Nurit Stadler. A Well-Worn Tallis for a New Ceremony: Trends in Israeli Haredi Culture. Brighton: Academic Studies Press, 2012. 174 pp. $70.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-936235-82-7.

Reviewed by Yoel Finkelman

Published on H-Judaic (September, 2012)

Commissioned by Jason Kalman (Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion)

According to 's Central Bureau of Statis‐ cal perspective, in addition to a growing number tics, more than a quarter of Jewish elementary of scholars working on economics, geography, school students in the State of Israel are studying quantitative sociology, history, Jewish thought, in the Haredi sector, suggesting that Haredim will and Jewish law. only become more important as time goes on.[1] Opening in the frst two chapters with a sur‐ For this reason alone, we should celebrate the vey of various sociological theories of the relation growth in the past decade of careful quantitative of religion to modernity as well as a thorough lit‐ and qualitative studies of Israeli Haredim. Nurit erature review of anthropological studies of Is‐ Stadler's A Well-Worn Tallis for a New Ceremony: raeli Haredim, the book continues with a series of Trends in Israeli Haredi Culture makes an impor‐ case studies of changing Haredi attitudes toward tant contribution, bringing to an English-speaking aspects of contemporary non-Haredi culture and audience more of this growing Israeli academic society. Chapter 3 uses the example of ZAKA and conversation. Building on her closely related (and Yad Sara, two Haredi-founded nonproft organiza‐ somewhat more polished) 2009 book, Yeshiva tions that make important contributions to non- Fundamentalism: Piety, Gender, and Resistance in Haredi Israelis, arguing that a new spirit of citi‐ the Ultra-Orthodox World, Stadler ofers a rich zenship and civic duty has appeared among a sig‐ understanding of Haredi experience based on nifcant number of young Haredi men. Despite the close observation, interviews, written sources, fact that minority fundamentalist groups often and multimedia materials. Stadler is part of a fnd themselves in opposition to civil society and growing group of Israeli students of Haredi cul‐ government, many Haredim "are actively seeking ture--including Tamar El-Or, Gideon Aran, Yoram wider public recognition and legitimacy by adapt‐ Bilu, and others--who ofer rich analysis of con‐ ing themselves to popular liberal models of citi‐ temporary Haredi culture from an anthropologi‐ H-Net Reviews zenship, which place an emphasis on, say, 'giving of the larger nation and have taken on a spirit of back' to society at large" (p. 64). voluntarism in order to help contribute their In chapter 4, Stadler suggests signifcant share. The book closes with a chapter on "post- changes in Haredi gender images. A gradual di‐ fundamentalism" (p. 123), suggesting an increased minishment of focus on male emotional self-con‐ openness to Israel and Israeli culture on the part trol and asceticism has put a new focus on mascu‐ of Israel's Haredim. Israeli Haredim may be mov‐ line domesticity, in which men are increasingly ing away from the enclave model of fundamental‐ encouraged to value emotional interpersonal rela‐ ism to something more integrated and fuid. tions with their wives and children. Borrowing Stadler puts forward, clearly and with much from John Bartkowski's work on evangelical evidence, what amounts to the current reigning Promise Keepers in North America, she explains narrative in Israeli anthropological studies of con‐ that strong family life is necessary to maintain the temporary Haredi culture, namely that Haredi Ju‐ religious enclave, which in turn requires men to daism is undergoing a process of Israelization in contribute their share of the emotional work in which Haredi have greater contact with non- marriage and child-rearing. In a particularly Haredi culture than they did in the past. "The ul‐ sharp and insightful section, she points to ways in tra-Orthodox ... display greater openness to main‐ which Haredi men feel emasculated and helpless-- stream society.... The mounting exposure to the even angry at their rabbinic leaders--because of 'outside world' has been facilitated by modern rabbinic edicts that insist that men not earn a liv‐ technologies, particularly computers, mobile ing but study Torah full-time. As one student put phones, the Internet, and DVDs. As a result, many it, "Our rabbis do not understand this conun‐ Haredis now have access to 'forbidden' sources of drum.... They recommend that women should be information that were hitherto safely out of sent to work in order to support their husbands reach" (p. 12). This has led to increased infuence economically ... or [they espouse] the elevation of on Haredim of outside forces and greater open‐ yeshiva isolation as an ideal model of piety.... This ness to those forces.[2] The argument is clear, well is wrong; we cannot feel comfortable with this.... presented, based on systematically gathered evi‐ This is not what is stated in the Torah" (p. 84). dence, and is, no doubt, at least partially true. Next, Stadler traces the increased resonance Still, I want to try to push Stadler's argument of military language and metaphor in Haredi a bit further, in two ways. First, I want to chal‐ men's discussion. Haredi men speak openly about lenge some of the unstated historical assumptions a desire to serve in the army, even if that is not a in the book. Second, I would like to point to some desire they can actualize, and they often use mili‐ evidence that pushes in the opposite direction of tary imagery to talk about their own yeshiva ex‐ Stadler's conclusions, not because her conclusions perience, battling the evil impulse, conquering are incorrect, but because the Haredi community temptation, and protecting the people of Israel is experiencing paradoxical, contradictory, and through the sanctity of Torah. This suggests an in‐ seemingly mutually exclusive trends simultane‐ fuence of Israeli military culture on Haredim. ously. Chapter 6 returns to ZAKA, arguing that the spirit A Well-Worn Tallis identifes contemporary of volunteerism that inspires Haredi volunteers trends in Haredi culture and argues that they rep‐ who care for the often mutilated bodies of mur‐ resent a move toward opening up the boundaries dered terror victims refects a profound concern between Haredi and non-Haredi culture. Yet, the for the well-being of non-Haredi Israel. Israeli book does not articulate in a precise way the Haredi men care profoundly about the well-being point of historical comparison. When was Haredi

