EXCAVATIONS AT CRISPIN STREET, SPITALFIELDS: FROM ROMAN CEMETERY TO POST-MEDIEVAL ARTILLERY GROUND
Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts†
With contributions by John Brown, Natasha Dodwell, Märit Gaimster, James Gerrard, Chris Jarrett, Malcolm Lyne, Quita Mould, Kathelen Sayer, John Shepherd and Lisa Yeomans
SUMMARY which was evidenced by the discovery of an early 18th- century cattle horn core lined cesspit. There was also This article describes archaeological investigations indirect evidence for clay tobacco pipe manufacture undertaken by Pre-Construct Archaeology Ltd on land locally during c.1660 to 1680. off Crispin Street, Spitalfields, in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets. A total of 36 Roman inhumation INTRODUCTION burials dating from the 2nd and 3rd centuries ad, forming part of the extra-mural cemetery alongside The site lies to the north-east of the City of Ermine Street were identified. Unusual burials includ- London within Spitalfields and is bounded ed a decapitated individual. to the north by housing fronting on to During the late 13th century the site was bisected by Brushfield Street and to the east, south and the outer precinct boundary of the Priory and Hospital west by Crispin Street, Artillery Lane and of St Mary Spital. This boundary which was delin- Gun Street respectively (NGR TQ 3355 8170; eated by a ditch and bank was to remain extant in one site code CPN01) (Figs 1 & 2). In advance form or another on roughly the same alignment until of proposed redevelopment Pre-Construct the present development. Just prior to the Dissolution Archaeology Ltd was commissioned to in 1538 a brick wall was constructed around the outer undertake archaeological investigations precinct, which was leased to the Guild of Artillery of on site by the Manhattan Loft Corporation Longbows, Crossbows and Handguns for the purpose Ltd and Osbourne Group. The area of of artillery practice. By the late 17th century the first archaeological impact was c.1,750m², with houses were constructed along Crispin Street, backing a proposed formation level at 2.4m below on to the precinct known by then as the Artillery the current ground level at approximately Ground. Soon afterwards the Ground was sold off and 10.90m OD. developed with new housing. The Tudor wall remained, Excavation of the site took place during forming the rear boundary between the houses fronting 2001 (Areas 1—6, Fig 2) and 2003 (Area 7). on to Crispin Street and Gun Street, but was subject Changes to the original development plan to much subsequent alteration. As elsewhere in the resulted in an increased impact on the Spitalfields area the site remained largely residential archaeological resource to the north of the into the 19th century, but it also formed the focus for site and in the south-west corner. As a result a variety of trades and light industries throughout groundworks in these areas were monitored the post-medieval period, including horn working, by an archaeological watching brief during 1 2 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts
Fig 1. Site location (scale 1:25,000)
December 2004 to February 2005 (Areas 8 & 9). This article uses the Museum of London codes for ceramics and building materials. Complete lists of these codes, their expan- sions and date ranges are available online.1 Further information on the excavations identified by their site codes can beob- tained from the Museum of London Arch- aeological Archive and Research Centre online catalogue. The historical research for this article was undertaken by the late Christopher Phillpotts.
GEOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY
The site lies on the Taplow Thames Gravel Terrace, which is overlain by brickearth, known as the Langley Silts (British Geological Survey 1993). The area is fairly flat, although there is a slight slope southwards towards the river Thames. The level of the gravel was found to range from a high in the north of 10.76m OD to a low in the south of 10.02m OD. The brickearth survived to a maximum height of c.12.0m OD to the north of the site with
Fig 2. Location of the various areas of archaeological investigation (scale 1:1000) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 3 a thickness of 1.24m, but had been subject John Stow, the Tudor historian, recorded to truncation elsewhere. The level on the that when ‘a large field, of old time called brickearth is approximately a metre higher Lolesworth, now Spittlefield; which in than generally reported in the area. The about 1576 was broken up for clay to make reason for this discrepancy is not known bricks’ many ceramic cremation vessels, but may be related to a local variation in some containing early Roman coins, were topography or simply better preservation. discovered during quarrying. Other finds included inhumations, some of which were ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND interred in stone coffins (Stow 1603, 152— 3). These Roman burials described by Stow The site lies to the east of the former formed part of the northern cemetery, which line of Ermine Street, the major Roman lay on either side of Ermine Street, where road heading north out of Londinium via more than 200 burials have been recorded Bishopsgate. Under Roman law burial (Barber & Hall 2000) (Fig 3). Unfortunately of the dead within town boundaries was many of these discoveries are unpublished forbidden giving rise to the practice of (Barber & Hall 2000; Hall 1996). Of the more burying alongside roads leading away from recent excavations, those undertaken during the main focus of occupation. In London 1998—1999 in the area of Spitalfields Market significant extra-mural Roman cemeteries to the north produced the single largest have been discovered adjacent to the main recorded sample of the northern cemetery roads leading north, east, south and west with reportedly up to 144 burials (Swift 2003, from Londinium (Barber & Bowsher 2000; 24). Another 36 late Roman burials from Beard & Cowan 1988; Bentley & Pritchard Devonshire Square, Houndsditch, have been 1982; Hall 1996; Langton 1990; Mackinder published (Sankey & Connell 2007). 2000; Ridgeway et al 2013; Sankey & Connell Several of these sites have demonstrated 2007; Shepherd 1988; Swift 2003; Thomas that Spitalfields area was not used exclusively et al 1997, 11—13; Watson 2003; Whytehead for burial (Holder 1997; Swift 2003; Thomas 1986). et al 1997). During the early Roman period
Fig 3. The location and extent of the northern Roman cemetery flanking Ermine Street (scale 1:12,500) 4 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts it was also being used to quarry brickearth sloping concave sides falling to a slightly and gravel. In the late Roman period, concave base and was filled with a clayey silt contemporary with the most prolific period producing a small sherd of local mica-dusted of burial, there is evidence from Spital pottery. The ditch continued beyond the Square for a ditched enclosure, indicating northern and western limits of excavation. that some areas were being set aside for Where exposed it measured in excess of other functions (Thomas et al 1997, 11—13). 2.50m in width and 1.00m in depth, which Indeed, the identification of ditches, drains, suggests it represented a significant feature surfaces and possible beam slot buildings in within the landscape. the vicinity have been taken to be indicative Although potentially earlier in origin, the of ribbon development (Swift 2003, 8). pottery suggests the ditch went out of use during the late 1st or early 2nd century ad. PRE-CEMETERY ROMAN ACTIVITY A pit, containing pottery dated from c.ad (LATE 1st—EARLY 2nd CENTURIES ad) 70 to 120 (P3; see ‘The Roman cemetery’ below) truncated the backfilled ditch. It is The earliest evidence of activity on site was possible that this ditch represents an early represented by a large ditch and two pits Roman boundary dividing the landscape truncating the brickearth. The ditch was in for agriculture or for the exploitation of the far north-west corner, orientated north- the natural resources. Similar features east to south-west (Fig 4). The cut had were identified in the eastern cemetery (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 298). As several of these ditches survived to form cemetery plot boundaries, however, it has also been suggested that at least some of them may have been laid out from the beginning to demarcate areas set aside for burial (ibid). At Crispin Street there may be some degree of overlap in dating between the ditch and cemetery, with a couple of the burials pertaining to the early 2nd century ad (B15 & B21). Even if the very earliest burials were interred whilst the ditch was still open, or the possibility is considered that the pottery from the backfill and Pit 3 was residual when deposited, then for the boundary to have gone out of use the cemetery would have continued to function for its fills to have been cut by any of the burials. The exact route of Ermine Street has yet to be established, although current evidence suggests it is likely to have run on roughly the same alignment as Bishopsgate Street (Swift 2003, 21; Thomas et al 1997, 13). Evidence for a further road, running east through Spitalfields, has also been found to the north at 282—294 Bishopsgate (BOS87) (Thomas et al 1997, 13). This would place the ditch at some distance to the south and east of known main roads. Taken together with the evidence for an early backfill and the truncation by later burials it is likely Fig 4. Pre-cemetery features; Ditch 1 and Pits 1 and the ditch was dug for another purpose. 2, showing their found and conjectured extents (scale As suggested above this may have been to 1:625) divide or enclose the land for quarrying Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 5 or agriculture, a division that subsequently the presence of intrusive finds including two became redundant when the area became French jettons dating to the 14th and 15th a cemetery. A series of ditches were also centuries,
