HISPANIC CHURCHES IN THE PECOS VALLEY: HISTORY,

ARCHITECTURE AND RECOMMENDATIONS

BY

MARIA ELENA YRIGOYEN, B. of Arch.

A THESIS IN ARCHITECTURE

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE

Approved

December, 1988 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am extremely grateful to Professor Will Robinson, who over one year has generously helped me in the preparatory tasks for this thesis. During the preparation, he always stood beside me as a professor and good friend. I am also grateful to the other members of my committee. Professors John P. White and Allan Kuethe, for their helpful eritieism and guidance. I owe special thanks to Jeannie Robinson who gave me her friendship and shared her house in Santa Fe, making me feel like part of her family. My indebtedness to Father Carl Fell, whose interest in my project allowed me to enter and take measurements of the churches. So, too, is my debt to the mayordomos of those churches, who in one way or another helped me. Finally, I thank Roberto, my husband, for his encouragement and support during my graduate program.

11 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i• i( LIST OF FIGURES vii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS viii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 The Problem—Definition 1 The Need for the Study 2 Methodology Followed 3 Goals of the Study 4 II. SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF 5 Pre-Columbian Period 6 The Pueblos 6 The Nomadic Tribes 8 The Sixteenth Century 8 The Seventeenth Century: The Franeisean Era 11 Brief History of the Order 11 Missions in New Mexico 12 Functions of the Missions 13 Settlement of the Spaniards 14 General Characteristics of the Eighteenth Century 15 The Nineteenth Century 16 French Invasion 16 Mexican Era (1821-1848) 16 American Period 17 Civil War Years 18 Late Nineteenth Century 19 The Twentieth Century 20

Notes 11• 1• 21 III. URBAN HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 24 Pueblo Architecture 24 The Sixteenth Century: Foundation of Missions 25 The Seventeenth Century: Foundation of Spanish Cities 28 The Eighteenth Century: Development 30 The Nineteenth Century: Hispanic Expansion 31 The Twentieth Century: Anglo-American Development 33 Notes 35 IV. THE PECOS VALLEY AREA 37 Geographic Data 37 The Peeos Valley: History and Evolution 40 The Mission of Peeos 41 Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Poreiuneula 41 The Peeos Mission in the Eighteenth Century. 41 Foundation of New Villages 42 History and Data of Each Village 45 San Miguel del Vado 45 San Jos6 4 6 San Juan 47 San Isidro South 4 8 San Isidro North 48 Villanueva 4 9 Sena 49 El Pueblo 50 El Cerrito 50 Gonzales Ranch 51 Notes 53

IV V. RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE 55 The History of the Franeisean Churches 55 Design of Catholic Churches in 55 Design of Spanish Colonial Churches 58 Design of New Mexico Mission Churches 61 Religious Architecture after the Franeiseans.... 65 Bishop Lamy Period 66 Moradas de Penitentes 67 Nineteenth and Twentieth Century New Religious Tendencies 68 Notes 71 VI. PECOS VALLEY HISPANIC CHURCHES 73 San Miguel del Vado at San Miguel 75 San Jos6 del Vado at San Jos6 76 San Juan Bautista at San Juan 7 8 Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe at San Isidro South 7 9 San Isidro Labrador at San Isidro North 81 Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe at Villanueva 82 Nuestra Senora de Esquipula at Sena 84 San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo 85 Nuestra Senora de los Desamparados at El Cerrito 8 6 San Isidro at Gonzales Ranch 87 Notes 89 VII. RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROPOSAL 90 Present Situation 90 The Peeos Valley Hispanic Churches 91 Problems and Recommendations 91 San Miguel del Vado 95 San Jos6 95 San Juan 96 San Isidro South 96 San Isidro North 97 v villanueva 97 Sena 98 El Pueblo 98 El Cerrito 99 Gonzales Ranch 99 Conclusion 100 REFERENCES 101 APPENDICES A. REPORT OF BENAVIDES AND BETANCOUR 1630-1680.. 107 B. REPORT OF ATANASIO DOMINGUEZ 1776 Ill C. SAN MIGUEL DEL VADO LAND GRANT CENSUS 113

VI LIST OF FIGURES

1. Plan of II Gesu, Rome (1568-1575) 56 2. Plan of church and convent, Huejotzingo, Mexico.. 60 3 . Plan of New Mexico Missions 64

