet. dk/sites/default/fi les/uploads/public/PDF/LMP/mo- 163 Mozambique Labour Law, 2007, pages 63-64: http:// zambique_2013_fi nal_web.pdf www.mcli.co.za/mcli-web/news/2007/2007-373/La- 165 Simião Simbine, SASK, interview with Finnwatch bourLaw2007fi nalversioneng.pdf 1.10.2014 41 FINNWATCH FINNWATCH

compensation. According to Wärtsilä, the dis- not at liberty to redistribute this document. missals were related to the use of alcohol Finnwatch was also unable to reach SINTICIM and to stealing. Wärtsilä also told Finnwatch when trying to get a copy of the agreement. that over the course of the project, changes It would seem that the agreement applying to had to be made to scheduled work times, the workers’ terms of employment is in prac- and as a result the workers’ weekly working tice secret. The PLA also includes the project hours had increased. This in turn had led to calendar, which determines e.g. the workers’ strikes at the worksite. According to Wärtsilä, work shifts, working hours and paydays. the dismissed workers had acted violently during the strikes. According to the corpora- tion, only a few workers had been dismissed, 7.4 OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY and these workers had been paid statutory AT AN ADEQUATE LEVEL, BUT compensation for their dismissal. HEAT CAUSES PROBLEMS SINTICIM, the Mozambican Construction, Of all the work at the construction site, sur- 166 Wood and Mine Workers Union operates facing and welding work are considered at Wärtsilä’s gas power plant construction especially high-risk. Workers are also exposed site. The union’s headquarters is located in to cement dust. the country’s capital, Maputo. According to interviewed workers a large share of the The sun’s heat also causes hazards at the construction site’s builders are members of Ressano Garcia gas plant construction site, the trade union. However, the workers were as workers work up to six hours outdoors in wary of the trade union and the union was one go. The climate in the area the construc- not considered effective or trustworthy, for tion site is located in is very dry and hot; tem- example, in the arbitration of cases in which peratures may rise to +45 degrees Celsius. workers were dismissed. Workers stated that they can rest in the shade at times, but according to the inter- SINTICIM had negotiated a Project Labour views there was nothing to provide proper Agreement (PLA) for the Wärtsilä project, and shade, e.g. tress or a shelter, at the worksite. the employment contracts of every Wärt- silä subcontractor were to be drawn up on Workers are given work clothes, gloves, pro- the basis of this agreement. As was stated in tective masks and goggles. Workers, who the previous chapter, Finnwatch was unable carried out welding work, had adequate to get a copy of this agreement. Wärtsilä welding masks. The workers said that they claimed that the PLA was an attachment in also used protective masks when handling a contract and considered in the scope of building materials. The workers’ employment trade secrecy. The corporation was therefore contracts also verify what the workers have

166 Sindicato Nacional dos Trabalhadores da Industria de Construcao Civil, Madeira e Minas de Mocambique 42 told. The contract states that a worker will access to health care clinics at the workplace be prohibited from entering the construc- is not a given. tion site, if he is not dressed in appropriate According to Wärtsilä, the clinic treats an protective clothing. Nearly all the workers average of 180 patients each month; 45 Finnwatch interviewed said that they had patients a week. According to Wärtsilä, there received occupational safety training. have only been a few industrial accidents, Despite training and protective clothing, the and more often than not, the clinic treats workers working on the buildings said that colds, muscle cramps, stomach symptoms they often suffered from coughs, colds and and malaria. The clinic treats an average of headaches related to breathing problems. two cases of malaria each month. The workers felt the symptoms were linked According to the interviewed workers, use of to dust and heat at the worksite. the occupational healthcare clinic has been The construction site contains a small fi rst completely prohibited for security guards, aid clinic, where work-related and other inju- who monitor the construction site. Wärtsilä ries are treated. Wärtsilä told Finnwatch that denied this information, and said that every workers had been very pleased about the person working at the worksite had the right presence of the fi rst aid clinic, as regionally to use the services offered by the clinic.