Fig 5. The Roman cemetery showing individual graves and line of the earlier ditch (scale 1:400) whole necropolis. As such it is important of almost entirely east—west burials (Sankey to understand that any variations observed & Connell 2007, 56). It should also be noted within the excavated area may not be that medieval and post-medieval truncation reflected across the rest of the cemetery. is likely to have impacted the observable Indeed, at Devonshire Square, for some of pattern. the most southerly burials a very different In reviewing the characteristics of the layout is indicated with neatly ordered rows burial clusters it is evident that both males Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 7 and females of mixed age range are present. limited but there is no indication that burial Also it is clear that the graves are aligned vessels were salvaged or old when deposited both north—south and east—west, and that and very little late Roman pot was present in different burial practices are found within general. Together this indicates a relatively the same groups. At Poundbury in Dorset early date, with at least four burials (B6, B15, a similar distribution across the excavated B20 & B21) being interred during the 2nd cemeteries was tentatively interpreted as century ad. family grouping (Woodward 1993, 235). As inhumation is generally considered to Unfortunately, the skeletal material recov- be a preferred burial rite of the late Roman ered from the Crispin Street site is too period, with a transition from cremation to fragmentary to compare metric and non- interment taking place during the mid or late metric traits to corroborate this idea. Four 2nd to mid-3rd century ad, this would suggest instances of directly intercut burials were that the few dated burials here are relatively recorded, one group within the south- early (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 300; Philpott western cluster (B32 & B33), one to the 1991, 223). The significance of this cannot north-west (B31) and two within the eastern be determined in lieu of integration with the group (B10, B14 & B6—B8). In two cases extensive dataset from the remainder of the three individuals were buried sequentially northern cemetery. At the eastern cemetery in exactly the same location. This is unlikely early Roman burials are present alongside to be coincidental, and given the apparent later burials in all areas of the cemetery, availability of space in the cemetery and with no evident chronological shift across general preference for avoiding other graves the cemetery as a whole (Barber & Bowsher may suggest a more direct connection be- 2000, 54). It is possible that some of the tween the individuals involved. unaccompanied burials excavated at Crispin Two adjacent, although differently aligned, Street are late Roman but, as discussed, the burials in the south central cluster contained absence of 3rd- or 4th-century ad material disc-shaped flints in a very similar location from the graves, and a very small quantity of on the chest (B4 & B5 discussed below). such finds from the site as a whole, suggest Their presence in both graves may indicate this is unlikely. a linkage, although it should be pointed The absence of cremation burials here, out that despite being deliberately selected elsewhere often found alongside contem- and placed the flints are not worked and porary and later inhumations, is interesting. therefore their occurrence could potentially Of course this could be the result of poor be under-represented in other graves. survival or later truncation, but if not it implies that the site was used expressly for Dating and longevity inhumation at an early date. It has been suggested, although not substantiated, that The difficulties associated with dating burials early inhumations could represent migrants have been discussed elsewhere (Barber & from areas with an inhumation tradition, Bowsher 2000, 8—9). With only a small number or could perhaps be explained by poverty of the inhumations producing datable grave as the cremation process requires greater goods a detailed understanding of the resources (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 300). chronology and longevity of the cemetery is A degree of poverty among the material not possible. A total of eight ceramic vessels is hinted at in a small number of burials were recovered from five of the graves all on site (see ‘Status and society’ below). dating to between the early 2nd to mid- It is becoming apparent, however, that in 3rd century ad. A silvered bronze nummus London at least early inhumation burials depicting Urbs Roma and the Wolf and Twins, may be more commonplace than previously
Table 1. Catalogue of the inhumations (ft = fittings; M = Male; F = Female; J = Juvenile (1—12 years); SA = Subadult (12—19 years); YA = Young adult (20—35 years); MiA = Middle adult (35—50 years); MA = Mature adult (50+ years); D = Discrepant; Dcp = Decapitated)
Burial Sex Age Orientation Head Position Adornment Nails/ft Coffin 1 F YA E/W E Supine - - - 2 - YA E/W W Supine - - - 3 - Mi/MA N/S N Prone - - - 4 - Mi/MA E/W E Supine Flint - - 5 M? Mi/MA N/S N Supine Flint, oyster shell - - 6 - Mi/MA D NW Supine Two vessels, 10 Y oyster shell 7 M? YA - NW? - - 1 ? 8 ------9 M? MiA N/S N Supine Two vessels - - 10 M Mi/MA N/S N Supine - - - 11 M YA E/W Dcp Right side - - - 12 F MA E/W W Supine - - - 13 - A E/W W Supine? - 6 Y 14 F? YA N/S N Supine Quern frag 10 Y 15 F Mi/MA E/W W Supine Vessel - - 16 M? Mi/MA D SE Supine - - - 17 F MiA D NW Supine - 14 Y 18 M Mi/MA E/W W Supine - - Y 19 M MiA D SW Supine - - - 20 - MiA E/W W Supine Two vessels SF40— Y 355 21 - SA E/W W Supine Vessel - - 22 M A E/W W Supine Chalk 6 Y 23 - A E/W E Supine - - - 24 F YA N/S N Supine - 4 Y 25 - YA E/W E Supine - 1 Y 26 F YA N/S N Supine Chalk - - 27 - YA E/W E Supine - - - 28 M? MiA N/S N Supine - 25 Y 29 - J N/S S Supine Shale bracelet, 3 ? shoe 30 M MiA N/S N Supine - - - 31 - J N/S N Supine - 5 Y 32 - - N/S N Supine - 3 Y 33 M? MiA N/S N Supine - - - 34 - - E/W E? Supine? - - - 35 - SA N/S N Supine - - - 36 - A E/W? ? ? Samian base - - Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 11
Fig 7a (left). Burial 11, showing posture; the body is lying on its right side with the decapitated skull placed behind the lower back (scale 1:25)
Fig 7b (middle). Burial 11, vertical view showing the posture and position of the decapitated skull (0.5m scale and north arrow)
Fig 7c (bottom). Burial 11, detail of decapitated skull
A
B
C 12 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts their spirits could rise from the grave to (Boylston et al 2000, 247). In contrast to the haunt the living (Barber & Bowsher 2000, decapitated burials only one was coffined 323; Black 1986; Boylston et al 2000, 252; and none were accompanied with grave Merrifield 1987, 76). As the soul was thought goods (ibid). At Cirencester the decapitated to reside in the head the decapitation rite burials were thought to represent individuals may have been thought of as a way to ensure of low repute (Wells 1982). While at the a complete and final separation of the soul eastern cemetery of London, it is the females from the body (Merrifield 1987, 75). In and immature who figure most frequently the same way as the practice of burying an in this category, the latter also containing individual in a prone position, sometimes some of the largest assemblages of grave additionally weighing the body or coffin goods (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 87, 323). It down with stones, is interpreted as an act of has been suggested that the richly adorned confinement. Again the motivation is the fear child burials at Lankhills, Winchester, may that the dead will return. Burial in the prone have been intended to conciliate the gods position may also indicate to the unready into allowing these individuals access to the the direction in which the soul should travel after-life before their time (Clarke 1979, (Black 1986, 226—7; Merrifield 1987, 76). 323). Other prone burials from the eastern The archaeological evidence reveals that cemetery had large stones placed upon decapitated burials are generally variable in their backs and one, although coffined, had terms of gender and age group, although its hands bound behind its back (Barber & relatively few children are represented Bowsher 2000, 87). (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 91; Boylston et al The evidence would indicate that the rites 2000; Merrifield 1987, 72; Philpott 1991, of decapitation and prone burial probably 244). In view of this it has been suggested that had a number of motivations, perhaps with burials of this nature are not representative the acts of separation and confinement of society’s outcasts (Philpott 1991). Indeed, being the most prevalent. The general dif- evidence is forthcoming from a number ference in associated mortuary treatment of sites that decapitated burials are in all may indicate whether the buried individual other respects treated no differently than was well thought of or not, but here too the remainder of the cemetery population the evidence can be ambiguous. The osteo- (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 90, 99; Boylston et logical evidence indicates that B11 (Fig al 2000, 247—8; McKinley 1993, 44; Merrifield 7a—c) represents a ‘true’ decapitation, 1987, 74). In a number of these burials there rarely identified in London, with the head was evidence to indicate that the decapitation having been removed by two or three was achieved post-mortem, from the front, blows, struck from the front with a sharp with the body in a supine position and in bladed instrument (for pathology see under some cases with evident care (Boylston et al ‘Discussion’ below). Removal in this way and 2000, 246; Clarke 1979; McKinley 1993, 44). the absence of any other defensive wounds In other examples, however, the decapitated suggest that the individual was already dead individuals have been interpreted as crim- when decapitation took place or if not then inals, captives and possibly sacrificial victims. heavily drugged. Possible executions are evident at Ciren- The decapitated individual represented cester (Gloucestershire) and Cambridge by B11 is orientated east—west and was (Cambridgeshire), with individuals decapit- surrounded by other burials. He was a ated from behind, and potential sacrifices young adult male with little pathology, but at Winchester (Hampshire) that are un- the mortuary treatment does differ from coffined and awkwardly positioned with the other burials excavated. His burial was some evidence of violence (Clarke 1979; interred without coffin or grave goods, on Taylor 2003, 19; Wells 1982). the right side with the legs flexed. Most The archaeological evidence reveals a unusually the head was not placed on the diverse picture for the practice of prone legs or at the feet where it is most commonly burial. At Kempston (Bedfordshire) these found in decapitated burials (Philpott 1991), burials varied in gender and mature adults but it was wedged behind the lower back. were proportionally better represented Decapitation may not have been the cause of Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 13 death for B11, but some ignominy appears to & B32) had been interred in coffins was be suggested in his burial, perhaps beyond provided by the presence of nails and iron the fact that he died young and therefore his fittings arranged around the body (Table 1). spirit might be unruly. However, the presence of only one or two nails Prone burial B3 (Fig 6) was interred with- within a grave cannot be taken to indicate out a coffin or any surviving grave goods, a coffin (see above). Later disturbance although the latter may have existed at the can confuse the picture, but generally the foot of the grave prior to later truncation. presence of a coffin was corroborated by not The absence of a coffin and probable absence only the quantity, but also by the arrangement of a shroud, given the spreading of the arms of nails in relation to the body. However, the