On the Rectification of Names in Comparative Law Janet E
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A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
Legal Orientalism
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Michigan School of Law Michigan Law Review Volume 101 Issue 1 2002 Legal Orientalism Teemu Ruskola American University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Legal Writing and Research Commons Recommended Citation Teemu Ruskola, Legal Orientalism, 101 MICH. L. REV. 179 (2002). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol101/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LEGAL ORIENTALISM Teemu Rusko/a* [The] world-wide ... diffusion of [Western culture] has protected us as man had never been protected before from having to take seriously the civilizations of other peoples; it has given to our culture a massive univer- . sality that we have long ceased to account fo r historically, and which we read off rather as necessary and inevitable. 1 - Ruth Benedict [In China,] animals are divided into: (a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, (d) sucking pigs, (e) sirens, (f) fa bulous, (g) stray dogs, (h) included in the present classification, (i) frenzied, (j) innumer able, (k) drawn with a very fine camel hair brush, (1) et cetera, (m) having just broken the water pitcher, (n) that from a long way offlook like flies.2 - Michel Foucault * Assistant Professor of Law, American University; Sabbatical Visitor at the Center for the Study of Law and Culture and Senior Fellow at the Center for Chinese Legal Studies, Columbia Law School. -
Confucius' Philosophy of Zhengming (“Rectification of Names
SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL STUDIES Confucius’ Philosophy of Zhengming (“Rectification of Names”): Implications for Social Harmony in Africa Mark Omorovie Ikeke1 Abstract: Social harmony is an imperative for the development of society. Without social harmony there is bound to be conflicts, violence, and social turmoil that impede the wellbeing of society. A key factor that can promote social harmony is when people live out the meaning of their names. This is what Confucius called Zhengming (“rectification of names”). For him the rectification of names implies every citizen living out the full import and meaning of their names and roles. Without rectification of names society will continue to be bedeviled by disharmony. Like many other societies the African continent is bedeviled with social disharmonies caused by poor leadership, bad governance, corruption and embezzlement of public funds, kidnapping and hostage taking, youth restiveness, illegal migration, environmental degradation, etc. It is difficult for there to be social harmony when citizens are experiencing social deprivations. The paper will use critical analytic and hermeneutic methods to examine the doctrine of rectification of names as proposed by Confucius. The paper will also apply this doctrine to the situation of social disharmony in Africa. The paper finds and concludes that there is need to use the ideas of Zhengming to mitigate social disharmonies in Africa. Keywords: Confucius, Zhengming, “rectification of names”, ethics, social harmony, Africa Introduction Social harmony is vital and necessary for a harmonious and ordered society. Without social harmony a society cannot function to full capacity and fulfils her purpose for being in existence. Social harmony is bedrock for peaceful living and creates the environment for people to live the optimal life, the purpose for which government is ordained. -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing. -
Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and Its Implications for Virtue Ethics
JOURNAL OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008) 423–453 www.brill.nl/jmp Han Feizi’s Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics * Eric L. Hutton Department of Philosophy, University of Utah, 215 S. Central Campus Drive, CTIHB, 4th fl oor, Salt Lake City, UT 84112, USA [email protected] Abstract Several scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. Th is view off ers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. Th is paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. Th e essay off ers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi’s criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff , namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention. Keywords Bernard Williams, Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Han Feizi, Rosalind Hursthouse, virtue ethics Although Confucianism is now almost synonymous with Chinese culture, over the course of history it has also attracted many critics from among the Chinese themselves. Of these critics, one of the most interesting is Han Feizi (ca. -
Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge in And
Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès To cite this version: Vincent Durand-Dastès. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China. Michael Lackner. Coping with the future: theories and practices of divination in East Asia, Brill, 2017, Sinica Leidensia, 9789004346536. hal-01695407 HAL Id: hal-01695407 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01695407 Submitted on 29 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around “The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl”, a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès The story of the wedding of Peach blossom girl is a rather peculiar comic and magic narrative of late imperial China, first appearing at the end of the Yuan dynasty and afterwards continually retold and restaged. Its protagonist is a divine fortuneteller named Zhougong 周 公 (literally, “the Duke of Zhou”) who goes down into the world to open a soothsayer shop. -
Wu-Wei and Wu-Zhi in Daodejing: an Ancient Chinese Epistemological View on Learning
IOSR Journal of Research & Method in Education (IOSR-JRME) e-ISSN: 2320–7388,p-ISSN: 2320–737X Volume 7, Issue 1 Ver. V (Jan. - Feb. 2017), PP 55-58 www.iosrjournals.org Wu-wei and Wu-zhi in Daodejing: An Ancient Chinese Epistemological View on Learning Lei Xie Texas A&M University Abstract: Daodejing, one of the most influential books in China was written by one of the greatest philosophers in ancient China, an elder contemporary of Confucius, Laozi. Daodejing was mainly the records of the observation from nature and the interactions between humans. Laozi, with his appreciation of nature, introduced the concepts of wu-wei, non-action and wu-zhi, not-knowing. His work has been spread all over the world, especially in Southeast Asia, serving as the canon of Daoism. This paper explores the notion of wu-wei and wu-zhi. A special epistemological view on knowledge acquiring will be introduced. Dewey’s body learning and Laozi’s wu-wei will be connected. The application of Daodejing and Laozi’s philosophical idea in the modern age will be discussed. Keywords: Dao and Wu, wu-wei, wu-zhi, knowledge boundary I. Laozi and Daodejing Laozi, who lived around 450 BC in China, was an ancient Chinese philosopher and poet. He was an elder contemporary of Confucius (Lau, 1989). His worldview and philosophical view has influenced China and Southeast Asia widely. However, according to the Shi Ji (Records of the Historian), there were only two claimed facts in his entire biography. The first fact was the meeting between Laozi and Confucius, and the second fact was Laozi’s journey to the west and the writing of Daodejing as a request from the Keeper of the Pass (Sima, 1979). -
The “Masters” in the Shiji
T’OUNG PAO T’oungThe “Masters” Pao 101-4-5 in (2015) the Shiji 335-362 www.brill.com/tpao 335 The “Masters” in the Shiji Martin Kern (Princeton University) Abstract The intellectual history of the ancient philosophical “Masters” depends to a large extent on accounts in early historiography, most importantly Sima Qian’s Shiji which provides a range of longer and shorter biographies of Warring States thinkers. Yet the ways in which personal life experiences, ideas, and the creation of texts are interwoven in these accounts are diverse and uneven and do not add up to a reliable guide to early Chinese thought and its protagonists. In its selective approach to different thinkers, the Shiji under-represents significant parts of the textual heritage while developing several distinctive models of authorship, from anonymous compilations of textual repertoires to the experience of personal hardship and political frustration as the precondition for turning into a writer. Résumé L’histoire intellectuelle des “maîtres” de la philosophie chinoise ancienne dépend pour une large part de ce qui est dit d’eux dans l’historiographie ancienne, tout particulièrement le Shiji de Sima Qian, qui offre une série de biographies plus ou moins étendues de penseurs de l’époque des Royaumes Combattants. Cependant leur vie, leurs idées et les conditions de création de leurs textes se combinent dans ces biographies de façon très inégale, si bien que l’ensemble ne saurait être considéré comme l’équivalent d’un guide de la pensée chinoise ancienne et de ses auteurs sur lequel on pourrait s’appuyer en toute confiance. -
Baked Licorice Formula Zhi Gan Cao Tang CE) and First Published in Qian Ji Yi, a Supplement to Zhang’S Jin Gui Yao Lue