THE WORKING CONDITIONS of security years.168In 2011, the employees of another guards have been highlighted previously as security service company demanded overtime well. In 2012, OPais newspaper published compensation and that ambiguous sums a report according to which only a minority deducted from salaries be returned to workers. of companies that provide private security The strike ended badly, when the police used services complied with Mozambique’s Labour violence to subdue the demonstrators.169 Law. The report found very similar problems to The security industry is the only industry those experienced by security guards at the in Mozambique that has two trade unions Wärtsilä construction site. Salaries are meagre, to represent workers. The larger of the two and illegal deductions are made from them, unions is the SINTESP, and the employees of shifts are long and security guards are not paid an international security company established extra compensation for overtime. Occupational the second union, the SINTESPRIMO, because safety is not monitored or ensured, workers do they were dissatisfi ed with the SINTESP, which not have written employment contracts, and had previously represented them. According it is diffi cult to fi nd contact information for the to information gathered by Finnwatch, trade companies’ offi ces.167 confederations and other trade unions have Security industry workers have periodically held advised the unions to unite, as Mozambique’s demonstrations demanding improved working trade union movement has held the offi cial conditions. In September 2013, the employees policy of “one trade union for each profession” of a private security services company held for years. The two security industry unions are a demonstration in the capital city Maputo. often seen as one another’s competitors. The Workers, who took part in the strike, said that resources of both unions have been used up their employer had deducted 100 meticais in the power battle instead for the express (2,5 euros) from each salary for the past three purpose of helping workers.

168 Allafrica, Mozambique: Security Guards On Strike, http://allafrica.com/stories/201309120839.html (vie- wed on 4.8.2014) 169 Global voices, Mozambique: Police Attack Protesting 167 Allafrica, Mozambique: Private Security Workers Workers, http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/04/13/ in Inhuman Conditions, http://allafrica.com/sto- mozambique-police-attack-protesting-workers/ (vie- ries/201207061134.html (viewed on 4.8.2014) wed on 4.8.2014)

43 Ressano Garcia village. FINNWATCH

7.5 EXPERTS FROM ABROAD, Wärtsilä told Finnwatch that, at the beginning BUILDERS FROM MOZAMBIQUE of the project, security had been handled by The persons appointed to management a subcontractor by the name of MUCOQUE, posts and other positions requiring expertise which also carried out other work at the con- are primarily foreign. According to Wärtsilä, struction site. As the project progressed to a adoption of the solutions it supplies requires stage where there were more workers on the expertise, which is Wärtsilä’s core business. site, a different company, focused solely on This expertise is utilised in all of Wärtsilä’s security was hired. projects in the same way. Wärtsilä strives to The interviewed guards had been hired in employ local labour force in other positions spring 2013, at which time MUCOQUE was where possible. still their employer. After a few months, the During the fi nal stage of the project, Wärtsilä workers were informed that their employer brought 10–20 per cent of the construction would be changing. According to the workers, site’s workers from outside of Mozambique. the new employer, FUSEG-Fusiladores does Wärtsilä has a use and maintenance agree- not have an offi ce in Ressano Garcia, and the ment with the gas plant that will remain in workers do not have contact details for their force, and Wärtsilä will continue to train local employer nor do they know the names of labour in the use of the gas plant even after their supervisors. The security guards were construction. Wärtsilä stated that this is one under the impression that they were cur- way in which it can support local expertise rently employed by Wärtsilä. and the level of education. The security guards interviewed by Finnwatch said that they had no employment contract that the employer had signed. The interviewed workers said that their employer 7.6 WORKING CONDITIONS OF had refused to sign the contract they had SECURITY GUARDS THE SITE’S WORST received upon employment. This allegation Wärtsilä has outsourced the construction was confi rmed as the contract supplied to site’s security services, and purchased them Finnwatch was only signed by the worker. from South African company FUSEG-Fusi- According to Wärtsilä, the security service ladores. Of all the interviewed workers, the provider keeps employment contracts at working conditions of the security guards its place of business as part of it personnel were by far the worst. archives and, according to information the

44 corporation has been given, all workers have According to their employment contracts, received a signed employment contract. a security guard’s normal work week com- prises 48 working hours after which they The employment contract of the security must be paid overtime compensation. guards working at the Wärtsilä power plant According to Mozambique’s legislation, construction site requires that workers are workers shall also be paid extra compensa- “fl exible”. According to the employment con- tion for night work, which is 25 per cent of tract, security guards must work overtime their normal wages.170 at short notice, and the worker commits to not turning down overtime work, if informed The security guards told Finnwatch’s about it within a reasonable time. The researcher that they did not get suffi cient employment contract does not offer the compensation for overtime. They also did worker any form of security; according to the not have any say on the length of their work