and legs, would mitigate against the idea absence of nails does not necessarily prove that the prone position was an inadvertent that no coffin existed originally. It may be mistake at the time of burial. The burial was that in some of the graves the evidence for of a middle to mature adult of unknown nails has completely corroded away, or that gender and aligned north—south with the the coffin possessed no metal fixings. In head to the north. Unlike the decapitated two examples (B18 & B25), a reddish-brown individual, however, B3 formed part of a silty clay deposit was recorded overlying the larger cluster, aligned closely with B9, that skeleton. This may represent timber staining of a middle adult male accompanied by two and if so may suggest that these two burials vessels. Perhaps in this context confinement were also contained within a coffin. or guidance of the soul was the objective. The majority of the inhumations in the In the same way the small number of nails eastern cemetery were buried in wooden recovered from some of the graves may also coffins, usually nailed, but also possibly be indicative of confinement (Table 1). pegged or jointed (Barber & Bowsher Where the presence of the odd nail cannot 2000, 92). At Devonshire Square 70% of be explained as residual, for example derived the 35 graves discovered showed evidence from the truncation of an earlier coffined of coffins (Sankey & Connell 2007, table inhumation, or unless all other traces of a 1). Under a third of those at Crispin Street coffin have since degraded, it could be that revealed evidence for coffins, although as their inclusion was intended symbolically to suggested the true number is likely to be ‘fix’ the dead (Black 1986, 223; Dungworth under-represented due to poor survival and 1998, 153). truncation. Where identified, there was no correlation between the presence of a coffin Containers/evidence for coffins and gender, alignment or in the provision of burial goods. Just two of the coffined burials Evidence that at least ten of the inhumations (B20 & B28) produced fittings. Burial 20 (B6, B13, B14, B17, B20, B22, B24, B28, B31 (Fig 8) contained a number of unidentified
Fig 8. Burial 20, showing coffin furniture and access- ories (scale 1:25) 14 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts iron objects in addition to fragments of Chalk burials iron sheeting and studs. As at the eastern cemetery these may represent the remains Two burials, B22 (Fig 9) and B26 (Fig 10), of reinforcing plates or perhaps some form were notable for the presence of a white of external decoration (Barber & Bowsher substance, possibly chalk, packed around the 2000, 94). Fragments of mineralised wood bodies. Chalk burials have been identified were identified on the iron fittings from B28. on a number of sites across Roman Britain.
Fig 9 (above). Burial 22, vertical view of chalk burial (0.5m scale and north arrow)
Fig 10 (left). Burial 26, vertical view of torso of chalk burial (0.5m scale) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 15
A survey of these has led to the suggestion although the trauma may have caused that the practice was adopted in imitation of enough suffering to be remembered and the high-status plaster and gypsum burials specifically marked out in burial. introduced to Britain from North Africa via the north-western provinces (Philpott 1991, Burial goods 90—5, 223). It is thought that although the custom may initially have been taken up The traditional explanation for the inclusion for reasons of fashion or as a sign of status of goods within a burial is in the provision it has also been argued that the perceived of sustenance, comfort or protection to preservative qualities of lime or chalk may the spirit of the departed while confined have been later exploited by Christians who within the tomb or on the journey to or in believed in the resurrection of the body the after-life (Black 1986, 220). A further (Merrifield 1987, 78; Philpott 1991, 93—5). It explanation for the deliberate deposition of has been suggested that patches of chalk on an object may be the significance it held for or near specific parts of the body may relate the deceased during life. It may have been to a perception of which parts of the body felt necessary to deposit such objects within had been a cause of death or were infected the grave not only to comfort the spirit but (Whytehead 1986, 57). to avoid the persona of the dead individual There is little evidence to link ‘plaster exerting a malign influence should they pass burials’ with Christianity (Philpott 1991, 93— to a new owner (Webster 1986, 131—2). 5). Indeed, the chalk burials at the eastern Eight of the 36 burials excavated at Crispin cemetery are spatially and chronologically Street contained burial goods, representing widely distributed, rarely forming distinct just under a quarter of the total (B4—B6, B9, groups and sometimes clearly associated with B15, B20, B21 & B29) (Table 1). This relative burial rites considered to be pagan (Barber proportion is paralleled within the largest & Bowsher 2000, 321). Furthermore, there group of burials dug to date elsewhere in is no observable correlation with gender, the northern cemetery (280 Bishopsgate alignment or in the provision of burial and Spitalfields ramp: Swift 2003) and at the goods, although proportionally more infants eastern cemetery (Barber & Bowsher 2000, and immature individuals were represented. 117). The sample is too small, however, to This has been taken to indicate that the use reveal any significance to the distribution of chalk is not linked to status but employed of the grave goods in that their occurrence as one of several measures to protect the does not appear to be age- or gender-related, living from the return of those who died nor focused in any one burial cluster. The prematurely (ibid, 329; Black 1986, 227). range of goods encountered is also fairly At Crispin Street both chalk burials common, including ceramic vessels and were supine adults, neither of which were personal adornment, although one or two accompanied by any grave goods (Table 1). less familiar finds may represent interesting Burial 22 was an adult male, with no evidence symbolic substitutions. for disease or trauma and orientated east— A total of eight ceramic vessels were west with the head to the west. The body recovered from five separate graves. Burial 6 had been placed in a coffin with a layer of (Fig 11), the uppermost in a sequence of three chalk up to 0.10m thick packed around the directly intercut inhumations, contained body (Fig 9). The second burial, a young a miniature sand-tempered (SAND) jar, adult female (B26), had no evidence for a
being used to burn incense, would represent an appropriate funerary item (see Gerrard & Lyne PDF supplement). Lastly, B21 was accompanied by a Highgate Wood ware C decorated necked-jar,
Key to Fig 12: 1. Miniature jar in sand-tempered fabric (SAND)
Fig 12. Roman, medieval and post-medieval ceramics. See key facing 18 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts
Fig 13 (left). Vertical view of Burial 9; north is to the top of the image (0.5m scale)
Fig 14 (below). Vertical view of Burial 15 with a ceramic lid,
Fig 15 (above). Extended Burial 4 with a disc-shaped flint on the chest (scale 1:25)
Fig 16 (right). Extended Burial 5 with a disc-shaped flint on the chest (scale 1:25) 20 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts is obvious, or a pattern emerges from more Table 2. Age distribution for the 33 burials where it than one burial, it is likely that offerings of could be determined this type will be missed during excavation and are perhaps, therefore, under-represented in Age group Years No. of the archaeological record. individuals Another potentially overlooked find in Juvenile 5—11 2 the context of burial is shell. The shell, or Subadult 12—18 2 shell motif was symbolic of rebirth and 19—25 has been found in funerary contexts as a Young adult 9 decorative motif on lead coffins (Barber & Middle adult 26—44 7 Bowsher 2000, 180—1, 322; Barber & Hall Mature adult 45+ years 1 2000, 109). A connection to the saviour god Middle/mature adult 26—45 + 8 Bacchus is also possible in that the shell Adult 19—45 + 4 either represents the pearl, or a container for the pearl, which in turn is the symbol for the soul (M Henig & J Gerrard, pers aged 19 to 25 (middle/mature adult = Age comm). Two burials contained oyster shells, group 5; young adult = Age group 4: Barber seemingly deliberately placed and thus & Bowsher 2000, 278). There were also more possibly symbolic (B5 & B6). In B5 (Fig 16), females than males represented within the one of the two graves also containing a flint young adult age group, again similar to what disc, the oyster shell was located under the is seen elsewhere, although it is not clear why left hand and right arm. In B6 an oyster this would be the case (ibid, 279). shell was placed beside each of the ceramic The absence of infants and the presence vessels, including the miniature jar, at the of only two juveniles is notable, but appears head and foot of the grave (Fig 11). to be mirrored in many formal Roman cemeteries. At the eastern cemetery the Discussion: the Crispin Street Roman proportion of infants was found to be far burials in their local context below that which would be expected from a representative burial of a normal population The demography and pathology (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 279). In classical Natasha Dodwell and Kathelen Sayer civilisation children were not considered to be full members of society and as such were Of the 36 burials 12 were identified as not always provided for in death in the same male and seven as female (Table 1). The way as adults were. It has been suggested remaining 17 were indeterminable, largely that those children included in the eastern due to poor preservation or truncation. The cemetery were present either as the result of ratio of males to females in the Crispin Street the higher status of their parents, or because sample was similar to that seen in the eastern there was an increased trend for infants to be cemetery (1.7:1), a ratio that is thought to buried alongside adults through the 3rd and represent a normal urban population rather 4th centuries ad (ibid, 312—13). However, it than being indicative of a military presence seems likely that this under-representation (Barber & Bowsher 2000, 279, 313—14). probably reflects the less formal way in The majority of the burial sample could which the majority of deceased Roman be classified to age group, although the children were disposed of. Differential fragmentary nature of the remains meant disposal of infant and adult remains was not that a small number could only be broadly uncommon in a Romano-British context categorised as adult (Tables 1 & 2). As the outside London, with the former frequently sample is small it is not clear if the ratios being placed in houses and buildings under identified reflect the broader population thresholds (Phillpotts 1991, 97—102). buried in the northern cemetery. However, Analysis of the data from the northern in common with what was observed at the cemetery indicates an under-representation eastern cemetery the most frequent age of child burials. However, this absence is of death in the Crispin Street sample was not seen in all of the London cemeteries, between 26 and 45, followed by young adults specifically at Great Dover Street and more Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 21 recently at Lant Street, both in Southwark and B5, could be taken to reflect the limited (Mackinder 2000; Ridgeway et al 2013, means of the deceased or of the mourners. 