In addition to problems at the interface of the Deaf and hearing worlds, there are issues for the Deaf community itself. Wendy Daunt, in an article entitled 'Do we have a Dream?' published in British Deaf News, November 1992, highlights the lack of support for Deaf professionals or leaders within the Deaf community.

Are we really proud of our community and are we really proud to receive young children in our midst? Have we got anything to give them in the same way that our heritage was given to us by our forebears? Or did they, our forebears, perhaps take too much to their graves? With oppression lessening, there is no need, or reason, for us to wash our dirty linen in public. At various functions that I have attended recently I have noticed 'back stabbing' among participants. People do not seem to be ready to offer credit where credit is due. Perhaps this is because in the old dark times Deaf people were not allowed to show fully what they could do themselves, so the congratulations, if any, went to hearing people. Deaf people have never had the encouragement to dream of a better future but now the time is here and the dream should become a reality. Some of the Deaf people who have done well and are respected in the Deaf world are seriously considering moving overseas. This would be a serious blow to the Deaf community in this country. We need to encourage each other to think back to the old days-think how we 'rallied' to each other because we were under threat from the outside. There is no need for the different factions emerging in the Deaf world. We are all Deaf, we should be proud and we should be united.

4 Deaf futures revisited Having considered various developments affecting the Deaf Community, we shall now look at three areas likely to influence its future: art, technology and political activities.

4.1 Deaf culture You may remember Kavita and Sheila describing a Deaf Cultural festival held in Derby. This took place in September 1993 and was attended by 1,600 people, far more than the organizers had anticipated. There were performers from the Deaf Comedians, Peter Brain's 'History of Deaf Teachers of the Deaf', Barry Curtis signing Deaf poetry, and the Newcastle Theatre of the Deaf. There was also a 'soapbox' which enabled individuals to put forward their own views, and a number of exhibitions and stalls. In reporting the conference, British Deaf News included the following comments:

It is great to see so many Deaf performers coming here today-more than I've ever seen before. I can see very young Deaf children wanting to participate as well. (Tony Nabarro, a Deaf juggler)

It is wonderful to see so many people enjoying themselves at this Festival-there seems to have been a hunger for this-it can't be compared to the BDA conference. I hope it will be an annual event or held every two years for the sake of the younger generations. (Doreen Naylor, a member of the BDA executive) (in Silo, 1993)

This festival was followed by a more specific event in June 1994, which took as its focus Deaf History. As well as stalls and exhibitions, there was a performance (repeated three times) portraying events in Deaf History- these included items about Deaf teachers of the deaf, human rights and Deaf people throughout the world, and Queen Alexandra, a deaf Danish princess. There was also a tribute to Dorothy Miles, the Deaf poet, who tragically died m January 1993. She CO-authoredUnit 3 of this course, contributed a BSLIEnglish poem, which she performs on Video Two, and wrote an account of her personal experiences which is included in Reader One, Being Deaf: Her untimely death has left us with a sense of great loss. In remembering her, Paddy Ladd wrote:

Imagine my amazement to find out there was such a thing as Sign Poetry, that puppets could be made which used sign to communicate, that Deaf people could actually write plays about their community and still be respected! These and many other mind blowing ideas, were what Dot brought to us. For she was the one who created Sign Poetry and all that now exists descends from her, the Grandmother of us all. (Ladd, 1993)

4.1.1 What is Deaf art? What is art? This question is the subject of much debate and many texts, and we do not intend to pursue it here. Instead, we shall offer a broad definition of art as a creative human activity that encompasses painting, poetry, music, sculpture and different forms of drama-including mime and comedy. Having avoided (hopefully) the pitfalls that could occur in a debate on the nature of art, the next question to ask is: 'What is Deaf art?' Our definition of Deaf art is that it is a form of cultural expression of the Deaf community, a Deaf perspective on both the Deaf and hearing worlds, an artistic interpretation that stems from the experience of being deaf, whether it be an original work or an adaptation of something generally available to hearing people. What this definition means is that Deaf art cannot be the same as art by hearing people, with the addition that the artist just happened to be deaf. For example, under this definition neither a straightforward translation of Hamlet into sign language for a deaf audience, nor the performance by a deaf artist in a hearing play for a hearing audience, such as that of the deaf actress Elizabeth Quinn as Hedda Gabler, would constitute Deaf art. There are many examples of Deaf artists, both currently working and from the past. However, finding out about them is difficult and little has been published. An exception to this is the recent book Britain's Deaf Heritage by Peter Jackson (1990)) which discusses a number of British Deaf artists of the past and present. A further source of information is Arthur Dimmock, a regular columnist in the British Deaf News, who for many years has compiled details of Deaf artists.

ITQ Why do you think it is so difficult to find information about Deaf artists?

4 Read~ng Now read pages 1 1 to 13 of the Set Book Br~t~shS~gn Language by M~les,about the Spanish art~stJuan Fernandez de Navarrete (El Mudo-The Mute) 4

According to Jackson, the centuries since the life of El Mudo have seen a number of deaf artists, particularly in the British Isles. Sir John Gaudy (1639-1705) and Framlingham Gaudy (1642-1673)) for example, both described as fine painters, were deaf brothers who communicated through sign language. Benjamin Ferrers (circa 1607-1732) is known as the father of Deaf art, and, although later than the Gaudy brothers, is generally held to be the first British deaf artist to receive uublic acclaim. He lived and worked for many years in Westminster, where he specialized in painting Chancery Court scenes. Charles Shirreff (1750-1831), Richard Cross (1742-1810) and Sampson Towgood Roche (1759-1847) were all deaf and all successful miniature portrait painters. Shirreff exhibited in many prestigious forums, including the Royal Academy; Cross was a prolific painter, held in high regard, who earned an excellent income from his art; and Roche, who came from Ireland, spent most of his adult years in Bath where he plied a flourishing trade in his art.

