Biography As History
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Ex-Father of the Nation - the New York Times
Ex-Father of the Nation - The New York Times http://www.nytimes.com/2001/04/15/books/ex-father-of-the-nation.htm... April 15, 2001 By Pankaj Mishra GANDHI'S PASSION The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. By Stanley Wolpert. Illustrated. 308 pp. New York: Oxford University Press. $27.50. In 1894, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi arrived in South Africa as a young shiftless lawyer from India. He planned to spend a year; he ended up spending two extraordinary decades during which he moved from being the resentful victim of local racial humiliations to the initiator of a wholly new kind of political activism based upon nonviolence. When he finally left South Africa in 1914, after having organized a small and frequently trampled-upon Indian minority into a significant political force, his greatest Afrikaner adversary, Gen. Jan Smuts, was relieved enough to write to a friend, ''The saint has left our shores, I hope, forever.'' More than 30 years later, a few months after India's long-delayed independence in 1947, Gandhi was assassinated by a Hindu Brahmin named Nathuram Godse, who turned out to have been one of the many rationalists exasperated and bewildered by Gandhi. In a remarkably coherent statement in court, Godse explained that he had killed Gandhi in order to cleanse India of such ''old superstitious beliefs'' as the ''power of the soul, the inner voice, the fast, the prayer and the purity of the mind.'' He had felt that nonviolence of the kind Gandhi advocated could only ''lead the nation toward ruin.'' With Gandhi out of the way, Godse said, India would be ''free to follow the course founded on reason which I consider to be necessary for sound nation-building''; it would ''surely be practical, able to retaliate, and would be powerful with armed forces.'' Far from being a lone gunman, Godse spoke for millions of educated Hindus, including some of Gandhi's closest disciples, who felt that the ''father of the nation'' was a burden upon a country that now had to be governed in modern, rational ways. -
STANLEY WOLPERT. Shameful Flight: the Last Years of the British Empire in India
BOOK REVIEWS Ⅵ 475 STANLEY WOLPERT. Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Pp. 238. $28.00 (cloth). Two decades after Partition, the geographer Aloys Michel sought the insights of the last governor of undivided Punjab, Evan Jenkins, on the arrangements made by the departing British. Jenkins responded: “If you ever delve more deeply into the political and adminis- trative aspects of the Transfer of Power, it is as well to remember that almost everyone concerned has an axe to grind. The truth will no doubt prevail ‘when none cares whether it prevail or not,’ and some historian is able to examine both the official records and the Indian newspapers of the time” (letter to Aloys Michel, dated 27 November 1967; Private Papers of Evan Jenkins, British Library, D807). In Shameful Flight, historian Stanley Wolpert revisits the official record, as presented in the twelve bound volumes entitled The Transfer of Power, 1942–7, and concludes that ten more months of negotiations among the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League, and the British might well have rendered the division of the subcontinent unnecessary. Rarely do historians admit to having been incorrect in their previous analyses, especially after two decades of scholarly research. In Jinnah of Pakistan (Oxford, 1984), Wolpert had credited Muhammad Ali Jinnah with having “conjured” Pakistan “into statehood by the force of his indomitable will” (vii). But in Shameful Flight, Wolpert admits that he had underestimated the “monumental importance of Mountbatten’s negativity towards Jinnah” (10) while doing his research. -