15, 20, 23, 109—10). The reason for this In a conventional sense these burials may discrepancy is unclear, but at the former be considered ‘poor’, although this could site, where children make up over 40% of be placing a false significance on the the cemetery population, the high number actual objects and ignoring their symbolic might be attributed to the higher status of function. There was also no trace of grave those interred or to ideological differences. markers, walled cemetery enclosures, or The diseases most commonly recognised superstructures such as mausolea, which have in archaeological material, namely joint and been taken to denote the presence of high- dental disease, were also recorded in this status burials in the western and southern assemblage. However, meaningful preva- cemeteries of London (Mackinder 2000; lence rates could not be calculated as a result Shepherd 1988). It is possible, although of the size of the sample and condition of perhaps unlikely, that any structures of the material. this nature that once existed have since Comments can be made regarding observed been truncated or their masonry robbed fractures and the evidence for decapitation. out. Robbed out sarcophagi, a mausoleum Four individuals, B26, B18, B19 and B33, had structure, a complete stone sarcophagus and suffered breaks, all of which were well healed a decorated lead coffin were recovered to the or in the process of healing although only north of the site at 280 Bishopsgate (Barber the former had good realignment. Burial & Hall 2000, 109). Clearly the Crispin 26, B18 and B33 had fractured clavicles and Street burials will need to be included in B19 a fractured fibula. Breaks to the clavicle the future study of the remaining data from most frequently occur during a fall, and the the northern cemetery. The detailed com- fracture to the fibula is likely to have been parison of burial rites across the various caused by a direct force or the twisting of the areas of Roman London’s cemeteries would leg whilst the foot was held solid (Conheeney be a useful future avenue of research. 2000, 285). THE OUTER PRECINCT OF THE Status and society MEDIEVAL PRIORY AND HOSPITAL OF ST MARY SPITAL By the 3rd century ad Londinium was a place of competing religious doctrines. Cults and Background religions thought to have a following included Christianity, various classical gods and In the medieval period the western side of goddesses including Isis, Minerva, Mithras, the site lay within the parish of St Botolph Venus and a ‘mother’ deiform, plus the Bishopsgate, and the eastern half lay within divinity of the emperor (Barber & Bowsher the parish of Stepney. The parish of Stepney 2000, 318). The heterogeneous character was based on the Bishop of London’s manor of the eastern cemetery of London, with its of Stepney, while the parish of St Botolph range of burial rites and funerary practices, developed along the main road running has been suggested to mirror a population northwards from the City of London at that was equally diverse in life (ibid, 330). Bishopsgate (Thomas et al 1997, 14, 124) Indeed, the choice of burial rite used for a (Fig 17). The main roads from Bishopsgate particular individual may have depended and Aldgate were linked by a minor road not only upon their religious beliefs but called Berewards Lane or Hogge Lane, on many factors including wealth, fashion, which ran south-eastwards along the line of social status, occupation, cultural tradition the western part of Artillery Lane, Sandys and legal requirement (ibid, 309). Row and Middlesex Street. To the east of Social status is generally very difficult to St Botolph’s parish lay Lollesworth Field, a identify in the excavated record (Barber & large tract of agricultural land, part of the Bowsher 2000, 329; Philpott 1991, 229). The demesne lands of the bishop’s manor of use of a ceramic lid as a platter in B15, or of Stepney, that subsequently became known as a rounded flint in place of a coin as inB4 the Spital Field (ibid, 15). 22 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts
Fig 17. The site in relation to the inner and outer precincts of St Mary Spital (scale 1:6250) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 23
In the north-eastern corner of St Botolph’s rector an annual compensation payment of parish, on the manor of Norton Folgate, the 10 shillings for the area he had resigned, a Augustinian Priory and Hospital of St Mary payment which was still current in the 1530s Spital was founded during the late 12th (Dugdale 1830, 6, 625; Val Eccl 1, 401). century. The initial precinct was relatively A small number of monastic outer precincts small and centred around Spital Square, but have been archaeologically investigated. These when the priory was refounded in 1235 its include Waltham Abbey (Essex), Fountains extent was substantially increased. During Abbey (Yorkshire) and Thornholme Priory the early 13th century the priory acquired (Lincolnshire) where evidence for mills, a series of plots of land lying to the east of barns, cattle byres, dovecotes, steward the Bishopsgate frontage. By 1270 these houses, granaries, smithies, malthouses, brew- properties formed an outer precinct, lying houses and woolhouses have been revealed to the south of the conventual buildings (Coppack 1990, 109—20). The priory and and cemetery, to be used primarily for horti- hospital buildings of St Mary Spital and cultural purposes (Thomas et al 1997, 19— elements of the cemetery at Spital Square 20, 26, 99). The inner and outer precincts have been extensively excavated (Thomas et stretched from west to east from the modern- al 1997; SPM96). An area to the west of the day streets of Bishopsgate to Nantes Passage outer precinct has also been excavated at 250 and from south to north from Artillery Bishopsgate (STE95). A series of ditches were Passage to Fleur-de-lis Street (Holder 1997, revealed subdividing sectors of the precinct 11, fig 19). During this period the western into separate plots, apparently defining dif- side of the site lay within the outer precinct ferent activities. Some of these plots were used and the eastern side without the precinct on for pit digging and rubbish disposal, some for the edge of Lollesworth Field (Fig 17). horticulture, whilst others contained timber There is no documentary evidence con- structures or stone buildings (Holder 1997, cerning the form of the outer precinct 11). The large assemblage of animal bone boundary, but its eastern side is likely to have recovered from these plots may indicate that been marked by a ditch and bank. Walls were some form of animal husbandry was taking built along the northern part of the western place in the vicinity (Thomas et al 1997, 99). boundary, but the boundary between the The evidence of primary butchery waste from priory and Lollesworth Field further to the 12th- and early 13th-century deposits outside north was a ‘mudde walle’ until the 16th the hospital precinct suggests that animals century (TNA, C66/719 m11). In the vicinity were being slaughtered nearby, or perhaps of Spital Square (SQU94), excavation that butchers based in the city were dumping confirms that the boundary was represented their waste within this area (ibid, 128). by a brickearth bank, with a substantial ditch on its western side; the bank and ditch The outer precinct boundary probably continued southward to form the eastern boundary of the outer precinct, Towards the west of the site a large ditch although no evidence for the ditch appears (D2) orientated north to south was identi- to have been identified on the adjacent site. fied. It truncated the Roman cemetery soil In the early 13th century an agreement was and a number of graves (Fig 18). The ditch made between Prior Godfrey and the rector extended across the entire site over a length of St Botolph, dividing up the ecclesiastical of c.53m, extending beyond the limits of rights and profits of the area. The agreement the excavation both to the north and south. was endorsed by the Dean and Chapter of This feature was at least 3.5m wide and it was St Paul’s Cathedral. The parochial rights of recorded in section as having a maximum tithes and burials within the ‘territory and depth of 1.35m, although it was probably court’ of the priory between Shoreditch originally cut from much higher in the parish in the north and Berewards Lane in sequence. The ditch was characterised by the south and from Bishopsgate Street in the steeply sloping sides falling to a concave base west to Lollesworth Field in the east were with a lowest level of 9.96m OD (Figs 18 & allocated to the priory. This area, therefore, 19). This ditch represents the earliest post- became extra-parochial. The prior paid the Roman activity identified on site. 24 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts
Fig 18. Medieval features: ditches (D2 & D3), pits (P4 & P5), a posthole (PH1) and the location of the two ditch cross sections (S1 & S2; see Fig 19) (scale 1:400) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 25
Fig 19. Sections 1 and 2 through Ditch 2 and remnant of earth bank or ‘mudde walle’ showing the location of the column samples (for location of these sections see Fig 18) (scale 1:110)