After the war his standing reached heights beyond his wildest dreams. Commissions were too numerous so he chose only the plum jobs. He proved himself to be the leading specialist in the difficult art of composite groups. This won him a commission to do the interior of the House of Commons during a sitting and thereby become the first person m history to be allowed to do this. A painting of the House of Lords followed. Another picture, now famous, is that of the RAF Commemorative Dinner in which the Queen, Prince Philip and many dignitaries are featured. Members of the Royal Family, even the Queen, ministers and many well known figures came to his studio to be painted. (A. Dimmock, 1990, personal communication)

4.1.2 In what way is Deaf art different?

4 V~deo Now re-watch the poem by Dorothy M~lesIn Sequence 6 of V~deoTwo and re-read Sect~on5 of Un~t3 wh~ch~ncludes a wr~ttenverslon of the poem

4 Comment Sect~on5 of Un~t3 deals w~ththe lhngu~st~caspects of the poem The po~ntwe w~sh to make here IS that of the 'd~fferentness'of the performed verslon compared w~ththe spoken and wr~ttenverslons It could be argued that the spoken and wr~ttenverslons, however well presented, are s~mplytranslat~ons of the performed work And, therefore, only the poem as ~t IS performed In BSL embod~esand expresses the full range of the thoughts and emot~onsof the creator 4

Now read Artlcle 27, 'S~gnS~nger' by Col~nThomson and L~ndaJanes In Reader OneReading How IS Deaf art descr~bedand how IS ~t def~nedas d~fferentfrom hearmg art2 m Make some notes before contlnulng 4

There are a number of points in the article you have just read that suggest a definition of Deaf art, and indicate where it may be different. When Colin Thomson performs, as well as using sign language and gesture, he locates his whole performance within a visual mode, and his material is chosen to reflect the experience of deafness. Examples of this are the song One Man Band, which describes his own position as a Deaf person in the community generally; and his partner Angelina's poem Don't Teach Me To Speak, which recounts her personal experience as a deaf child. Thomson cites the use of new material as an important development in Deaf art, and says of his own work that he is still using and adapting a hearing art form, whereas writing new songs from a Deaf perspective identifies it as Deaf art. This is clearly an area for much debate, and Thomson acknowledges that some members of the Deaf community are suspicious of his performances. It would be unusual if it were any other way: all new and developing art forms are treated with suspicion, whether cubism or rock-and-roll. Another important point that Thomson makes is that a spoken English and a sign language performance should be quite different because they relate to completely different ways of experiencing and describing the world. He quotes the example of the sign language interpretation of a performance in a theatre as being inadequate. Deaf performers, he says, using sign language, with an interpreter to 'voice over' for a hearing audience, would constitute real Deaf theatre.

4 Actlv~ty3 11stthe oblect~onsyou thmk hear~ngpeople m~ghthave to such an arrangement How many of these oblectlons do you th~nkwould apply to deaf people watchmg a of a play In spoken language w~tha slgn language Interpreter to one s~deof the stage2 4

Deaf theatre has a longer history in the USA than in the UK. A product of the late 1960s, the British Theatre of the Deaf followed the lead of the American National Theatre of the Deaf in that actors experienced in using mime were employed to present performances in 'sign-mime'. The obvious elegance of sign-mime as an art form, and its attractiveness to hearing audiences, cannot save it from the fact that it is an art form that is not particularly accessible to or popular with deaf audiences. The lack of mouth movement, facial expression, or the usual conventions of BSL (or ASL) make it difficult for many deaf people to follow. This poses a dilemma. For a theatrical production to survive it must either be heavily subsidized or 'put bums on seats'. Can Deaf theatre attract large enough audiences to ensure its survival in anything other than a localized way? Children of a Lesser God, for example, has been produced as a play and a film, both of which have been popular with the general public and, it is said, have raised the awareness of the hearing majority of the Deaf community. But at what price? Is it a play for deaf people, or simply one about them? Sarah, the deaf lead, is almost totally dependent upon her hearing speech therapist, as he interprets all her lines for the audience in a running commentary. There is no suggestion that power could be located anywhere but with the hearing person, and the deaf person is cast, as usual, as a 'victim'. The play The Last Flickering Light of Hope, on the other hand, is both for and about the Deaf community. It was written by a Deaf man, Ian Townsley, for the BDA's National Drama Finals in 1989. A review of the play appeared in The British Deaf News in October 1989:

A powerful drama called 'The Last Flickering Light of Hope' had people choke with emotion at the BDA's National Drama Finals at the Patti Pavillion in Swansea on Sunday, 30th July. Many deaf and hearing people watching the play had tears in their eyes as the drama had a very strong message. The play was written by Ian Townsley of Doncaster and, not only did it win the competition, but also Ian won the awards for the best producer and the best actor ... At the start of the play there was just a table and a few chairs. It was a deaf club. There was a club secretary alone, then young deaf people

our understanding of who Deaf people are; our educational practices. All these in a subtle but powerful way withhold knowledge from deaf people. Deaf people are kept unconscious of their own linguistic situation, and thus they are unable to transform that situation. As Ella puts it in the poem, Deaf people 'go down the corridor ... NOT KNOWING.' .. . ASL (American Sign Language) is a visual-gestural language used in the United States and Canada by Deaf people. It is not universal and it is not English; it has its own phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics. It can only be signed; you can't speak or write ASL. Literature in ASL is necessarily 'oral literature', not preserved in a permanent medium like writing but handed down from one signer to another, one generation to another. What about signed English? If you could see Ella signing her poem on the video tape, a poem that uses both ASL and English, you would be struck by the difference, the tension visible when she used sign English. When the teacher in the poem beckons, 'Come out of your dark and silent world', in a very mocking, derogatory style ... The culture of silence must be broken from within, and the fist blow must come from the deaf student. As Nan Elsasser and Vera John- Steiner have noted: 'A student's sense of personal power and control emerges largely as a result of the increasing movement of his or her social group towards self-determination. In the absence of such movement educational intervention is most often futile.' Or, as Ella Lentz so eloquently expresses it: 'Damn your chains! We'll pronounce our OWN deliverance and articulate OUR message loud and clear.' (Wilcox, 1989) In explaining Deaf folk-tales, Carol Padden and Tom Humphries note that: 'Stories told by the members of a culture about their origins, whether they use religious or fantastic motifs, are creations of meaning about the culture's existence. They reaffirm the present by instilling meaning into the past (Padden and Humphries, 1988). They cite three examples of Deaf folk-tales. The first is the story which you also read about in Unit 8 that is told about the Abbe de I'Epee, who, after a long walk on a dark night, rested at a house where he met two young deaf women, and realized that his mission in life would be to educate deaf children: We finally realized that the story is not about the Abbe de lfEp6e. Instead it has come to symbolize, in its retelling through the centuries, the transition from a world in which deaf live alone or in small isolated communities to a world in which they have a rich community and language. This is not merely a historical tale, but also a folktale about the origin of a people and their language. Epee's movement from the darkness of the night into the light and warmth of the house of the deaf girls is entirely appropriate as a central image in a folktale of origins, not at all unlike folktales of other cultures. (Ibid.) The second example Padden and Humphries give is the story of Joshua Davis recorded in Deaf Heritage by Jack Gannon (1981). The story is set in the American Civil War, and 18-year-old Joshua Davis is squirrel hunting on his parent's plantation when he is suddenly surrounded by Union soldiers who take him to be a spy. No amount of gesticulating by Davis (who is profoundly deaf), or even the testimony of his parents, will convince the soldiers that he is deaf and that he is not a spy. What saves him from being immediately hanged is the inte~ventionof an officer who finger-spells to Davis and asks him about his school. The officer has a deaf brother and is able to verify the veracity of Davis's case and he is set free. The main point of this folk-tale, according to Padden and Humphries, is that slgn language, speech, gestures and lip-reading are not adequate for survival. It is the 'special knowledge' that deaf people gain from each other that will be their salvation. The third example is a scene from the play My Third Eye, produced by the National Theatre of the Deaf in 1973. The scene recalls the experience of one of the members of the cast who witnessed the punishment of a classmate at residential school:

The scene opens and we are introduced to a dimly lit stage. In a spotlight we see a young woman held fast by two strong attendants. Behind her rises a stern and ominous figure, perhaps eight feet high, in a dark flowing robe. The attendants look at the figure as if awaiting instructions. The figure pronounces a word which the young woman is forced to repeat, but she cannot pronounce it correctly. The figure coldly gives a signal; the attendants tighten their grip and dunk her face into an unseen bowl of water. She struggles but cannot escape the strong arms of her attendants. They dunk her again in the water, releasing her only when she is nearly drowned. Again the figure pronounces the word. Weakened from repeated dunkings and helpless to escape, she tries once again but again fails, again the signal and again the dunking. In the background we see the other actors standing silently by, watching a nearly drowned woman, the scene ends with the woman near death. (Ibid.)

Compare this with the sketch by the Deaf Comedians. The different art forms (drama and humour) convey similar messages: to be deaf will inevitably involve you in a struggle for your own existence. Being forced to speak and failing means death for the young woman in My Third Eye, whereas Harold's fate in the Deaf Comedians' sketch is a symbolic death- he is denied his identity as a Deaf person and his hand (his means of communicating) is broken by the ruler.