2 H-Net Reviews culture more insulated and closed of? When and rated public bus declares the bus to be Haredi ter‐ how were things less open? Stadler does not make ritory, in which non-Haredim will feel uncomfort‐ this explicit, but the unstated assumption seems able and part of the outgroup. Gender-separated to be that the 1970s and 1980s represent a kind of sidewalks keep non-Haredim out. Take also the golden age of Haredism, when the community example of geographic isolationism. A generation was more isolated, when there were fewer points or two ago, many neighborhoods, particularly in of encounter between Haredi and non-Haredi cul‐ , could include both Haredim and non- ture, and when lived experience more closely Haredim. Today, neighborhoods and entire cities matched isolationist communal ideology. In con‐ are Haredi only, and often neighborhoods segre‐ trast to that period, today's Haredim appear more gate by subgroups of Haredi Jews. open and infuenced by outside cultural trends. What to make of these contradictory trends is Still, to the best of my knowledge, we lack an an‐ a matter of interpretation and further research. thropological study or a thick description of Hare‐ Perhaps signs of greater openness have pushed di life in the 70s and 80s. more conservative elements toward further isola‐ But there is reason to suspect that if we tion. Perhaps additional isolation leads to a sense looked as closely at that time as we do at contem‐ of confnement that pushes Haredim to search be‐ porary Haredi life we would fnd signs of open‐ yond the community's boundaries. Perhaps grow‐ ness and cultural interaction, albeit somewhat dif‐ ing Haredi size and self-confdence is simply cre‐ ferent ones. We might not fnd Haredi gyms, as ating more diversity. much subtly subversive women's fction, or ZAKA. Thus, Stadler does a fne and careful job of Instead, we would fnd Haredim listening to non- telling half of the story, the half of the story in Haredi radio stations, since the phenomenon of which Haredim, non-Haredim, and their respec‐ Haredi radio had not developed. We would fnd tive cultures are having more interactions. She Bnei Brak not as an exclusively Haredi city, but downplays the other half of the story, in which with religious-Zionist residents as well, which they are interacting less. Only time will tell how would have helped create day-to-day encounters these contradictory trends play out in the ongoing between Haredim and others. We would not fnd interactions between an increasingly infuential gender-separated health clinics, for Haredim only, Haredi community and the rest of Israel. but day-to-day meetings outside the pediatrician's Notes ofce. [1]. See http://www.cbs.gov.il/reader/shnaton/ A corollary of this speculation is the sugges‐ templ_shnaton.html? tion that Haredi culture has not moved in one di‐ num_tab=st08_09&CYear=2011, accessed July rection, toward greater openness and interaction, 2012. but might be moving in several contradictory di‐ rections simultaneously. Take the example of sep‐ [2]. See, for example, Kimmy Caplan and Nu‐ aration between the sexes. A generation ago, no‐ rit Stadler, eds., Leadership and Authority in Is‐ body had heard of separate-gender public buses raeli Haredi Society [Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Van Leer or municipal sidewalks. Needless to say, gender Institute and Hakkibbutz Hameuchad, 2009); and separation is a complex phenomenon that needs Emmanuel Sivan and Kimmy Caplan, eds., Israeli to be analyzed from multiple methodological per‐ Haredim: Integration without Assimilation? [He‐ spectives, but one social function of increased brew] (Tel Aviv: Van Leer Institute and Hakkibutz gender separation is to set up boundaries be‐ Hameuchad, 2003). tween Haredim and non-Haredim. A gender-sepa‐

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Citation: Yoel Finkelman. Review of Stadler, Nurit. A Well-Worn Tallis for a New Ceremony: Trends in Israeli Haredi Culture. H-Judaic, H-Net Reviews. September, 2012.

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