The small assemblage of pottery from east of the ditch demarcating the edge of the backfill of the original cut of Ditch 2 Lollesworth Field. At the Crispin Street site comprises London-type ware dated from this medieval deposit was only seen under 1080 to 1350, Kingston-type ware dating from the artillery wall in section (Fig 19, section 1230 to 1400 and Coarse Border ware dated 2). 1270 to 1500 (see Jarrett PDF supplement). This combination of fabrics suggests a Later recuts of the ditch deposition date of c.1270 to 1350, although the presence of a Coarse Border ware bowl Although perhaps first dug during the 13th with a flat-topped rim from the basal fill post- century, this ditch was frequently recut, dating c.1340 would suggest that Ditch 2 was suggesting that the boundary marked by not being filled in until the middle of the Ditch 2 was maintained over a prolonged 14th century. period before being completely infilled This ditch was clearly a substantial fea- in the 16th century (see below). The first ture and it is likely to have demarcated a discernible recut (Fig 19) produced no property boundary. Taken together with the pottery, although a column sample (S.13) documentary sources and archaeological taken through the lower two fills of the recut evidence from Spital Square (SQU94) to ditch produced very good pollen results the north, the alignment and positioning of indicating that the local environment was Ditch 2 demonstrates that it represents the dominated by willow and grasses (ie pasture) outer precinct boundary to the Priory and (see Branch PDF supplement). Hospital of St Mary Spital. The inclusion Truncating the base of the recut was a of late 13th- and 14th-century pottery in circular posthole measuring c.0.22m in the initial fills of the ditch confirms the diameter and 0.15m in depth with steeply documentary evidence that the outer sloping sides falling to a concave base (PH1). precinct had been established by c.1270. A single posthole is difficult to interpret, but The documentary record and excavations it may have been part of a revetment or a at Spital Square to the north identified palisade-type structure. an earthen bank (‘mudde walle’) to the The subsequent recuts indicate a slight 26 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts realignment of the original ditch, including represents cobbling waste (see Mould PDF two sequential cuts located slightly to the east supplement) and as such could signify that (Fig 18). The backfill of the first contained shoemaking was being undertaken in the Coarse Border ware and Late London-type vicinity. From the late 14th century onwards ware indicating a deposition date of 1400 to there were organised drives of cattle to the 1500. The fill of the following recut produced London markets (Grew & de Neergaard sherds of Kingston-type ware jugs, but also a 1996, 46). Ermine Street would have been Coarse Border ware bowl with a flat-topped one of the major thoroughfares into London rim and Cheam ware dish suggesting a date for such drives. These would have ensured from 1350 to 1500. Another smaller recut a constant supply of cattle hides for leather- truncated the backfill of the original recut to workers as well as meat for butchers and the the west of Ditch 2 (Fig 18, D2). Its basal fill raw material for horners and bone-workers. included Coarse Border ware, Tudor Green ware dating to 1380—1500 and Late London LOLLESWORTH FIELD ware, indicating a deposition date of 1400 to 1500. These assemblages, although small, Outside the precinct the archaeological suggest that the boundary ditch was being evidence suggests that Lollesworth Field regularly cleaned out and maintained into was used as pasture and sporadically for the the 15th century. quarrying of brickearth and gravel (Fig 18). An east—west ditch (D3) was recorded to Activity within the outer precinct the east of the site with a truncated length of 1.06m, a width of 1.10m and a depth of Most of the site lay to the east of the boundary 0.14m. The cut was characterised by sloping ditch and thus no evidence was revealed of sides falling to a slightly concave base and activities within the outer precinct (Fig 18). was filled with a mid-grey silt with frequent Analysis of the finds recovered from the inclusions, coarse grit and occasional char- precinct ditch or found residually within coal flecks. The pottery, including sherds later features provides limited information of Coarse Border ware and Late London about activities taking place in the vicinity, slip ware, suggests the ditch was backfilled although nothing that can be linked with the between c.1400 to 1500. The ditch may have priory. been excavated as a boundary or to improve Worn fragments of decorated medieval the drainage of land, perhaps for the purpose floor tile, including Penn types dating to of grazing or broader agricultural use. the 14th century, were recovered from the In the north-east part of the site, a layer backfill of the ditch. Medieval roof tile was of mottled yellow/brown clayey sandy silt also retrieved in some quantity, including measuring 2.60m by 1.20m and between a small number of early 12th- to 13th- 0.10m to 0.15m thick was found overlying century examples (MoL fabrics 2273, 3228). the cemetery soil. This had been disturbed The early date and nature of the material by bioturbation and was interpreted as an suggests an origin within the priory complex, agricultural soil. The remains of two large perhaps from remodelling or repair work. pits were also recorded here (Fig 18). The The majority of the medieval animal bone first was located towards the north-west assemblage is typical of domestic waste, corner of the site, c.3m to the east of the although the fill of Ditch 2 included part outer precinct ditch (P4) and the second of a horse skeleton and a bone probably (P5), measuring c.3.0m across, in Area 8 intended for pin making (see Yeomans PDF (East) to the north of the site. Pit 4 bottomed supplement). out on the underlying gravel, and the size The fills of successive recuts of the ditch and lack of finds suggest it was dug for the also produced part of an adult leather shoe, extraction of brickearth. The primary fill
6). The evidence from excavations at 250 still open ground and used for the grazing of Bishopsgate (STE95) suggests that this area cattle (Thomas et al 1997, 150). was used for horticulture, but also for artil- lery practice evidenced by the recovery of The Artillery Ground numerous musket balls and fragments of shot (Holder 1997, 13). During the 16th century the medieval outer To the east of the Artillery Ground wall, precinct boundary ditch appears to have parts of Lollesworth Field, or Spital Field as it been deliberately infilled. The property became known, were quarried for brickearth division marked by the boundary ditch was throughout the 16th century (Thomas et al maintained, with the construction of a brick 1997, 102, 133). The first search and view wall immediately to the east. Elements of this book of the Tylers’ and Bricklayers’ Company brick wall were recorded incorporated into at Guildhall Library notes the activities of the build of a later house. Although much brick-makers in Spitalfields between 1620 restored, the line of this wall would remain and 1648 (GL, MS 3047/1). It is not certain an important property division throughout where within the Field these brickearth pits the post-medieval period and continued to were dug. The ‘copperplate’ map of 1559 define the parish boundary. shows the land adjacent to the Artillery The upper sections of the final recut of Ground being used for recreation (archery, the precinct boundary ditch appear to have promenading) and apparently as a toilet too been backfilled during the mid to late 16th (Fig 20). During the mid-17th century the century (Fig 19). The pottery recovered area of the site outside the precinct wall was from the two upper fills included Late
Fig 20. The site on the ‘copperplate’ map of 1559 Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 29
London ware, Saintonge ware, Tudor Green of the site. To the south, made out in a west- ware and early post-medieval redware, but facing elevation, the wall was built in local red a sherd of Border ware from the lower fill handmade bricks (MoL fabric 3033; see Brown suggests a deposition date of post-c.1550. PDF supplement) (Fig 21). It stretched over a While a sherd of post-medieval redware from distance of 10.40m and stood up to c.1.90m the uppermost fill implies final infilling after high with a top level of 13.24m OD. To the c.1580. The recovery of a Nuremberg jetton, north of the site a further 1.76m section was
Fig 21. Elevation of the surviving length of the Artillery Field wall incorporated into the cellar of Building 1 and the modern party wall, view looking east (for location see Fig 22) (2.0m scale) 30 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts
Fig 22. Plan of the various 16th-century features, including the Artillery Ground wall, foundation trench [123] and [365], associated postholes, Ditch 4 and Pit 6 (scale 1:400) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 31
As the wall was built slightly to the east, over POST-MEDIEVAL RESIDENTIAL AND the projected line of the associated earthen COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT bank, this does not present a problem. The addition of post-Great Fire bricks (MoL Late 17th century fabrics 3032 & 3034) and reused Tudor bricks During the last few decades of the 17th cen- suggest sections of the wall were maintained tury the modern street alignment appears to or rebuilt for varying purposes through the have been established and the site developed late 17th and 18th centuries. for residential purposes and small-scale Until 1682 the outer precinct remained manufacture. The Tudor Artillery Ground almost continually under control of the wall was retained demarcating the back Artillery Company and the gunners of boundary for properties fronting on to the Tower of London for the purpose of Crispin and Gun Streets and forming an artillery practice. However, in contrast to external side wall to a building excavated on the findings at 250 Bishopsgate (STE95) Artillery Lane to the south. no archaeological evidence relating to its use as a firing range was found. To the east The development of Crispin Street of the wall lay the Spital Field where a sub- circular pit was identified (P6) (Fig 22). The During the early 17th century Lollesworth pottery recovered from this pit suggests that Field passed into the ownership of the it was backfilled during the 16th century, Wheler family. The property remained al- possibly linking it with the documented most entirely open ground until the 1650s, brickearth quarrying taking place on Spital but by 1675 various parts of the estate had Field during this period. Its backfill also been developed with small cheap houses contained fragments of charcoal, ceramic and, as part of this process, brick making building material, oyster shell and a sherd took place close to the areas of development. from a whiteware crucible that contained a Between 1668 and 1670 Edward Nicholas non-ferrous metalworking residue. Although and George Cook, trustees of the Wheler perhaps dug for brickearth, the pit sub- family, built houses and leased plots for sequently seems to have been used for the building resulting in the construction of disposal of rubbish. Industrial ceramics of the western side of Crispin Street. The rear 16th- and 17th-century date associated with gardens of these properties ran up to the non-ferrous metal working have also been perimeter wall of the Artillery Ground. One recovered from the backfill of the city ditch at of the plots was leased for 80 years to John Cripplegate (Pearce 2001, 22—3). Pike, a bricklayer of Stepney. It had a street To the east of the boundary wall were the frontage of 36 feet (10.97m), a depth of 100 remains of another ditch (D4) (Fig 22). It was feet (30.48m) and extended back to the wall; 2.60m wide and 0.45m deep and, although it was the site of no. 50 Crispin Street, in the truncated to the south, it continued beyond north-east part of the excavated area (LMA, the limits of the excavation to the north MDR 1730/3/377). The next properties were and east. It may have been dug to assist with leased to William Savill, carpenter, also for a drainage of the field. The ditch contained term of 80 years. The frontage here was 100 pottery dating from c.1580 to 1600. The feet (30.48m) stretching back to the Artillery articulated remains of part of a horse were Ground wall; it was the site of five houses, also recovered from the ditch, suggesting corresponding to nos 42 to 46 Crispin Street, that this area was still being used to dispose to the south of the present line of Brushfield of animal carcases. Street (LMA, MDR 1726/2/2) (Fig 23). These features corroborate the documen- To the south of Pike’s houses a fenced plot tary evidence that this area of Spital Field was leased to the Hamlet or community of remained open and was used for both quarry- Spitalfields in November 1669 by Samuel ing and agriculture during this period. Reeve, who had presumably leased it from Significant, but residual, finds dating to this Nicholas and Cook. Towards the south end period included a silver penny of Elizabeth I, of this plot the Hamlet built a Town Hall
