Divinely Inspired by Shyler Hendrickson 1
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0 Divinely Inspired By Shyler Hendrickson 1 Introduction Traditionally, scholarship on Alexander the Great has centered on the imperial and political motivations for his conquest, though modern scholars have done much to expand upon the previously ignored influence spirituality had on his actions. The importance of Alexander’s spirituality can be observed in his venture to Siwah, and though the political ramifications of this excursion should not be understated, his true intentions behind the trip and what occurs afterward were entirely indicative of his intense religiosity. In order to expand upon the spiritual motivations of Alexander the Great and his successive adoption of personal divinity, and in an effort to prove that these desires surfaced long before Siwah, the following study will consider two key factors. First, the formative events of Alexander’s early life and his developing religiosity will be addressed. Second, his efforts in Asia and the near east surrounding his visit to Siwah. In short, this paper will work to join other scholars in enhancing the impact of Alexander’s religiosity upon his actions and challenge those that state his motivations as entirely political. I: Early Influences While we can attribute Alexander’s distinctly Greek intellect to Aristotle, we can also assume that Alexander’s fascination with his perceived heroic ancestors took root under his tutelage.1 Later in his life, Alexander’s fascination and identification with Achilles and Heracles would inspire depictions of him as such, serving to reinforce his image as a divine being. Perhaps even more importantly, Alexander’s rumored Heracleid descent was proof that Alexander was Greek and not a barbarian, as many southern Greeks assumed of Macedonians.2 Alexander’s fascination with his heroic and divine heritage was an exceedingly important aspect of his politicking.3 As such Alexander would put the image of Heracles to political use in the first years of his career. Following Isokrates’ advice to his father, he used the common Heracleid origin between himself and the Thessalians to win them over.4 While the ideas of Isokrates and Aristotle may have fueled the fascination with heroes that would define Alexander’s adult life, it is possible that, even before his time with Aristotle, the seeds of his divine inheritance were sown within his psyche by his own mother, Olympias. 1 Ulrich Wilken, Alexander the Great (London: Chatto & Windus, 1932),56; We know that Alexander received an annotated copy of the Iliad from Aristotle himself, which contributes to this suggestion - It is also possible that the copy of the Iliad in question was a gift received from Callisthenes, rather than Aristotle (Strabo, Geography 13.1.27 C594). But given the timeline of events and Alexanders demonstrable attraction to Achilles from an early age, it is more likely that the account given by Plutarch (Plut, Alex. 8.2) Is more accurate. 2 Ory Amitay, From Alexander to Jesus (London: University of California Press, 2010), 9. 3 Amitay, From Alexander to Jesus, 10. 4 Here Amitay makes the astute point of saying that Alexander did not rely on myth alone, as evidenced by the minor military clash between himself and the anti-Macedonian Thessalian faction at Tempe. Additionally, after Thebes fell, Kleadas attempts to play on Alexanders religious sensibilities, begging him to recall the actions of his heroic ancestor and spare the city. Alexanders refusal illustrates the futility of relying on myth alone. 2 Scholarship, both ancient and modern, discusses another thread of divine heritage for Alexander in his mother Olympias’ rumored sexual union with Zeus or Dionysus.5 Plutarch states that on the eve of Olympias’ consummation with Philip, she had a dream where her womb was struck by a bolt of lightning.6 In another passage, Plutarch cites Eratosthenes as proof that, before Alexander left Greece on campaign, Olympias confided in him the truth of his birth and that he should present himself in a way that honored his divine father.7 Plutarch suggests that the rumors of Alexander’s divinity may have been adopted by Philip II. Regardless, it is clear that Alexander was well aware of his rumored divine parentage well before his campaign. It is likely that while Philip was alive the rumors about Alexander’s birth circulated privately, opposed to the public endorsement of his later years.8 This was for the best, as Alexander would become increasingly estranged from his father as he got older. Alexander, as this essay has already mentioned, was headstrong from an early age. While this pleased Philip at first, as the boy matured, it became clear to Philip that Alexander’s ambitions and talents might outstrip his own.9 At the age