FINNWATCH contract, the worker’s employment can be time; if no one arrived to cover the shift terminated at any time, when their services after theirs, a security guard was required to are no longer needed. remain at work until a replacement arrived. According to Wärtsilä, the employment con- tract used by the security services sup- According to their employment contract, a plier complies with ”local agreements and security guard’s daily wage is 166 meticais, in guidelines that are determined by local which case their notional monthly salary for 8 authorities”. hour workdays is 4,316 meticais. Interviewed In early 2014, several security guards were security guards stated that they received dismissed for ambiguous reasons. According roughly 5,000 meticais a month (115 euros), to the workers, in January 2014 tens of from which the employer sometimes made security guards were dismissed when they deductions for tardiness or work-related mis- demanded written employment contracts takes. The guard’s overtime and night shift that were also signed by the employer. The compensation for a month totalled to just same thing happened again in February 2014, under 700 meticais. when workers were dismissed due to salary The Wärtsilä-built gas plant is located about disputes. According to the workers, in April fi ve kilometres from the village of Ressano 2014 tens of workers were yet again dis- Garcia, where local workers live. The secu- missed, but the interviewees were did not rity guard’s employment contract includes a know the reason for these dismissals. The clause according to which the employer will dismissed security guards, Finnwatch was organise transport to the worksite. However, able to contact, said that they had been transport has never been provided, and the informed that there was no longer enough security guards must walk to work. In addi- work for everyone, but two days after their tion to the length of the trip and the heat, dismissal new employees started in the same the walk is strenuous due to the area’s very tasks. hilly terrain. The security guards felt the trip According to the workers, working conditions was exhausting, as in addition to a ten hour differ notably from those described in the workday they must walk a total of ten kilo- contract. The security guards interviewed by metres in high temperatures. Finnwatch said that they worked 75 hours a week on average. Shifts were divided into day and night shifts. A security guard’s day shift is 10 hours and night shift is 14 hours. Some- times security guards must work for 24 hour shifts, if there is no one available to take the next shift. 170 Mozambique Labour Law, 2007, page 64: http:// www.mcli.co.za/mcli-web/news/2007/2007-373/La- bourLaw2007fi nalversioneng.pdf

45 8. Summary

Wärtsilä acted relatively openly over the policies and their implementation seem to be course of Finnwatch’s research. The cor- very ambitious. The ambitious standard of the poration’s representatives met with policies was also evident in practice: indus- Finnwatch researchers in Helsinki and trial accidents at Wärtsilä have declined sig- allowed Finnwatch researchers to also visit nifi cantly in the last fi ve years. The emphasis their factory in India, as well as to meet the on occupational safety was also visible in a management of the factory and look around positive manner at the locations Finnwatch the factory area. Finnwatch’s researchers inspected during its fi eld study in India and were also allowed to take photographs in the Mozambique. factory area after asking for separate per- Non-discrimination and the right to equal mission. Wärtsilä also commented on the employment opportunities and salaries for fi ndings of the Finnwatch report. Wärtsilä everyone regardless of their ethnic back- supplied statistical data to Finnwatch on sala- ground, gender or religion are all taken into ries and other matters that were covered in account in the corporation’s personnel policy. the research. However, a living wage is not mentioned in However, Finnwatch had problems attaining policies that apply to salaries. According to information on the corporate responsibility the policies, salaries must be “fair” and “moti- monitoring of its subcontractors. Wärtsilä’s vating”, but the policies do not specify what responses were confusing, and Finnwatch fair means. The policies can be interpreted was unable to make any sense of them even to mean e.g. the national minimum wage, after sending the corporation supplementary which is often not equal to a living wage. questions. Finnwatch was not permitted to It is noteworthy that the Wärtsilä Supplier see the audit reports compiled in connection Handbook does not mention the terms ”fair” with Echay Forgings’ supplier rating (it was or “motivating” in relation to salaries, and later discovered that no audit had been con- only requires that suppliers comply with the ducted), and Finnwatch was unable to meet national minimum wage.171 with the employee responsible for Wärtsilä’s Wärtsilä’s annual report implies that the cor- audits. Wärtsilä claimed scheduling prob- porate responsibility of the corporation’s lems due to holidays and compilation of their suppliers is monitored systematically and annual report. However, Wärtsilä was given in the long-term, and that this monitoring is several weeks to respond, and Finnwatch based on open criteria (e.g. Wärtsilä´s Sup- sent reminders repeatedly. Monitoring of its plier Handbook, which is open to the public) suppliers seems to be a key area in which and covers 95 per cent of the corporation’s Wärtsilä must develop its activities. total value of subcontracting. However, there The following sections give summaries on is a clear inconsistency between the informa- the results of Finnwatch’s research and the tion given in Wärtsilä’s offi cial annual report conclusions drawn from these. When possi- and information the corporation submitted ble these results are compared to Wärtsilä’s to Finnwatch Based on Wärtsilä’s responses, corporate responsibility policies, which have it is unclear which Wärtsilä suppliers have been published. been audited and what these audits entail. The corporation does not use different types of high-risk country classifi cations as a tool SUMMARY OF CORPORATE for prioritising the monitoring of its supplier RESPONSIBILITY POLICIES chain. Wärtsilä’s corporate responsibility policies cover important labour rights. Especially, the corporation’s occupational health and safety 171 Wärtsilä, Supplier Handbook, 2012: http://www.wart- sila.fi /fi /about/suppliers/supplier-handbook