Fig 23. The site on Ogilby and Morgan’s map of London of 1676 a watch house and prison (SoL xxvii 137; Archaeological sequence LMA, MDR 1745/1/91; TH, L/CCS/1/1 pp 109, 112, 116; L/CCS/1/2 pp 25—6, 118) (Fig To the east of the precinct wall, a ‘garden soil’ 23). In 1670 in the central part of the plot horizon rapidly accumulated, demonstrating six almshouses were built, for the benefit of the dumping of domestic refuse and possibly the poor of the Hamlet (SoL xxvii 137; TH, cess (night soil). This deposit varied in L/CCS/1/1 p 111; L/CCS/1/2 p 104). Part of composition across the site, measuring up to the plot to the west of the almshouses and 0.98m thick with a highest level of 12.58m Town House was let for building to William OD, and it contained pottery dating from Lee, joiner, in January 1670 where he built the mid to late 17th century and clay tobacco four houses, later called Dolphin Alley or pipes dating from 1660 to 1680. Other finds Court (LMA, MDR 1715/2/50; TH, L/CCS/1/1 from these deposits included a Charles I rose p 112). The date of the initial construction farthing dating to the late 1630s,
recovered from these pits included domestic refuse and craft activity waste products (see Jarrett PDF supplement). These pits also contained the remains of five dogs and three cats and significant quantities of cattle horn cores, a waste product associated with butchery, tanning and horn working (see Yeomans PDF supplement). A smithing hearth bottom from Pit 7 may indicate the presence of late 17th-century iron working in the vicinity (see Gaimster PDF supplement). Two fragments of muffle (part of the inner kiln wall) from Pit 8, and finds of possible clay pipe wasters from elsewhere on site, confirm that clay tobacco pipe manufacture took place nearby between c.1660 and 1680 (see Jarrett PDF supplement). The presence of four late 17th-century clay tobacco pipes with unusual diamond-shaped heels may further attest local production and innovation. This industrial activity to the east of the Artillery Ground wall was probably associated with the houses fronting on to Crispin Street. The late 17th-century construction date suggested by the archaeological evidence ties in with the documented construction of houses by John Pike, on the north-east part of the site. In March 1669 John Pike was digging for brickearth to make bricks for the Fig 24. Polychrome cylindrical glass bead
Fig 25. The late 17th-century features; the conjectured extent of the built up area is taken from Ogilby and Morgan’s map. Features shown include the retained Artillery Ground wall, Building 1, Cesspit 1, Ditch 5 and Pits 7—13 (scale 1:400) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 35 and presumably fed on domestic refuse the 17th and 18th centuries the Liberty was before being slaughtered for consumption. included in the perambulations of the parish The rubbish pits dug here also provided boundaries on Rogation Day, and its land was evidence for horn working in the vicinity often considered as lying within St Botolph’s (see Yeomans PDF supplement). parish (SoL xxvii, 28n). The occupants of all this new housing were The development of Gun Street and Artillery Lane largely immigrants, most notably Huguenots. These French Protestant refugees had started In February 1682 the Old Artillery Ground settling in Spitalfields in the 1660s and 1670s, was sold by the Crown to George Bradbury but their numbers dramatically increased and Edward Noell for £5700. Bradbury as a result of Louis XIV’s revocation of the and Noell were acting as agents for the dis- Edict of Nantes in 1685, which caused their reputable and remarkably named developer, persecution. They were granted freedom of economist and physician, Dr Nicholas ‘If- worship and free denization by the Crown. At Jesus-Christ-Had-Not-Died-For-Though-Sins- first they formed a distinct group within the Thou-Hadst-Been-Damned’ Barbon (1640— area, concentrating in particular localities, 1698), and they were licensed to construct including the Old Artillery Ground. The new houses on the Ground (SoL xxvii, 29— houses were owned by a handful of landlords 30; TNA, C66/3232 no. 6). On the east side and their tenants frequently moved only of Gun Street building plots running back short distances along the same streets. to the Artillery Ground wall were leased out The Huguenots were associated with silk by Barbon and his associates from June 1682 weaving, drawing on skills they had brought onwards. By 1714 most of the plots had been with them from France, and this trade leased and the houses largely built. At the dominated the area from the 1690s until south end of the east side two houses and a the early 19th century (Bayliss 1997, 590—2, meal shop were erected by J Nason in 1682 596—9; Brett-James 1935, 417; Cox 1996, 58, on the corner plot with Artillery Lane, the 60, 69; Molleson & Cox 1993, 94—7, 99, 106, site of no. 1 Gun Street. Two houses were 123, 159; Power 1971, 184; Rothstein 1961, built to the north of this on the site of no. 49, 65—7; 1987, 129, 136; SoL xxvii, 4; Strype 2 Gun Street, on the western side of the 1720, book 4, 48). excavated site (SoL xxvii, 31—4; BI, deeds 16—19; TH, deeds 127, 212). Archaeological sequence The Old Artillery Ground still retained a distinct administrative status and in May To the west of the Artillery Ground wall little 1687 the Crown designated it as part of contemporary activity survived, although to the Liberty of the Tower of London. The the far south two rooms of a brick building boundaries were carefully described in fronting on to Artillery Lane were identified writing, and marked on the perimeter (Building 1) (Fig 25) and to the north the structures with metal broad arrows. One of remains of a cesspit probably relating to a these arrows survives to the south end of the property fronting on to Gun Street. site on the wall of 1 Gun Street/43 Artillery Building 1 incorporated part of the Tudor Lane (Holder 1997, 15). At this time the artillery wall, which formed its external southernmost house in Gun Street adjacent east limit. The north wall was constructed to the Artillery Ground wall was held by of locally made unfrogged bricks laid in William Coram (Bayley 1825, 2, cxxi; SoL an irregular English bond, with its central xxvii, 30, 34; TNA, C66/3296 no. 13). section [132] being rebuilt at a later time. After the Dissolution the parish of St Building 1 was divided into two rooms, Botolph Bishopsgate was able to establish probably separated by a timber partition some rights over the area of the Old Artillery represented by beam slot [318]. In Room 1, Ground Liberty and its inhabitants; it was to the north, the position of a fireplace was suggested that this area should be included marked by two brick buttresses constructed with the parish when a reorganisation of against the Artillery Ground wall. The boundaries was considered in 1684, but this buttresses were of similar bricks to those scheme was never implemented. During used in the northern wall, [132]. The same 36 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts type of brick was also used in a series of at Colchester was retrieved from the cesspit ‘sleeper’ walls one course thick that may (see Gaimster PDF supplement). This seal have supported timber floor joists. Room 2, was derived from a bale of fine woollen cloth to the south, similarly appears to have had a known as bay. Its presence suggests that a wooden floor, although one resting upon a cloth merchant or perhaps a tailor may have series of wooden beams set into the ground, lived in the property associated with this represented by beam slots. The building cesspit. measured a minimum of 5.50m east—west with Room 1 measuring 4.50m north—south Early 18th century and Room 2 up to c.6.0m. The property was probably of brick During the early 18th century the pattern construction throughout. The two rooms of residential and light industrial activity identified are likely to have been at basement continued. The Tudor Artillery Ground wall level, with floors at around 11.50m OD. continued to form the eastern external wall Presumably there were two or possibly three of Building 1 and to separate the backyards storeys above. The recovery of two horn cores and gardens of properties fronting on to and more unusually a number of flattened Crispin and Gun Streets. horn plates,
Crispin Street and rebuild them, to provide Building 2 is thought to represent an improved accommodation for the poor extension or separate building to the rear of the parish (TH, L/CCS/1/2 p 217). By of a property fronting on to Crispin Street, February 1726 the lease of the houses built perhaps the middle property of John Pike. by William Savill had descended to Abram Its function could not be established. Davis, when the leasehold property was Immediately to its rear, a well-preserved divided. There were five houses on the plot horn core lined cesspit (CP2) (Fig 29) was and in 1730 John Pike’s three houses were excavated suggesting that the occupiers sold to Samuel Savill of Westminster (LMA, were involved in butchery, tanning or horn MDR 1730/3/377). working (see Yeomans PDF supplement). Although truncated it has been estimated Archaeological sequence that as many as 1,000 horn cores may have been used originally in its lining (see To the east of the Artillery Ground wall the Yeomans PDF supplement). The disused partial remains of a second cellared building cesspit was used for rubbish disposal, and were unearthed (Building 2), from which an associated pottery indicates a deposition S-shaped iron hook,
Fig 27. Antler tine wall hook
Fig 28. Plan of early 18th-century features including Building 2 (conjectured background structures from Horwood’s map of 1799) (scale 1:400) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 39
These wealthy figures controlled the journey- men weavers, who mostly worked in their own homes on piece rates. Some master weavers also lived in Crispin Street (Rothstein 1961, 39, 58, 67—8).