4 AC~IVI~~5 Usmg the concept of 'the personal as pol~t~cal'descr~bed In the Introduct~on,wr~te a few notes for yourself on why these folk-tales could be considered as polltlcal 4

These stories (folk-tales) fulfil two important political functions. First, they provide a historical reference for the Deaf community: they 'people' the past with Deaf characters Involved in the struggle to hold on to their language, their culture and their identity. Whether the characters are funny, heroic, or are 'martyrs' is not important. What is important in these stories is that a 'Deaf' history is available and accessible to the modern Deaf community. collaborate to Improve the status of Deaf people In soc~ety Wh~lstsome of the other art forms In the Deaf commun~tyare more challengmg to the hear~ngmalor~ty, Landell's alm IS to enl~sthear~ng people as alhes In the struggle agamst oppression It IS not a case of one form bemg more appropr~ate(or successful) than another, ~t IS s~mplythat they represent the range of elements that ex~stw~th~n the pol~t~calart~culat~on of m~nor~tygroup art 4

4.1.4 The function of Deaf art Artists in the Deaf world fulfil a very important function. In a culture without a written language their task is more than simply entertainment. They are charged with the responsibility of transmitting the culture and of interpreting the experience of deafness. There are many clear examples of this in operation and we have referred to some of them. An identifiable thread that runs through them all is the focus upon the personal experiences of Deaf people, the shared oppression and the celebration of the different ways of being Deaf. These personal experiences are not viewed as being only about the individual. Deaf artists identify them as features of the universality of the oppression of Deaf people; they are stories in a political tapestry. Within a political framework, Deaf art can be confrontational, such as Ella Lentz's poem and the Deaf Comedians' sketch on Video Four; experimental, as in new forms of theatre, such as The Last Flickering Light of Hope, and the developing art of sign song; or it can serve to maintain the culture, as in the folk-tales recorded by Padden and Humphries. Because of their differentness, their Deaf perspective, all these art forms play their part in the development and the promotion of the Deaf community as a cultural group with a political dimension. It is difficult to know whether Deaf artists are more or less active now than previously. Information on Deaf artists of the past is not readily available, and what there is gives little indication of their political intent. It may be encouraging on one level to be able to look back at some Golden Age of Deaf art but there is little evidence of this. What is significant for the future is that Deaf artists are engaging in a wider variety of art forms and are addressing themselves to a more actively political range of subjects. Thus the question, 'Who is Deaf art for?', cannot be answered simply. Deaf artists must be active in all the areas we have just outlined, and more. On this political agenda is the question of the preferred relationship between Deaf people and hearing people in the future. Will it be as oppressor and oppressed? Or as allies? I. King Jordan, the first deaf president of Gallaudet University, in his inaugural speech, outlined a Deaflhearing partnership at Gallaudet. Trevor Landell also sees this as the way forward for the future:

Many Deaf people want to campaign about sign language, and art's one way that we can raise a better profile, but we need hearing people, they need to be involved, we need to draw hearing people in. Deaf people can teach hearing people sign language. We don't want to suffer oppression; we want to say to hearing people, 'will you help us?'. We want to raise the profile of sign language, so we need to raise awareness among hearing people. (Trevor Landell on Video Four) 4.2 The impact of technology In the conversation between Kavita and Sheila various technological advances were discussed, including minicoms, Teletype and cochlear implants. Kavita and Sheila saw the impact of these developments on the Deaf community as mixed, being positive for some and negative for others. In the case of cochlear implants, however, their view was that they had a negative impact.

4.2.1 Minicoms Minicoms are text-telephones (they are demonstrated by Sandra Smith on Video One). These devices give deaf people access to telephone communication. A standard telephone handpiece is placed on a cradle linked to a keyboard. Typed messages send auditory signals down the line and are translated back to a typed message presented on a screen at the receiver's end. If both people do not have a minicom, communication can be made via the facility Typetalk, which will relay information between the minicom user and the voice-telephone user. Typetalk is a National Relay Service, which operates all day, every day. Specially trained operators relay calls between people with text-phones, and those using voice-phones, and the service can be used to make and receive calls anywhere in the world, provided that one user is registered with Typetalk and their text telephone is compatible with the system. Using a minicom is much slower than spoken communication, and deaf people are entitled to a reduction in their telephone bills. Using a minicom also requires some competence in English, and as Kavita and Sheila point out, deaf people who are not English speakers, or who are not confident about their own use of English, may feel marginalized.

4.2.2 Subtitles on television

Now read Art~cle4 4, 'Information Technology A Breakthrough for Deaf Peoples' by Rob Baker In Reader Two Baker makes an Important dlstlnctlon between (I) technology that IS deslgned to 'normal~ze'deaf people (such as hearlng alds), and (11) technology that recognizes difference (such as the Mlnlcom) HISdlscusslon of the early development of subtltllng 1s also Important 4

Baker observes that television subtitling has increased 'from about half an hour a week in early 1980 to about 20 hours a week on each network in 1987'. In March 1990 the front page of the British Deaf News carried the headline 'Major Victory on Broadcasting Bill'. The headline refers to the fact that the government had decided: '... that the new Channel 3 and 5 licensees would be required to sub-title at least half of all their programmes within five yeas of the start of their franchises in 1993' (British Deaf News, 1990). Gail Vines, however, writing in the New Scientist, saw it as an opportunity lost rather than a victory gained: 'The drafters of the Broadcasting Bill threw out a clause that would have guaranteed that a certain percentage of airtime carried interpreted programming, settling instead for subtitles that are incomprehensible to many deaf people with poor reading skills' (Vines, 1990).