46 Wärtsilä also does not compile a human short-term contracts over the course of rights risk assessment when it initiates a new numerous years. The salaries and in-kind- construction project in a high-risk country. benefi ts of contract workers were not at the For this reason, the corporation might over- same level as those of permanent workers. look important issues that may have a direct Wärtsilä justifi ed its use of contract workers impact on the realisation of labour rights for with the changes in the factory’s produc- both Wärtsilä’s own employees and those of tion status. However, Finnwatch feels that it subcontractors. is dubious to transfer the risks of seasonable changes so completely to the workers.

SUMMARY ON WORKING CONDITIONS AT WÄRTSILÄ’S FACTORY IN INDIA SUMMARY OF WORKING CONDITIONS AT THE FACTORY OF WÄRTSILÄ’S INDIAN Wärtsilä’s factory located in Khopoli was SUBCONTRACTOR ECHJAY FORGINGS clean and well-maintained, and the factory’s workers confi rmed that the factory placed Workers, who work at a factory owned an emphasis on occupational safety. Occu- by Wärtsilä’s Indian subcontractor Echjay pational safety seemed to be organised and Forgings, reported serious defects in working managed in accordance with Wärtsilä’s cor- conditions at the factory. The migrants the porate responsibility policies. factory had employed as contract workers earned very low daily wages, and they did Apart from this, there were other areas that not have adequate documentation on their required correction with regard to working employment at the factory. Workers did not conditions. Many of the factory’s workers receive the statutory compensation for over- only earned the minimum wage, which time, nor were they given any type of payslip. according to workers and Finnwatch’s cal- Migrant workers account for a large share of culation was not a living wage. The lowest the factory’s labour force. salaries earned by workers were only half of what is estimated as the local living wage. The living conditions in a factory-owned dorm were subpar. The dorm area had no waste Dissatisfaction with the wages is related to management, insuffi cient sanitation and the factory’s problematic trade union rela- no running water. The dorm’s small rooms tions. The management of Wärtsilä’s factory housed numerous workers. According to the in India had independently commissioned a factory, the workers are responsible for the trade union to act at the factory, and entered upkeep of the dorm area, and management into an agreement with this trade union on stated that workers did not have to live in salaries. The management stated that this these living quarters, which were intended was a way to “avoid” periodic collective bar- for temporary stays. gaining. Many workers were dissatisfi ed with the actions of the trade union, and it did not Interviewed factory workers stated that there represent the factory’s contract workers at were problems with occupational safety at all. Wärtsilä’s corporate responsibility poli- the factory. Serious industrial accidents had cies emphasise freedom to association and taken place at the factory, and the workers the corporation’s close cooperation with the felt that the factory was indifferent and inef- trade union can be seen as contradicting the fective in this regard: the employer does spirit of these policies. not provide adequate protective clothing or safety training for the factory’s workers. Wärtsilä uses a signifi cant number of contract Workers reported that the factory cheats workers at its factory. Only 60 of the factory’s during audits. shop-fl oor workers are permanent workers, while the number of contract workers According to the factory’s former employees employed varies between 100 and 120. Some and trade union representatives, the factory of the workers interviewed by Finnwatch said takes aggressive measures to limit its that contract workers received back-to-back workers’ freedom of association. A confl ict,