Archaeological sequence
Building 1 appears to have fallen into a state of disrepair evidenced by a small group of postholes in Room 2 (Fig 30, first phase). These may have held timber uprights to support the ceiling or constituted a tem- porary measure to shore it up prior to more substantial rebuilding. The renovation in- cluded an extensive rebuild of the external south wall, [245]. This wall was constructed of bricks dated to the 18th to early 19th century, laid in an irregular Flemish bond. In Room 1 the original wooden floor was replaced with a brick surface. This was set on a bedding layer continuing into Room Fig 29. The horn core lined cesspit (CP2) to the rear of 2, from which contained pottery and clay Building 2, view looking east (1.0m scale) tobacco pipes dated to the end of the 17th to early 18th centuries, including the rim of a rare Portuguese faience plate (see Jarrett
Fig 30. Detailed plans showing the two phases of early 18th-century alterations to Building 1 (scale 1:135)
The pottery recovered from the floor cloth into a conical sugar mould to set into make-up deposits of Building 1 included a sugar loaves (ibid). The syrup set into sugar number of sugar cone moulds (Fig 12.8— crystals and viscous molasses, the latter being 12.10) and syrup collecting jars, indicating drained away by removing the bung at the that sugar refining took place in the vicinity. base of the sugar mould and placing it on to Raw sugar had been imported into Britain a syrup collecting jar. largely from Spain, or from Spanish or In the mid-16th century there were only Portuguese plantations in the New World, two sugar-houses in Britain, both of which but from the mid-17th century it was sourced were located in London, but by 1750 there from the developing English colonies in the were 80 refineries in London alone (Hugill West Indies (Brooks 1983, 10). The sugar 1978, 27). The historical and archaeological arrived in Britain in a semi-refined state evidence suggest that riverside sites were known as ‘muscovado’ in wooden casks or favoured for the refineries, presumably hogsheads (ibid, 8). The ‘muscovado’ varied to be close to the ships that imported the in quality but it usually required secondary ‘muscovado’ (Brooks 1983, 11). Sugar refining in order to produce the quality of refineries were also often in close proximity sugar required. This involved the addition to abattoirs to take advantage of the supply of water and the successive boiling and of blood required for clarification (Hugill decanting of the syrup. Lime and egg white 1978, 30). The site is at some distance from or bull’s blood would be added to ‘clarify’ the river but sugar producers may have been the syrup before it was strained through a attracted to the Spitalfield’s area by the Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 41 butchers working there (see Yeomans PDF from Hawksmoor’s Christ Church (1714) supplement). The refining process may have to Bishopsgate and was the continuation of been associated with Building 1, although, Paternoster Row (to the north-east of the as the mould fragments were largely derived site). from floor make-up, they may represent material that was entirely unrelated to the Archaeological sequence structure and originated from elsewhere. Also to the west of the site, located in the The archaeological evidence for the repair backyards of buildings fronting on to Gun and modification of the Tudor Artillery Street, the remains of a brick-lined well (W1) Ground wall supports the documentary evi- and a rubbish pit (P14) were unearthed (Fig dence indicating that part of the boundary 28). Neither feature could be closely dated, survived the demolition by Mr Pitts and although they have been phased to the early continued to demarcate the property div- 18th century for stratigraphic reasons. ision between the houses fronting on to Gun and Crispin Streets. Mid to late 18th century To the north-east, Building 2 remained standing (Fig 31). Interestingly, Horwood’s Crispin Street map of 1799 indicates that its site was occupied by a communal garden (Fig 32). A In 1755 premises on the west side of Crispin charcoal and cinder layer deposited over the Street were described as abutting westward brick-paved cellar floor contained pottery on to the Artillery Ground wall. In 1746 and clay tobacco pipes of late 18th-century Dolphin Court lay to the west of Crispin date. This deposit also contained a fragment Street and was entered from Smock Alley to of a Tin-glazed wall tile,
Fig 31. Plan of the mid—late 18th-century features (conjectured background structures from Horwood’s map of 1799). Features shown include Buildings 1 and 2 (retained), Building 3, Pit 15 and Well 2 (scale 1:400) Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 43
Fig 32. The site as shown on Rocque’s map of 1746 and Horwood’s map of 1799 merchant Loftus Highland is known to have from Crispin Street. In the 1770s and 1780s lived during the late 18th century, an equally land tax returns and directory evidence significant amount came from the vicinity of indicate that the houses of Gun Street were Building 1 to the south. Both assemblages tenanted by silk-weavers, and that most were contain material broadly dated to the 17th occupied by two or more families. These and 18th centuries and probably represent included some with Huguenot names (GL, waste derived from domestic consumption. MSS 6005/17—21; various directories). The three houses on the east corner of Gun Street Gun Street and Artillery Lane and Artillery Lane (no. 1 Gun Street and no. 43 Artillery Lane) were owned by Robert By the time of John Rocque’s map of London Lum, who died in May 1781. The freehold was produced in 1746 (Fig 32), almost the of these properties was transferred to other entire Spitalfields area was densely built- family members in a settlement in July 1797, up (Hyde 1982, pl 6), but the Old Artillery when the house right on the corner was Ground retained its boundaries, its separate newly built. It had previously been occupied local government and its exclusive character. by John Fonteneau, who had first appeared In 1772 the trustees of the Liberty referred on land tax returns here in 1775—1778, and to the old brick wall around the Ground as was now in the tenure of Elizabeth Barry their ‘Town Wall’. (GL, MSS 6005/19—21; TH, deed 1562). At this time Gun Street included the homes of weavers of light silks and handkerchiefs, Archaeological sequence including Daniel Giles, Louis Desormeaux and Louis Chauvet, who had moved there Further alterations were made to Building 1 44 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts
(Fig 31). The cellar continued to be divided No specific occupants can be linked with into two rooms but the partition wall was nos 5 or 6 Gun Street, to which the remains moved 2.0m further north, enlarging Room of Building 3 probably relate, and few finds 2 to the south and shrinking Room 1. Once were retrieved, none of which provide again the floor was raised and repaved with evidence for specific activities. Indeed as locally made red and purple bricks (MoL with excavations to the north (Jeffries 2001, fabric 3032). The level on the floor in both 54—5), although historically well attested the rooms was at c.11.95m OD. The base of the Huguenot silk-weavers of Spitalfields remain fireplace and the platform in the alcove to archaeologically invisible. the north of the fireplace were also repaved, both with locally made bricks dating from 19th century the late 17th to early 19th century. A north—south aligned brick-lined drain The rapid decline of the silk industry in was inserted into the floor, running north- the early 19th century replaced the relative wards through both rooms, discharging prosperity of Spitalfields with considerable into a soakaway adjacent to the north wall poverty. Most of the population lived in of the building. The central section of the common lodging houses created by subdiv- north wall was also rebuilt at this time with iding the 18th-century houses. By the 1850s a mixture of reused and contemporary the local streets and alleys were notorious 18th-century brick in a random bond. This for criminal activity. By now the Huguenot reconfiguration of the internal space and element of the local populace had either installation of the drain and soakaway sug- moved away or been assimilated. They were gests that the function of these cellars had replaced by a new wave of East European changed. Jewish immigrants, who were also fleeing To the north of the partition wall Room persecution. The Jews opened small clothing 1 had a brick-paved floor with purpose-built workshops and furriers throughout the area drains and a possible soakaway (Fig 31). (Molleson & Cox 1993, 115; SoL xxvii, 8). These suggest that the room was designed with a particular function in mind. Domestic The Old Artillery Ground wall and Crispin Street activities involving water, including laundry, are obvious possibilities, but there are other Richard Horwood’s map of London of 1799 commercial alternatives, such as dyeing. shows many of the local house numbers To the south of