A Ñisforuol NDIH'
./l . l'e-¡c .."$*{fr.n;iT " a^ã*'.t't ç1' """'" A ñisforuol NDIH' Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund Ël I-ondon and New York f røeo] i i f The Freedom Movement and the partition of India 277 I The Freedom 't Movement and the a solidarity based on a glorious past. This solidarity 7 .{ traditionalism became Partition of India i a major feature of Indian nationalism - and as it was based on Hindu v traditions, it excluded the Muslims. i The Muslims were suspicious of this neo-Hinduism and even distrusted iq I its profession of religious universalism. The emphasis on the equality F i: of all religions was seen as particularly t a subtle threat to Islamic iden- tity. ! But while such trends among the educated Hindu elite were merely The Indian Freedom Movement i suspect to the Muslims, more popular movements of Hindu solidarity ,i - such as the cow-protection movement in Northern India _ were The challenge of imperial rule produced India's nationalism, which raised ''' positively resented by them as a direct attack on their own religious prac- its head rather early in the nineteenth century. Among the new educated i tices, which included cow-slaughter at certain religious fesiivals. the elite there were some critical intenectuars lookeã i wlo upon foreign rule i Hindi-urdu controversy in Northern India added additional fuel to the as a transient phenomenon. As earry as ; lg49 Gopal i{ari Desãmukh ! fire of communal conflict. The Hindus asked only for equal recognition praised American democracy in a Marathi newspaper and predicted that of their language Hindi, written in Devanagari script as a language the Indians would emulate the American I - - revolutionaries ànd drive out permitted in the courts of law, where so far urdu written in Nastaliq the British. -
Mahadev Govind Ranade and the Indian Social Conference
MAHADEV GOVIND RANADE AND THE INDIAN SOCIAL CONFERENCE DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQU1F?EMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF llasttr of f I)ilo£(opf)P IN POLITICAL SCIENCE BY MOHAMMAD ABID ANSARI UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF PROF. M. SUBRAHMANYAM DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) ie96 \\-:\' .^O at«» \.;-2>^-^9 5^ ':•• w • r.,a DS2982 DEDICATED TO MY MOTHER Prof. M. subrahmanyam Department o1 Political Science Aligarh Muslim University Phones {Internal: z^i^\CI'Birm,n Aligarh—202 002 365 Office Oated... CERTIFICATE This is to certify that Mohammad Abid An sari has ccxnpleted his dissertation on "Mahadev Govind Ranade and the Indian Social Conference" under ray supervision. It is his original contribution. In ray opinion this dissertation is suitable for submission for the award of Master of Philosophy in Political science. .J >'^ >->^ Prof. M. subrahnanyam CONTENTS PAGE NO. PREFACE I - III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS IV- V CHAPTERS I GENESIS OF SOCIAL REFORM IN INDIA 1-24 II A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 25-49 III THE SOCIAL REFORMER 50-83 IV RANADE AND THE INDIAN SOCIAL CONFERENCE 84-98 V CONCLUSION 99 - 109 BIBLIOGRAPHY I - IV ** * PREFACE The Indian Renaissance of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries Is one of the most significant movements of Indian history. The nineteenth century« rationalisn, and htunanlsm had influenced* religions, science* philosophy* politics* economics* law and morality* The English education Inspired a new spirit and pregresaive ideas. Thus a number of schools -
Multilateralism: Alignment for Peace?