47 which started in 2010, has escalated to a workers were due to the workers not being workers’ strike, a lockout running for months aware of matters or misunderstanding these. on end initiated by the factory and fi nally a Conducted interviews made it clear that court case. Echjay Forgings is accusing the workers frequently did not understand their local trade union of blackmailing the factory terms of employment or had simply not and urging workers to reduce their work rate. heard of them. For instance, the contradicting information concerning working hours and Echjay Forgings acted aggressively during the overtime compensation from the employer course of Finnwatch’s research: the company and workers were most likely due to workers threatened to sue Finnwatch for publishing not being aware of how working hours were the report, and implied that there were “ulte- counted. rior motives” for the report. The company refused to answer Finnwatch’s supplemen- Wärtsilä told Finnwatch that the corpora- tary questions and stated that this was tion has set up a resource at the worksite to because some of the matters covered in this support workers, and that this resource pro- report apply to the company’s relationship vides information on the workers’ terms of with the trade union, and these are currently employment and working conditions. None- being resolved via court proceedings. theless, workers did not always understand what was required of them and what had been agreed to. Wärtsilä told Finnwatch that, SUMMARY OF WORKING CONDITIONS in future, it would pay closer attention to this AT WÄRTSILÄ’S POWER PLANT matter. CONSTRUCTION SITE IN MOZAMBIQUE The local level of education also refl ects on Labour rights are realised relatively well, at comprehension of terms of employment. Wärtsilä’s construction site in Mozambique. The majority of the interviewed workers had The key problem areas encountered by con- only attended comprehensive school, which struction workers were related to wages played a part in their awareness of labour that were not suffi cient to cover living costs, rights and their ability to impact on the reali- ambiguities with regard to overtime compen- sation of labour rights. sation and deductions from salaries, as well as ineffective trade union work. Observed The realisation of labour rights in Mozam- problems with the right to organise were bique is further hindered by the ineffective- not Wärtsilä’s fault, but lead to a situation ness of trade unions. The trade union that in which Wärtsilä should be expected to be represents the construction workers is not especially vigilant with regard to the realisa- effective in pursuing the workers interests. tion of labour rights. Therefore, workers do not have a tenable option for impacting on problem points, or The circumstances of the construction site’s a manner in which to receive support from security guards caused the greatest alarm. the trade union in matters related to labour Security guards were dissatisfi ed with their rights. The trade union movement as a whole working conditions, and they did not have is a relatively new concept in Mozambique, any tenable avenue for making their concerns and the poor reputation of the unions and known by the employer and fi nding a resolu- the corruption allegations aimed at them are tion for these. telling of why trade unions have diffi culties in Problems encountered by security guards pursuing the interests of workers. working at the Wärtsilä construction site were related to the overall poor working con- ditions within Mozambique’s security service industry. A large share of the problem points observed in the working conditions of construction

48 9. Recommendations

WÄRTSILÄ

• Wärtsilä must commit to the UN Guiding • We recommend that Wärtsilä’s own Principles on Business and Human Rights manufacture units obtain responsibility both publically and in practice. certifi cates verifi ed by a third party, such as the SA8000. • Wärtsilä’s corporate responsibility poli- cies must include a requirement for a living • Wärtsilä must provide correct and truth- wage 172. ful information on the human rights risks related to its activities in its annual report. • Wärtsilä must adopt human rights risk The information currently given in the assessments for its own factories, construc- annual report on supplier ratings and tion projects in different countries and its audits related to these can be considered subcontractors. Monitoring of the labour misleading. rights of existing subcontractors must be effectively prioritised, e.g. by utilising high- • Wärtsilä must not terminate it supplier risk country lists. relationship with Echjay Forgings; instead, Wärtsilä must initiate dialogue to fi nd and • Responsibility audits and certifi cations correct the problem points that came to implemented by third parties must be uti- light in Finnwatch’s research. lised in the monitoring of the accountability of subcontractors. Special attention must be paid to the quality of audits.

DECISION MAKERS

• The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights must be implemented aggressively and determinedly. Compa- nies must be obligated by law to commit to human rights due diligence. • Finland must ensure that the services provided by the Team Finland network take into account the human rights risks involved in business activities. Companies must be given information on realisation of human rights obligations.

172 Finnwatch’s own Model for Calculation a Living Wage can be found in: http://fi nnwatch.org/images/Living- wagemodel.pdf

49 Finn watch ry Pääskylänrinne 7 B 62 00550 Helsinki info@fi nnwatch.org www.fi nn watch.org