the partition in Room 2, a (Fig 32). Pitts Court is shown opening off compacted clayey silt make-up layer was the west side of Crispin Street at the north present, but no contemporary floor surface end of the site. The almshouses were still survived. A recess in the partition wall is present, with the parish houses on their likely to have been the base to a chimney. No east side and Dolphin Court on the west, trace of a fireplace was detected in Building now accessed by an entrance from the south 3 although one might have been removed by end of Crispin Street. It is not known how truncation. long the almshouses continued in use. The To the north-west of Building 1 were boundaries of the Old Artillery Ground are the remains of another cellared structure, still shown on this map. Building 3, fronting on to Gun Street (Fig The 1814 edition of Horwood’s map 31). Its walls were largely constructed of shows at least nine houses around Dolphin reused orange bricks (MoL fabric 3033) set in Court, although the eastern range may still a random bond to the width of one stretcher have been the almshouses (Laxton 1985, and one header or 1½ bats. The remains of pl 16). Three are listed in land tax returns at least two rooms were delineated at cellar from 1799 to 1811 (plus one or more for level by an internal partition (Rooms 1 and Crispin Court), four from 1817 to 1825 and 2). This property on Horwood’s 1799 map 12 from 1841 to 1848 (GL, MSS 6008/56—81; corresponds to no. 6 Gun Street (Fig 32). 6008A/1—9). In 1841 and 1851 there were The thickness of the cellar walls suggests ten properties occupied by working-class that they were load-bearing, indicating the families, including immigrants from Ireland, presence of upper storeys. Scotland, Sweden and Amsterdam (TNA, Excavations at Crispin Street, Spitalfields: From Roman Cemetery to Post-Medieval Artillery Ground 45
HO107/710/13 fols 37—8; HO107/1543 fols 7v—9; RG10/503 fols 16v—17v; RG11/437). 159—61). By 1891—1901 the houses were occupied No. 49 Crispin Street between 1816 and by several Jewish families from Austria, 1843 was occupied by the lead, oil and coal Holland, Germany, Russia, Poland and merchant Francis Milner, by which time Prussia, amongst whom the tailoring trades he also stocked window glass. No. 50 was a predominated. There were still a few Irish bottle and phial warehouse held by George people in 1891 (TNA, RG12/275 fols 24v—26; Clode and John Richards in 1817—1824, RG13/300 fol 48). and Richards and Son in 1825—1841. This premises extended southward to the corner Archaeological sequence with Raven Row (formerly Smock Alley). There was another bottle warehouse at no. 43 To the north of the site, part of the Tudor in 1817 (Johnstone’s London Commercial Guide precinct wall, which had been partially 1817; Robson’s London Commercial Directory rebuilt in the 18th century, was again re- 1830; Robson’s London Directory 1835; Robson’s constructed and repaired (Fig 31). The Commercial Directory of London 1840; GL, MSS primary rebuild, [108], was constructed with 6008/72—81; 6008A/1—4; 11936/469/915121; purple and red bricks (MoL fabric 3034 & 11936/518/1092185—6; 11936/520/1084838—9; 3033) bonded with a sandy lime mortar in TNA, HO107/710/13 fols 30—1). The eight an irregular bond. An east—west return was houses of Pitts Court remained at the rear also identified to the east, [116], bonded of no. 47 Crispin Street until at least 1825 into the rebuild and of similar construction (GL, MS 6008/81). In 1841 and 1851 the suggesting a contemporary date. Both houses at nos 46 to 49 Crispin Street were these sections could relate to the creation in residential multiple occupancy. The of Pitts Court, although they more likely residents included at no. 48 a cap-maker post-date the demolition of the latter after from Russia, and at no. 48½ the French-born 1825 and represent the reinstatement of Celestin Roger, who described himself as a the boundaries of properties fronting on to Gothic sculptor. There were also some Irish Crispin Street. The presence of a blocking immigrants (TNA, HO107/710/13 fols 30—1; wall, [107], also indicates that an opening HO107/1543 fols 152—4). once existed in the rebuilt boundary wall. The houses of Dolphin Court and the south- The blocking wall is built from a combination west side of Crispin Street were demolished of reused 17th- and 18th-century bricks, in the 1860s when the Providence Row Night including Dutch paving bricks and machine Refuge was established by The Reverend made frogged bricks, suggesting that the Daniel Gilbert. This institution took its opening was filled in after 1850. name from its first home in Finsbury Square. The area to the north-east remained A new building for it was opened in Crispin within the backyards of nos 47 to 49 Crispin Street in late 1868, ‘with a front of eclectic Street. Building 2 probably corresponds and forbidding character’, occupying most to no. 49, which was occupied by Francis of the eastern half of the site. It housed 300 Milner from 1816 to 1843 (see above). By homeless women and children, and 50 men, the middle of the 19th century nos 47 to 49 overseen by the Sisters of Mercy. The refuge were in multiple occupancy. From this date later expanded into annexes in Gun Street through to at least 1901 these properties and Artillery Lane (SoL xxvii, 140—1). In were occupied by a multitude of individuals 1891 there were 14 Sisters, a servant and 301 and families largely comprising working-class inmates and boarders (TNA, RG12/275 fol European immigrants, including a number 141). of tailors. No contemporary stratigraphy was Between 1861 and 1881 the remaining identified and very few finds were retrieved. houses to the north of the Refuge at nos 45—49 Crispin Street were occupied by Gun Street and Artillery Lane working-class residents, including tailors and wheelwrights. There were increasing During the 19th century the inhabitants numbers of immigrants from Holland and of the Liberty enjoyed exemption from Poland living here (TNA, RG9/264 fols the Middlesex county rate, because of its 46 Berni Sudds and Alistair Douglas with Christopher Phillpotts privileged status. The area was joined to bricks at a later date. The floor level in Room the Whitechapel Union by the Poor Law 1 was raised and it was repaved. A bedding Commissioners in 1837 and in 1900 the layer of sandy silt contained pottery dating Liberty was abolished and it became part from 1780 to 1850. of the new borough of Stepney (SoL xxvii, At some point during the 19th century 34—5). the cellars of Building 1 required structural The streets of the Old Artillery Ground strengthening. Abutting both the new were particularly poor (Bayliss 1997, 598; partition wall and the Tudor Artillery Compton 1894, 10, 13; Sheppard 1971, 167— Ground wall to the east was a brick buttress, 8; SoL xxvii, 6—8, 35, 103). The silk industry measuring 0.56m by 0.56m, and bonded with was replaced by food and drink selling, and a Portland-type cement. A second internal other service trades (Cox 1996, 58—9, 61, 64). buttress, supporting the north wall of the No. 1 Gun Street on the corner of Artillery building, was constructed over the backfilled Lane was a public house throughout most soakaway, similarly bonded with a Portland- of the 19th century; it was also listed as no. type cement. There were some repairs to 10 Artillery Street. It was at first called the the brick-paved floor. Cartographic evidence Cock on the Hoop, run by Nathaniel Gill in identifies Building 1 as no. 43 Artillery Lane 1832—1841 and by his widow Maria Gill in and suggests that although remodelled it 1851 (Robson’s London Commercial Directory continued to stand on the same footprint 1830; Robson’s London Directory 1835; Robson’s until demolition during the current redev- Commercial Directory of London 1840; GL, MS elopment. The cellars were finally backfilled 11936/531/1133900; TNA, HO107/659/1 fol 7; with brick and concrete demolition rubble HO107/1543 fol 17), and later was renamed containing pottery and glassware dated to the the Artillery Tavern. 19th and 20th centuries. By the middle of the century no. 2 Gun The 18th-century drains and soakaway in Street was a house of refuge with 28 inmates, Room 1 of Building 3 were filled and a new and nos 3—7, 8 and 9 were in multiple brick-paved floor was laid over the old one. occupancy by working-class families (TNA, In Room 2 a pit filled with demolition rubble HO107/1543 fols 18—21v). In 1871 no. 2 was (P16) truncated the 18th-century subfloor. a Ragged School. There were increasing The pit contained pottery dating from 1800 numbers of Dutch, German, Polish and to 1850, plus part of a square-toed leather Russian immigrants in the 1870s and 1880s, shoe,
To the north of Building 3 and abutting the the Old Artillery Ground during the 19th 19th-century rebuild of the Tudor Artillery century. Ground wall were the remains of a brick-lined Other finds from Cesspit 4 included a cesspit (CP4 [99], not illustrated). Its lining hexagonal ivory scale-tang cutlery handle, was built of reused and new unfrogged and
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