Lecture 26 HRH The Prince Hassan of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Winstanley Theatre Wednesday 26th November 2003 Multilateralism: Alignment for Peace? I am grateful for the opportunity to talk of a great man - a man of vision, full of great ideas. I am sure if Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru were alive, he would powerfully plead for multilateralism in the context of ‘alignment for peace’ just as he promoted non-alignment in the context of the Cold War in the bipolar world in which he lived. Nehru served as a role model for millions around the world, not only as a statesman, but also as a human being and as a humanitarian committed to building a better future for mankind. According to one of his biographers, Stanley Wolpert, “Nehru loved thinking about the future. Planning was one of his passions, for his mind always raced ahead, often flying high above the boring wasteland of the moment... His vision of the future was one world of socialist humanism, in which each person would create or labour to the limits of his or her ability” 1. One of his partners in the promotion of non-alignment, President Nasser of Egypt, opined that he is “not only the exponent of the dreams deeply nestled in the hearts of the people of India. He is also the expression of the human conscience itself” 2. It might interest you to know that the years Nehru spent as a young student in England influenced him a lot in his future thinking. A few months before he started here in Cambridge at Trinity College, he toured Ireland with his cousin Brijlal Nehru. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1. Salman Rushdie was on born 19 June 1947; he spent his childhood in Bombay but went to England at the age of fourteen to study at Rugby. He enrolled at Cambridge University to read history and afterwards lived mainly in Great Britain, before settling in the USA. After the Ayatollah Khomeini pronounced a fatwa against Rushdie and his novel The Satanic Verses (1988) in February 1989, Rushdie lived in hiding for several years but continued to write, produ- cing The Moor’s Last Sigh among other works. 2. The editions of the novels used are Midnight’s Children (MC) 1995, London: Vintage and The Moor’s Last Sigh (MLS) 1996, London: Vintage, and all page numbers in parentheses refer to these editions. 3. For a view similar to that of Brennan, see Conner 1997: 294–7. Teresa Heffernan likewise argues that Midnight’s Children is ‘from the outset sus- picious of the very model [...] of the modern nation’ (Heffernan 2000: 472); Thompson asserts that Rushdie eventually portrays the Indian nation as a ‘bad myth’ (Thompson 1995: 21). 4. See Bernd Hirsch 2001: 56–77. Heike Hartung focuses on exploring trends in western historiography in her study on the novels by Peter Ackroyd, Graham Swift and Salman Rushdie; she also briefly juxtaposes British and Indian his- toriography by contrasting the representation of the history of the Indian national movement in Percival Spear’s The Oxford History of India (1981) and Sumit Sarkar’s Modern India 1885–1947 (1989), without, however, making use of this material in her discussion of Rushdie’s novels (Hartung 2002: 235–41). -
Indian Political Economy Reading List Maria BACH
Indian Political Economy Reading List Maria BACH Indian Political Economy Maria Bach 13 & 14 November 2017 Reading List Core Readings for Lecture, 13 November 2017 Secondary Sources Omkarnath, G. 2016. “Indian Development Thinking” in Reinert, E.S., Ghosh, J. and Kattel, R. eds., 2016. Handbook of Alternative Theories of Economic Development. Edward Elgar Publishing, pp. 212-227. Core Readings for Seminar, 14 November 2017 Primary Sources Dutt, R. C. 1901. Indian Famines, Their Causes and Prevention Westminster. London: P. S. King & Son. Sen, A. 1981. Poverty and famines: an essay on entitlement and deprivation. Oxford university press. Chapters 1 (pp. 1-8), 5 (pp. 45-51), & 6 (pp. 52-85). Further Reading Secondary Sources Adams, J. 1971. “The Institutional Economics of Mahadev Govind Ranade”. Journal of Economic Issues, 5(2), 80-92. Dasgupta, A. K. 2002. History of Indian Economic Thought, London: Routledge. Dutt, S. C. 1934. Conflicting tendencies in Indian economic thought. Calcutta: NM Ray- Chowdhury and Company. Gallagher, R. 1988. “M. G. Ranade and the Indian system of political economy”, Executive Intelligence Review, (May 27) 15(22): pp. 11-15. 1 Indian Political Economy Reading List Maria BACH Ganguli, B.N. 1977. Indian Economic Thought: Nineteenth Century Perspectives. New Delhi: Tata. Gopalakrishnan, P. K. 1954. Development of Economic Ideas in India, 1880-1914. People's Publishing House: Institute of social studies. Goswami, M. 2004. Producing India: From Colonial Economy to National Space. USA: The University of Chicago Press. Gupta, J.N., 1911. Life and Work of Romesh Chunder Dutt, with an Introd. by His Highness the Maharaja of Baroda. -