4.2.3 Environmental aids This group of aids includes flashing-light doorbells, flashing-light baby alarms, amplified handsets for telephones, and induction loop systems for televisions. These devices are what would be described as 'low-tech' practical aids and they are generally of benefit to those deaf people who request them. They are not, however, without controversy. Their packaging and presentation is generally poor and does not compare favourably with electronic products aimed at a more commercially orientated market. Although there have been some recent signs of improvement, these products definitely sit more easily in a hospital ward than on a piece of living-room furniture. They also have a high incidence of mechanical or electrical breakdown-again, something which would not be tolerated in a wider market. Finally, their distribution and the charges made are inconsistent. Some local authorities distribute these devices free of charge, whilst others charge a nominal fee, the full price, a rental charge, or ask for a contribution. Some local authorities will only supply certain devices, usually determined by budget allocations rather than by user requirement. The legislation that empowers local authorities to supply these practical aids and adaptions is vague, and provision is thus very variable.

4 Actlvlty 6 Contact your local authorlty and ask these questlons

1 What IS the envlronmental old servlce for deaf people In our area2 2 How much IS the annual budget for these a1ds2 How 1s the slze of the budget determined on past use or on estlmatlons of needs and numbers2 And 1s th~s usually over- or under-spent2 3 Is the envlronmental ads budget for deaf people 'rlng-fenced', or IS ~t part of a general budget? 4 How are allocations of env~ronmentalads to lndlvlduals determlnedz By the user on request2 Or by some form of assessment2 5 Does the person In the organlzatlon responsible for advlslng users on the su~tab~l~tyof different envlronmental ads have any techn~calquallflcatlons2 If so, what are they2

All of thls mformatlon IS In the publlc dornaln and should be freely ava~lable You may wlsh to make a comparison by contacting a ne~ghbour~nglocal authorlty and asklng the same questlons 4

In the following excerpt, Tricia Kemp describes how her son, Alex, was implanted, despite many difficulties. The family visited many centres before a hospital in Hanover, Germany, finally agreed to do the operation. She feels their efforts were fully justified.

The issue of a congenitally deaf child being born to the deaf community is a huge one which had weighed heavily on my mind for months. I know that Alex will always be a deaf person and I accept that. I am not trylng to change him into a 'hearing' person, but he was born into a hearing family and a hearing world. If he can comprehend even the smallest amount of sound surely it will make life easier for him as an adult in the world at large. He is our child and, like all parents, we can only do what we feel is best for him. Alex is a bright responsive child with a loving and supporting family, a Therapist well capable of taking on the rehabilitation and access to arguably the best technical team. On paper, the implant has every chance of success. If Alex hated it as he grew older, he could take off the device. We would not stop him Signing, and any little hearing he might gain must surely be of benefit. ... The implant took place on 26th February, 1991. Steve and I sat in the very clinical room which was home for Alex and me for the next two weeks and waited. It took much longer than we had been told, but there were no English-speaking staff around to ask what was happening. Finally we were called to the recovery room to see a pathetic little creature wearing what looked like a white helmet, trying desperately to stand, but not having the strength, and clutching Stripey the bunny who has been with Alex through thick and thin. His adenoids had also been removed and he had blood pouring from his nose. He looked utterly miserable, far from the happy little boy who was always smiling and giggling. ... The whole family and Alex's Therapist went to Hanover for the switch-on which took place on 15th April, and was the most emotional experience I have ever had. The first time I could really see that Alex could hear the tears welled up inside me. It had all been worth while. This time we stayed with a wonderful family who really made us feel at home-much better than having to be in the Hospital. Alex wore the device happily and was already indicating an awareness of certain sounds. By the end of the week, however, he had had enough and, as soon as we got to the Hospital, he ripped off the coil and refused to wear it. We flew home in a despondent frame of mind. The next morning we put it on and crossed our fingers. No problem! He has worn it ever since, except on one or two occasions in the hospital setting! It is now five months since switch-on, and he can hear the doorbell and the telephone. He could never have done this without an implant. Surely that says it all? Nearly every week there's an exciting development. He now turns to his name, vocalises a very great deal more, can say a few words, has good attempts at imitating many others and does a lot of shouting. This is all music to my ears. The implant is the best thing we have ever done for him. (Kemp, 1991) 4 Readtng You should now read Paper Three In the Supplementary Readings What oblections to cochlear Implants are raised in this paper2 4

The objections seem to be:

(a) They are untried and thus 'medical experimentation'. (b) They reinforce a view of deafness that sees it as a medical problem, rather than a cultural, linguistic issue. (c) Some people derive no benefit, and for others the benefit is not as great as expected. (d) A child could end up as neither part of the deaf world, nor part of the hearing world. (e) Implant programmes do not take account of the general psychological development of the child. (f) Parents are not given adequate information about the Deaf community on which to make an informed decision. (g) Problems of Deaf people require a social, not a medlcal solution.

The cost of implants could also be added to this list. The Medical Research Council's Institute of Hearing Research estimates the cost of providing an implant, at 1992193 prices to be £51,000 up to the end of the twelfth year after the implantation. This includes £13,000 for the cost of the hardware. While it is not possible to suggest this money could be used differently, as it is not an entitlement which could be redirected, it is legitimate to ask whether this is cost-effective It is important to recognize that the debate may not concern cochlear implants themselves or their usefulness, but the discourse that surrounds them. For the general public, most of the discussion they hear about childhood deafness will focus on cochlear implants, and will thus reinforce a view of deafness which sees it as something to be cured. Because of the high profile of implants and the associated publicity, a view of deafness as a medical problem is reinforced. For parents of a newly diagnosed child, if may seem that the only action they themselves can take is to obtain a cochlear implant, as the other options are rarely presented when the possibility of an implant is discussed. Parents may feel they have 'failed' if they do not pass the screening programme and their child is judged unsuitable for an implant.