ORIGINS: Zhang Zhongjing (150-219 BAKED LICORICE FORMULA ZHI GAN CAO TANG CE) and first published in Qian Ji Yi, a supplement to Zhang’s Jin Gui Yao Lue. Baked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang), also known as “Restore the Pulse Decoction" (Fu Mai Tang), is from the Eastern Han dynasty, attributed to Zhang Zhongjing and first published in theQian Ji Yi, a supplement to Zhang’s Jin Gui Yao Lue (Essential Prescriptions from the Golden Cabinet). GENERAL SIGNS/SYMPTOMS The classical pattern addressed byBaked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang) is “qi and yin deficiency taxing the heart.” This can arise from exhaustion due to overwork, or long-term stress that depletes the reserves of the central nervous system. Qi and yin deficiency taxing the heart manifests as a “knotted pulse”(jié mài), a slow pulse that misses beats at irregular intervals; or an “intermittent pulse” (dài mài), a moderate pulse that misses beats at regular intervals. Zhang Zhongjing considered sweating, palpitations, and chest oppression common symptoms of this pattern. Currently, Baked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang) is commonly used for treating cardiovascular diseases such as: angina pectoris, arrhythmia, atrial flutter, atrial fibrillation, cardiac insufficiency, cardiomyopathy, coronary heart disease, hypertensive heart disease, myocarditis, pulmonary heart disease, rheumatic heart disease, etcetera. Primary symptoms include an irregular pulse along with palpitations and often anxiety. Other key signs and symptoms for Baked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang) include: shortness of breath, irritability, weakness, and insomnia. Sec- ondary signs and symptoms include: spontaneous sweating or night sweating, constipation, dry mouth, dry throat, and dry skin. -
A Review on Zheng Kai's a Survey on Daoist Political Philosophy*
Philosophy Study, May 2020, Vol. 10, No. 5, 309-311 doi: 10.17265/2159-5313/2020.05.003 D DAVID PUBLISHING A Review on Zheng Kai’s A Survey on Daoist Political Philosophy* DAI Yumin Nanjing University, Nanjing, Jiangsu, China Daoist political philosophy is a hot point in the study of Chinese philosophy. This paper introduces and comments on Professor Zheng Kai’s new book from four aspects, including the concept of Daoist political philosophy, the political philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi, the political philosophy of Huang Laodao, and the comparison between the political philosophy of Confucianism and Daoism. While speak highly of the systematic integration of the study in Daoist political philosophy, I also point out the shortcomings of this book. Keywords: Daoist political philosophy, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Huanglao, Zheng Kai Due to the development of Western political philosophy, how to explore Chinese political philosophy has become a new problem for Chinese philosophers nowadays. They, in recent decades, mainly explore the Confucian political philosophy in the context of Western philosophy, which results in ignoring the Daoist ideas on political issues relatively. Hence, Dr. ZHENG Kai 鄭開, the philosopher devoting to the study of Daoism and its political philosophy, points out that there are aspecial set of concepts, clear theoretical boundaries and unique theoretical characteristics in the political philosophy of Daoism. Daoist political philosophy, consequently, has been deemed to be a strict and real political philosophy by the author. This monograph, consisting of twelve chapters and covering nearly all the important figures, concepts and issues, is the result of the author’s long-term research. -
A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
A Root Split in Two: Mengzi 3A5 Reconsidered
mengzi 3a5 reconsidered jeffrey riegel A Root Split in Two: Mengzi 3a5 Reconsidered The Master said, “He is not one of my followers. Little ones, I give you leave to strike the drum and assail him.” 子曰非吾徒也小子鳴鼓而攻之可也 Lunyu 論語 11.16 A snake most certainly has no legs. How then can you, sir, provide it with legs? 蛇固無足子安能為之足 Zhanguo ce 戰國策, Book 9 INTRODUCTION he antagonism between the Ru 儒 and the Mo 墨 is a prominent mo- T tif that runs through the history of pre-Qin philosophical literature. Mo school philosophers found the Ru advocacy of ritual excessive and their emphasis on the family selfish. For their part, Ru school thinkers argued that the Mo school promotion of frugal policies disastrous and their support of altruism a denial of the filial respect owed to parents. Among the several texts that attest to the verbal attacks by the followers of one against the doctrines and even the adherents of the other, Mengzi 3A5 is especially noteworthy since it records an exchange in which the Ruhist Mengzi 孟子 and the Mohist Yi Zhi 夷之 make claims and respond to one another’s statements in a way that comes close to a debate.1 1 See Jiao Xun 焦循, Mengzi zhengyi 孟子正義 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987; hereafter M Z ) 11, pp. 401–8. In its opening line the text refers to Yi Zhi as a Mo zhe 墨者, a “Mohist,” and at a later point in the text, Yi Zhi refers to a Ru 儒, “Ruhist” or “Confucian,” teaching that he believes Mengzi should acknowledge as part of the body of learning he esteems.