A Golden Opportunity for South Asia
A Golden Opportunity for South Asia Stanley Wolpert Professor of History, University of California at Los Angeles stan, offers South Asia's most powerful nations a golden opportunity for This golden enlightened jubilee change. With year Prime Ministerof India's Inder Kumar independence Gujral now at and of the birth of Paki the helm of New Delhi's polity, and Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif enjoying great popular support in Islamabad, South Asia may at last be ready to end half a century of mortal conflict and enter the next millennium at peace. Fifty years of war and terror, causing chaos and economic dislocation, have been the bitter legacies of a hasty, inept Partition that tore apart British India's breadbasket of Punjab and its most populous province of Bengal in mid August 1947. Deep-rooted religious differences and competing political ambi tions conspired to disrupt British India's stability with periodic communal riots during the last four decades of that Raj. All three of the major parties of the Partition, Britain's Government of India, the Indian National Congress, and the Muslim League, share historic blame for the bloody transfer of power that left more than a million fleeing Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs to die violently in the Partition's immediate aftermath. The end of World War II found Great Britain so sick of imperial respon sibilities and in such deep Sterling debt to India that its new Labour Government could barely wait to extricate itself from South Asia. Prime Minister Attlee sent the King's handsome young cousin, "Dickie" Lord Mountbatten, to New Delhi to put the best British ceremonial face on that final act of the Raj, with pomp and pageantry enough on the eve of Partition for the world's press almost to blot out the Hindu-Muslim-Sikh bloodbath of a civil war that ravaged the subcontinent Summer/Fall 1997 - Volume IV, Issue 2 209 This content downloaded from 128.148.254.57 on Tue, 06 Feb 2018 20:59:33 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Stanley Wolpert in its wake. -
BOOK REVIEW Wolpert, Stanley. India and Pakistan : Continued Conflict
BOOK REVIEW Wolpert, Stanley. India and Pakistan : Continued Conflict or Cooperation? (Los Angeles; University of California Press, 2010), PP.126. Air Commodore Zia ul Haque Shamsi The book ‘India and Pakistan: Continued Conflict or Cooperation?’ is the latest addition to Stanley Wolpert’s works on the issues and personalities of South Asia. The book is divided into ten chapters over 126 pages. Keeping in view his vast experience and expertise of the region, this book appears to be a lucid narrative of the historical facts and incidents of distant and near past, and therefore best be seen as a routine work by an otherwise very accomplished and renowned writer. In his introduction, the author, at the outset, declares Kashmir conflict as deadly, costly and the most dangerous of all prevailing disputes between the two neighboring nuclear states. He earnestly desires a peaceful resolution of the dispute, for which he is making contributions through his writings and organizing conferences with representations from all the concerned stakeholders. First two chapters deal with the historical problems and the first Kashmir war of 1947-48. Wolpert begins with the narrative of the ancient Kashmir from the days of Emperor Asoka, who founded Srinagar as the capital of Kashmir during 269 to 232 BC. The author, very passionately describes the beauty of the Vale, its gardens, eclectic culture and the craftsmanship of its artisans. Islam’s entry into Kashmir in the 11th century started to change the complexion of its predominantly Buddhist population. The author remembers the Rule of Zain-ul-Abidin (1420- 1 70) as the golden period during which Hindus and Buddhists enjoyed equal rights. -
Dadabhai Naoroji