4 Actrvity 8 You should make notes on your own views on cochlear implants Consider what you might say to a hearing parent with a deaf child who asked for your advice Consider how you would answer the followmg statements

It IS wrong to perform a med~caloperation on a child who is not ill It is wrong to depr~veany child of the right to hear [even ~f it is only limited hearmg) 4 Both the British Deaf Association and the National Deaf Children's Society have issued policy statements on this topic. The BDA asserts the following Basic Principles:

1 The British Deaf Association fully supports the rights of adults-either deaf from birth, or having become deaf-to choose to have cochlear implant surgery. 2 The BDA also supports the rights of parents (having received all relevant information beforehand) to act m the best interests of their deaf children, and will continue to regard children and adults who use cochlear implants as members of the Deaf Community. 3 The BDA does not accept the negative medical model of deafness as a pathological defect to be cured or eradicated. A successful education and quality of life is possible without being dependent on speech and verbal language alone.

However, they add that:

The consensus BDA view is that we are unable to recommend cochlear implants for children. (BDA, 1995)

The National Deaf Children's Society policy was agreed in 1990 and published in 1992. It states:

The National Deaf Children's Society recognises that cochlear implants are one technique for developing awareness of sound in certain deaf people. The Society recognises that some parents of deaf children may wish to conslder cochlear implants as an option for their child and supports then right to do so. The Society will support such parents by providing clear factual information, by honest and open discussion of the practical and ethical problems involved with implantation and by putting parents in touch with other parents and with professionals. The Society will aim to ensure that cochlear implant teams working w~thchildren involve experts from all professions and have the highest possible standards of life-long care. The Society is committed to a whole child approach where education, health, social and personal needs are dealt with together. Cochlear implants must only and always be part of that approach and not an alternative to it. (NDCS, 1992b)

4.3 Political activity The previous Unit 10 included a discussion of the protest at Gallaudet University (a University for Deaf people in America) when a hearing president was appointed in 1988. It was perceived as having major significance then, and we include an account of that event here.

be moved from my previous 'medical' view of deafness (as a 'condition', a deficit, that had to be treated) to a 'cultural' view of the deaf as forming a community with a complete language and culture of its own. (Sacks, 1989)

The question that arose in March 1988 was, 'Did the Deaf community have a political language?' A gathering of deaf people estimated variously as 500 to 2,000 had brought Gallaudet to a grinding halt. But what would they do now? Was it revolution or riot? Sacks commented:

Earlier in the week, the initid actions to Elizabeth Ann Zinser's appointment were furious-and uncoordinated; there were a thousand individuals on campus, milling around, tearing up toilet paper, destructive in mood. But all at once, as Bob Johnsons said, 'the whole consciousness changed'. Within hours there seemed to emerge a new, calm, clear consciousness and resolution; a political body, two thousand strong, with a single will of its own. It was the astonishing swiftness with which this organization emerged, the sudden precipitation, from chaos, of an unanimous, communal mind, that astonished everyone who saw it. (Ibid.)

Four elected student leaders were at the forefront of the transformation of the deaf protesters from a crowd into a political force: Greg Hlibok, Tim Rarus, Bridgetta Bourne and Jerry Covell. Was this a case of charismatic leadership moulding the activities of a large and angry group of people? Sacks thought not:

Hlibok and his fellow student leaders have not incited or inflamed students---on the contrary, they are calming, restraining, and moderating in their influence, but have been highly sensitive to the 'feel' of the campus and, beyond this, of the deaf community at large, and have felt with them that a crucial time has arrived. They have organized the students to press for a deaf president, but they have not done this alone: behind them there has been the active support of alumni, and of deaf organizations and leaders all around the country. Thus, much calculation and preparation, preceded the 'transformation', the emergence of a communal mind. It is not an order appearing from total chaos (even though it might seem so). Rather, it is the sudden manifestation of a latent order, like the sudden crystallization of a super-saturated solution-a crystallization precipitated by the naming ofkinser as president on Sunday night. This is a qualitative transformation, from passivity to activity, and in the moral sense no less than the political sense, it is a revolution. Suddenly the deaf are no longer passive, scattered, and powerless; suddenly they have discovered the calm strength of union. (Ibid.)

Jane Bassett Spilman, a hearing person and the chairman (sic) of the Gallaudet board, disagreed with this view. She was quoted in the Chronicle of Higher Education of 23 February 1988 as saying that the protest was 'mob control', and that a platform of civil rights had been used at the expense of

Bob Johnson was then head of the Lmgu~st~csDepartment at Gallaudet, and a friend of Oliver Sacks.

Some of the 'others' mentioned by Rossinow were quick to respond to the events at Gallaudet. Clarence Pendleton, the chairman of the US Commission on Civil Rights (a government body, Pendleton was appointed by Ronald Reagan), criticized the action of the students and the members of faculty who forced the resignations of Zinser and Spilman, saying that the situation was 'absurd' and a reversal of the principles of civil rights. He paralleled it with contemporary events in Neward, New Jersey, where, he claimed, the Mayor, Sharpe James, had forced the resignation of a white local politician in order that he could be replaced by a representative from the Black community. The area has a 58 per cent Black population. By this stage, news of the protest at Gallaudet had appeared in newspapers across the USA and most of them had reported in favour of the demand for a deaf president. Others, however, adopted a similar position to Clarence Pendleton, claiming that the demonstrations were against the spirit of the civil rights movement. One such reporter, William Murchison, a columnist in the Dallas Morning News, argued that the events at Gallaudet were a backward step for community relations and that they were based on a perverse theory.