Vll LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Location Map in pocket 2. Historical Map I Pre-Columbian Era Sixteenth Century in pocket 3. Historical Map II Seventeeenth and Eighteenth Century in pocket 4. Historical Map III Nineteenth and Twentieth Century in pocket 5. Historical Map IV Peeos Valley Evolution in pocket 6. Survey I: San Miguel del Vado in poeket 7 . Survey II: San Jose in poeket 8 . Survey III: San Juan in poeket 9. Survey IV: San Isidro South in poeket 10 . Survey V: San Isidro North in poeket 11. Survey VI: Villanueva in poeket 12 . Survey VII: Sena in poeket 13. Survey VIII: El Pueblo in poeket 14 . Survey IX: El Cerrito in poeket 15 . Survey X: Gonzales Ranch in poeket 16. Analysis I::San Miguel and Villanueva in poeket 17. Analysis II: San Jose and San Juan in poeket 18. Analysis III: El Pueblo and Gonzales Ranch in poeket 19. Analysis IV: San Isidro South and San Isidro North in poeket 20. Analysis V: Sena and El Cerrito in poeket 21. Analysis VI: Typology and Construction Systems in poeket 22. Analysis VII: Comparative Study Through the Time in poeket 23. Analysis VIII: Influence of the Pecos Mission in pocket 24 . Problems and Recommendations in pocket I • I Vlll CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

The Problem—Definition The issue of preservation has been a complex problem for a long time. Now, throughout the country, the interest in saving historic structures is growing. Architects, historians, and preservation committees, using the information found through the studies are trying to protect old buildings. The interest in saving the architectural heritage of New Mexico now has found roots in the state. Several associations are trying to protect the historic heritage and some very good attemps at restoration have been made. But, the problem begins when a building is not classified as historic, this occurs especially in small communities. These communities are often inhabited by poor people. The mission and local government do not always have the financial means to afford the cost of repairs so the old structures are neglected and fall in disrepair. Through the years, the towns along the Valley evolved into the nineteenth century in a uniform way. Slow growth factors kept the towns on a pedestrian scale; few eonstruetion materials determined uniform construction of buildings; design reglementation; and slow urban development, charaeteristie of the old towns, allowed the old eonstruetions to remain. All of these factors allowed the towns to maintain a historic and architectural tradition. This gave a unique character to the towns, and, at the same time, created in its population a strong identifieation with their town, especially with its most important eonstruetion: the church. 1 Numerous problems contributed to the deterioration of the mission churches. Among these were: the results of severe droughts; the constant attacks of the hostile Indians, including those of the ; the expulsion of the Spaniards in 1680; the Independence from Spain in 1821; the war between Mexico and the ; the secularization of the missions in 1834; and the establishment of the American pioneers. Yet other problems contributed to disrepair the churches. In 1834, after the secularization of the churches was enforced, the Indians were permitted to go free with some of the mission land grants. The remaining lands were taken from the padres and given to settlers until civil governments were established. The results were disastrous. The mission buildings quickly fell into disrepair and were plundered. The churches were eeonomieally and structurally in decline. After secularization, several ehurehes and chapels were built by the people in honor of saints, and to provide places for religious devotion. Every village in New Mexico had its own church built with great effort by the people. Since secularization, numerous secular churches have been built in later settlements and in small communities. In the mountain villages, the settlers have built ehapels that look like small versions of every other mission church in New Mexico. The ehapels are not large structures and are not even called historic buildings. Some of them are churches without clergy and are in poor condition. Little about the secular ehurehes has been researched. This study will foeus upon the secular ehurehes because they are as aesthetically and historieally important as the mission ehurehes. 3 The NeeH for 1-he StnHy The Study focuses on a small geographic, cultural and political region. The reason for studying any of these ehurehes is base on the urgency to preserve them. No architectural plans exist for any of these ehurehes. One of the main purposes of this study is to get arehiteetural- historieal information for each church. In 1986, the Archbishop Robert F. Sanchez of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe created a committee of members from the Arehdiocesan College of Consultors to study the situation of the historic New Mexican churches and to formulate guidelines which could guide the Archdiocese in determining the future of such a precious architectural heritage. Arehiteets from the firm Johnson/Nestor were commissioned to make an architectural survey/inventory of historic New Mexico ehurehes. Due to the large number of ehurehes in the state, the study was done only in the northern part of New Mexico, especially where the ehurehes were under the jurisdiction of the Santa Fe Archdiocese. Their inventory documents pre-1945 churches. But because of the magnitude of the project and the small amount of time available for the survey, the information for each church was in some way superficial. Moreover, the survey did not include any architectural plans and the ehurehes, especially those not considered as primordial, were left aside. The intention of this study was to work with a group of ehurehes that were considered of secondary or tertiary importance. This group of ehurehes comprises a good sample of New Mexican history in the late eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The selection of the area was made by studying the geographic area and its history: original inhabitants, major Spanish expedition routes, the establishment of missions during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the nineteenth and twentieth century expansion. It is necessary to recognize the type of region in which the investigation took place. The type of geographic area, the vegetation, and the environmert, all contributed to the different designs of the towns, houses and ehurehes. The selection was also made after looking for an area which included all types of buildings: from the time of the Indian pueblo eonstruetion until the ehurehes of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The area was chosen after visiting the region and studying its historical background. The geographic area selected for the thesis is the region of the Peeos Valley in Northern New Mexico. This area is part of the San Miguel Land Grant from the nineteenth century. The ehurehes belong to the San Miguel del Vado Mission.