UNIT – IV POLITICAL THINKERS DADABHAI NAOROJI Dadabhai Naoroji (4 September 1825 – 30 June 1917) also known as the "Grand Old Man of India" and "official Ambassador of India" was an Indian Parsi scholar, trader and politician who was a Liberal Party member of Parliament (MP) in the United Kingdom House of Commons between 1892 and 1895, and the first Asian to be a British MP, notwithstanding the Anglo- Indian MP David Ochterlony Dyce Sombre, who was disenfranchised for corruption after nine months. Naoroji was one of the founding members of the Indian National Congress. His book Poverty and Un-British Rule in India brought attention to the Indian wealth drain into Britain. In it he explained his wealth drain theory. He was also a member of the Second International along with Kautsky and Plekhanov. Dadabhai Naoroji's works in the congress are praiseworthy. In 1886, 1893, and 1906, i.e., thrice was he elected as the president of INC. In 2014, Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg inaugurated the Dadabhai Naoroji Awards for services to UK-India relations. India Post depicted Naoroji on stamps in 1963, 1997 and 2017. Contents 1Life and career 2Naoroji's drain theory and poverty 3Views and legacy 4Works Life and career Naoroji was born in Navsari into a Gujarati-speaking Parsi family, and educated at the Elphinstone Institute School.[7] He was patronised by the Maharaja of Baroda, Sayajirao Gaekwad III, and started his career life as Dewan (Minister) to the Maharaja in 1874. Being an Athornan (ordained priest), Naoroji founded the Rahnumai Mazdayasan Sabha (Guides on the Mazdayasne Path) on 1 August 1851 to restore the Zoroastrian religion to its original purity and simplicity. -
Role of Congress in the Emancipation of Untouchables of India: Perspective of Dr
International Journal of Academic Research and Development International Journal of Academic Research and Development ISSN: 2455-4197, Impact Factor: RJIF 5.22 www.newresearchjournal.com/academic Volume 1; Issue 5; May 2016; Page No. 87-90 Role of congress in the emancipation of untouchables of India: Perspective of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Dr. SK Bhadarge Head, History Department, B. N.N. College, Bhiwandi, Maharashtra, India Abstract Dr. Ambedker’s concept of social justice stands for the liberty, equality and fraternity of all human beings. Dr. Ambedkar a rationalist and humanist, did not approve any type of hupocrisy, injustice and exploitation of man by man in the name of religion. He critics on Indian society and come to the conclusion that caste system as the greatest evil of Hindu religion. Indian National congress was established in the year 1885 and she started the political movement throughout in India. Some of the congress leader like Mahadev Govind Randade believed that without social change in our society there is no use to run the political movement in India. With his efforts social conference was established in the year 1887 for the social movement but some orthodoxy congress leader object to Ranade to run the social activities under the umbrella of Congress. Under the president of Mrs. Annie Besant in the year 1917 resolution was passed regarding the untouchbility. It means now congress was thinking that, untouchability should remove from the society. But what exactly constructive work done by congress to remove the untochability from the society? How much congress was succeeded to remove untochbility from the society that has been criticized by Dr. -
New Insights Into the Debates on Rural Indebtedness in 19Th Century Deccan
SPECIAL ARTICLE New Insights into the Debates on Rural Indebtedness in 19th Century Deccan Parimala V Rao The peasantry in the Deccan suffered from widespread n the pre-colonial Deccan of the 17th century the peasantry, indebtedness during the 19th century. In March 1881, as far as their liability to the state was concerned, comprised two categories – those who paid little or no rent to the State after touring the rural areas of Poona and Ahmadnagar I and those who paid high rent. The first category was dominated districts, which were still recovering from the by affluent Brahmins and elite Marathas who owned most of devastations caused by famine and the credit crunch the fertile lands as rent free or inam lands. The inams were land followed by the peasant revolt of 1876-79, grants often for the services rendered to the state. In the Deccan, villages and at times groups of villages were held as inam. In Mahadev Govind Ranade proposed the establishment of the Badami taluka of Belgaum district 76 complete villages and agricultural-shetkari banks. The nationalists led by 42% of arable land in the remaining 151 villages were held as Bal Gangadhar Tilak opposed the proposal. This article inam.1 So what was available for cultivation to the second cate- explores the debates on peasant indebtedness and the gory of tax paying peasants called mirasdars (holder of hereditary rights) and uparis (without hereditary rights) was intervention of nationalists on behalf of the less fertile land. This category comprised a few landlords who moneylenders to oppose even limited measures to assist were peasants from the Maratha-Kunbi castes and the rest owned peasants in the rural economy.