The Gallaudet theory of representation is in fact the ghetto theory. We assert and promote distinctions among human beings instead of searching for meeting grounds. What people believe becomes less important than what they look like. Or talk like. Or, in the Gallaudet case, how they hear. The theory strains more than credibility. It strains the social fabric. It introduces into the democratic dialogue a surly growl: Them against Us. Which growl grows louder with time. Soon it's Us against Them. As at Gallaudet. (Murchison, undated)

Murchison asserts that the idea that representation of a disadvantaged group can only be appropriately achieved by someone from that group, is undemocratic and divisive. He argues that at one time the USA was a 'melting pot', whereas now there is a growing trend towards separatism in American life and that, once opened up, there is no easy way of 'patching up' these divisions. Presumably Murchison believes that disadvantaged groups would not progress if left to their own devices. As evidence, he cites the fact that none of the men who founded Gallaudet was deaf, and that if they were alive today they would therefore not be qualified to be president of the institution that bears their name.

ITQ How would you represent the position of the protesters at Gallaudet against that of Pendleton and Murchison? In particular, how would you reply to the assertion that the principles of civil rights were eroded by the action of the protesters?

Following Elisabeth Zinser's resignation, one of the deaf applicants, I. King Jordan, was chosen by the board to be the first deaf president of Gallaudet University. Any claims that academic values were to be undermined, or that the politics of separatism, of 'Us and Them', were to be prevalent, were certainly not a feature of Jordan's inaugural address:

In its 124 year history, Gallaudet became an institution respected the world over. Eight months ago ... a rally on campus brought together many members of the campus community in an unprecedented show of united purpose. Excellence took on a new meaning in the week that followed. The world saw a diverse community come together with a synoptic spark ... a student body conducting itself with dignity and deliberation during a week filled with the potential for disruption ... articulate students, along with faculty and staff, argue eloquently that their cause was lust. Excellence at Gallaudet must mean that we are advocates for the rights of deaf and disabled people everywhere. We must become a working model. No barriers. No impediments. No restrictions. Gallaudet must demonstrate the true meaning of 'open access'. Excellence at Gallaudet must mean that our university is a community in which people of all kinds and ages, deaf people, hard of hearing people, and hearing people, live and work together. Excellence at Gallaudet must mean an unyielding commitment to find more, never to be satisfied with what we know, to be always alert to new possibilities, and to be always curious. Let us begin together to truly embrace the diversity of opinion and outlook that nurtures the intellectual life of any great institution of learning. (lordan, 1989)

4.3.2 The effects of the Gallaudet protest We have concentrated so far mostly upon one event, and an American one at that. We have allocated so much space to this because we believe that the unfolding drama at Gallaudet University in the early months of 1988 encapsulates many issues of fundamental importance to Deaf communities world-wide.

4 Actlvlty 9 Make a list of the aspects of the events at Gallaudet durlng March 1988 that you cons~derhave a broader relevance to the world Deaf cornrnunlty Then, select one or two Iterns from your lrst and wrrte a paragraph or so about why you thrnk they are of partrcular lrnportance 4

The protest at Gallaudet University was essentially an expression of the political struggle of deaf people wherever they live. The action taken by those people involved in the campus revolution ensured this, for they identified the subjective experience of deaf people as social and political oppression, and used this as the organizing principle around which to conduct their protest. The effect of this was that they attracted world-wide support from deaf people for their actions, and offered encouragement to other Deaf communities because of their success.

4 Read~ng You should now read the art~clesIn Reader Two that relate to the malor organ~zat~onsIn the Deaf f~eld These are Artrcle 6 6, 'A St~mulusto learn~ng A Measure of Ab~l~ty'by T Stewart S~mpson, Article 7 8, 'The Br~t~shDeaf Assoc~at~onThe Vo~ceof the Deaf Community' by the BDA, Arttcle 7 9, 'The Development of the Royal Nat~onallnst~tute for the Deaf' by the RNID, Art~cle7 10, 'The Development of the Nat~onalDeaf Ch~ldren'sSoc~ety' by Harry Cayton 4