of 16, Alexander was given command of his first army, which he led to victory against an Illyrian uprising. Following this, he expressed designs of Asiatic conquest; this being at the same time that Philip was requesting peace with the Persians, which must have damaged Philip’s ego.10 This mutual jealousy and estrangement may have reinforced Alexander’s perception that Philip was not his true father, bringing the notion of his true paternity into question. We know that following Philip’s marriage to Attalus’ niece Cleopatra ,the already poor relationship between Philip and Olympias disintegrated rapidly.11 Amid such a fractured household, it is likely that Olympias wished to inspire Alexander, the one who would succeed her husband, with ideas of his father in fact being a divine being. More than that, this new marriage threatened 5 Elizabeth Carney, Olympias: Mother of Alexander the Great (London: Routledge, 2006), 102. 6 See Plutarch, The Life of Alexander 2.2. 7 Plut, Alex. 3.2; That said, other sources claim that Olympias rejected the idea of Alexander’s divine roots entirely, see Carney, Olympias, 102. 8 Andrew Collins, “Alexander’s Visit to Siwah: A new analysis,” Phoenix-The Journal of The Classical Association of Canada 68, no. 1-2 (2014): 67. 9 Peter Green, Alexander of Macedon, 356-323 B.C. A Historical Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 43-4; One of the most popular examples of this is Alexander’s famed taming of his horse Bucephalus. According to Plutarch, Alexander was able to tame a wild horse which previously no one, not even Philip himself, had been able to tame. While this pleased Philip, Plutarch informs us that this also would have sparked some envy in the king. 10 David G. Hogarth, Phillip and Alexander of Macedon (London: John Murray, 1897), 118. 11 Hogarth, Phillip and Alexander of Macedon, 138. 3 Alexander’s right to succession.12 This idea is especially compelling when we consider the fact that it is entirely possible that Alexander was involved in his father’s assassination.13 Philip’s death came at a very convenient time for both Alexander and Olympias.14 Philip had determined by this time that Olympias was enough of a problem that he couldn’t leave her behind during a prolonged excursion into Asia. He therefore sought to render her impotent by detaching her from her mighty brother, Leonidas, by marrying him to Alexander’s sister.15 This wedding would mark the event at which Philip would meet his end, being stabbed by an assassin during his entrance ceremony. There is little doubt as to who the conductor of this murder was, as the assassin himself, a disgruntled member of the court, would not have acted in such a way of his own accord.16 The man in question, Pausanias, according to Arrian in the Anabasis and in other ancient sources as well, was seeking revenge for a violent sexual assault he had suffered by the will of Attalus, who had remained unpunished. However, Martin and Blackwell question the legitimacy of this claim. In essence, they ask: If the murder had been committed as an act of revenge, why did Pausanias not assault Attalus?17 Whatever the reason was, the deed was done, and in the wake of his father’s death, Alexander ascended the Macedonian throne. While we can safely assume that Olympias was responsible for the murder, Alexander’s involvement has always been a source of debate for historians. If we assume that Alexander already suspected himself to be the son of a deity rather than the son of Philip, then it becomes easier to believe that even if Alexander wasn’t involved in the murder directly, he had no reason, practical or familial, to stop it from occurring. The ramifications of this must be considered, as later in life when his divinity is made official by the Oracle at Siwah, it relieves him of the guilt 12 Plut, Alex. 9. 7. Plutarch states as much and goes further to explain that at the wedding party, Attalus got drunk and prayed out loud that Philip produce a rightful heir, much to the chagrin of Alexander who flung his drinking cup into Attalus’ face. These events served to estrange Alexander farther from Philip, and indeed following this event, he absconded with his mother, establishing her in Epirus while going himself to Illyria. 13 Green, Alexander of Macedon, 356-323 B.C. A Historical Biography, 273. 14 Green, 106-8; Shortly after Alexander and Olympias’ relocation, an immensely wealthy Satrap by the name of Pixodorus sent word to Philip proposing the marriage of his daughter, to one of Philips other natural heirs. To Olympias’ mind this jeopardized Alexanders succession, although it should be noted that while Philip and Alexander were not on good terms at this time, Alexander was never dispossessed of his position as Philips successor. 15 Hogarth, Phillip and Alexander of Macedon, 140.