In 1989, when we were preparing the first version of this unit, we contacted the major organizations in the field of deafness to ask them about the positions deaf people occupied in their organizations, the influence they had, how many deaf people were employed, and their policies regarding the employment of deaf people. We contacted these organizations again in 1994 and posed similar questions. Here are their responses: (a) British Deaf Association In 1989, 13 of their 40 employees were Deaf. In 1994, they employed 23 Deaf people, 41 per cent of all staff. Of the 23 posts, 2 were of senior management level, 18 of officer level (equivalent of middle management), one of clerical level and 2 assistants. @) Council for the Advancement of Communication with Deaf People In 1989, CACDP had only 8 full-time staff, of whom only one was deaf. However, they had 260 part-time examiners of whom approximately 50 per cent were deaf. In 1994, they employed 15 full-time staff, none of whom were deaf, and 5 part-time staff, one of whom was deaf . They also employed 120 deaf examiners on a sessional basis. At the time of writing they are planning to advertise for 3 new members of staff, at least one of whom would be deaf. (c) National Deaf Children's Society In 1989, the NDCS employed 22 full-time staff, of whom 5 'describe themselves as deaf'. In 1994, they employed 34 staff, of whom 8 were deaf, in a variety of positions. (d) Royal National Institute for Deaf People In 1989, the RNID was the largest employer of this group, and of its 550 staff, 60 were deaf or hard of hearing. In 1994, of 872 employees, 66 were deaf, and these were employed in a range of posts, including Print Room Operator, Payments Supervisor, Head of Publications and Regional Training Officer. The organizations were also asked about any policy they had on the employment of deaf people. In 1994, as in 1989, none had a specific policy, although the CACDP made specific recommendations for positive discrimination for Tutors in their Tutor Policy document. In 1994, all the organizations had equal opportunities policies andlor were working towards being equal opportunities employers. Overall, these figures do not present an optimistic picture. The BDA is the only organization that has significantly increased its deaf staff. The NDCS and CACDP present similar figures for 1989 and 1994, while the RNID shows a decrease in the number of deaf employees, from 11 per cent to 8 per cent.

In one respect, however, there has been a major and significant development. In June 1992, the National Deaf Children's society appointed a deaf woman, Susan Daniels, as Director. In November 1994, the Royal National Institute for Deaf People appointed Doug Alker, a deaf man, as Chief Executive, following a campaign by Deaf people (see Figure 10.17). At the time of writing uanuary 1995) the post of Chief Executive of the British Deaf Association is vacant, and advertisements have specified that the post is to be filled by a Deaf person. The impact of three of the major deaf organizations being headed by deaf people cannot be predicted, but it represents a radical shift.

4.3.4 Deaf people and the wider political arena Kavita and Sheila discussed the campaign for disabled people's rights; they consider the involvement of Deaf people in the Civil Rights Campaign in 1994, and also the American Disability Act which has had positive consequences for disabled people. This discussion raises issues about the treatment of disabled people in this country, but it also re-focuses attention on the relationship between Deaf and disabled people. The whole basis on which Deaf people themselves should campaign is also being questioned. In the course so far, we have suggested that Deaf people should be considered as a linguistic and cultural minority group rather than a disability group, although at various points in the course certain reservations about this have emerged.

ITQ What are the disadvantages for Deaf people in separating themselves from the disability movement?

This is an important question, and we advise you to spend some time considering it. Sources you could use include:

'Everybody here spoke sign language', Nora Groce, Constructing Deafness 1.2. Vic Finkelstein "'We" are not disabled, "You" are', Constructing Deafness 7.6. Video Four: Section 1 on political action Ladd and John, Unit 9, Sections 1.2 and 1.3.

4 Comment You should have notlced the following polnts

(a) Deaf people on Martha's Vlneyard were not seen as disabled, but nelther were they vlewed as a lhngulstlc and cultural minorlty group The barriers were lifted, not through dlfference belng recognized, but through dlfference belng reduced (b) Finkelstein suggests that Deaf people are 'disablist' in separating themselves from the dlsablllty groups In relectlng the oppression associated wlth the label 'disabled', Deaf people themselves oppress d~sabledpeople (C) Ladd and John suggest that rt 1s possrble to be both drsabled and members of a llngurst~cand cultural mlnorlty group-the decrsron IS ultrmately pragmatrc (d) Much of the polrtrcal actron of Deaf people In thrs country has been In conlunctron wrth the drsabrlrty movement Thrs IS true of the excerpt shown on V~deo Four-that whrle the Gallaudet and French protests were as Deaf people, thrs example was as members of the drsabrlrty movement 4

In general, the Deaf community continue to assert that they should not be viewed as disabled. Kavita and Sheila mention a television discussion in which this was discussed: they felt the Deaf view had been put in a way that was oppressive to disabled people (See Hear, 1993). It seemed from the programme, that Deaf people did not appreciate that the disability movement also rejects the medical model of disability. In contrast, Deaf people have always been involved with the disability movement in the campaign for Civil Rights and for anti-discrimination legislation. The British Deaf Community's involvement in campaigning on this issue began in 1982 and has been ev~dentat every stage, with significant numbers of Deaf people attending demonstrations on this issue, and organizations of deaf people making representations to the Government. You may wish to review your own position on the disability and cultural- minority debate. You should ask what are the reasons for taking each of the positions, and what are the advantages and disadvantages.

5 The future of the Deaf Community In reading this unit, you may feel that a rather more complex (or confused) description has emerged of Deaf people and the Deaf community. It seems rather more difficult to say who Deaf people are, and the Deaf Community seems no longer a homogeneous, clearly defined group with the Deaf Club at its centre, but a rather more amorphous entity with a more flexible membership. From within the group too there is an awareness of further differentiation, of debate and argument, and maybe tension. These debates, however, share much with issues that face other oppressed groups: Black people, women, gay men and lesbians. Here too, issues of who belongs to the group, relationships with the dominant group, and the tensions within the group, are similar. In the areas of education and social services, new legislation has impinged on the lives of Deaf people, although Deaf people are rarely considered when such legislation is fomulated. The consequences for Deaf adults and children are complex and not easily predicted. Pressures for normalization continue to reinforce a medical model of deafness, and ignore the cultural and linguistic implications. However, the growth areas of Interpreter Units