Methodology Followed The study began with an overview of literature including books, manuscripts, films and photographs. Then, literature relating to the general history of the United States, the Southwest, and especially New Mexico was researched. Organizing the data from New Mexico, the investigation was separated into the social and religious history of the state and the urban history. After compiling the information about the subject, it was time to select a speeifie geographic area on which to foeus the analysis. The upper Peeos Valley was selected and a study of the zone was made. A study of the geographic data was performed. Then the history and evolution of the Peeos Valley, the Mission of Peeos, and the foundation of new villages were studied. Later, an inspection view, oral history and interviews with the priest and mayordomos were held. The investigation concluded with an analysis of the religious architecture. This analysis began with the history of the Franeisean ehurehes and ended with the description and significance of the ehurehes analyzed in the upper Peeos Valley.

Goals of the Study The main intention of the study is to compile a written document which will contain an analysis of the churches, a study of the problem and proposals, and the research methods. The study will also include four special chapters about the social and religious architecture in New Mexico, the urban history, and a study of the Peeos Valley area which includes research on religious architecture, evolution, typology and origins. By compiling information about the ehurehes, the project will be a model program of research and eould be used repeatedly in other regions or areas throughout the state. Another important goal of the study is to draw complete architectural plans. These drawings will contain graphic historical maps, survey plans of the ehurehes, and typological analyses of the buildings. Finally an overall recommendation about conservation, preservation and restoration of the ehurehes will be presented. A speeifie description of the kind of investigation in each building will also be included. CHAPTER II SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO

Pre-Columbian Period Recorded history begins in New Mexico when Coronado and the first Spaniards arrived in 1540 and encountered the native pueblos and their Indian inhabitants. The Spaniards found an Indian civilization without comparison in the northern hemisphere of America. Numbering around 7 5,000 the Indians ranged from the sedentary Pueblo tribes, whose civilization was second only to that of the Aztecs and Incas in Mexico and Peru, to the simple nomadic tribes in the primitive hunting and food-gathering stage.-^

The Pueblos The Indians with whom the Spaniards came in contact were grouped together in communities which the Spanish called pueblos (towns). These natives could have been living in the same stage of civilization for about 500 years before the Spaniards came. New Mexico's first inhabitants came to a land somewhat different from what it is now. Attracted to a wet and cool New Mexico covered with grasslands and forests, these early people were big-game hunters.2 Pueblos existed in the Rio Grande Valley for only about a 1000 years when the Europeans arrived. But the ancestors of the Indians, the Anazasi and Mogollon peoples, had settled in New Mexico around the first century of the Christian Era. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Pueblo civilizations flourished at Mesa Verde, Aztec and Chaco Canyon. Between 1275-1590 A.D., because of the drought in 6 7 the Four Corners area, they migrated from the Mesa Verde to Pajarito Plateau, then into the Rio Grande Valley and built their pueblos.-^ The Spanish found some 20 pueblos when they arrived, primarily concentrated in the upper Rio Grande Valley. The only pueblos found far west of this area were the Zuni, Aeoma and Laguna. Although their habits, customs and traditions were very similar. New Mexico Indian families actually had different origins and spoke three different languages: Zunian, Tanoan and Keresan. The basis of the Pueblo culture was farming. In the Rio Grande Valley the Pueblo Indians practiced irrigation, digging ditches with their wooden tools to carry water to the crops. The Pueblo Indians grew corn, beans and squash in their fields. At harvest time the villages enjoyed fresh vegetables, but they carefully dried most of the crops on roof tops to sustain them during the rest of the year and in future times of bad harvests. Irrigation became a community project. The land was worked communally and individual ownership was unknown.^ Hunting was not an important activity of Indian pueblos. It was practiced by the men as an entertaining activity. They did not hunt to feed themselves because their type of food was based on agricultural products. In some eases men hunted deer, antelope, squirrels, rabbits and gophers. Some eastern tribes even hunted buffalo, returning with hides and dried meat called jerky.5 Planting, cultivating and even hunting or making war were dominated by religious rites. The designs on baskets, pottery and weavings were usually connected with religious symbols. Religion was so important in the natives' lives that some historians describe their societies as theoeratie. Like all primitive people, the Pueblo tribes worshipped whatever they eould not understand. 8 Socially, the Pueblos were a matriarchy with descent from the mother. In the matriarchal societies, the women theoretically owned the houses, fields and foodstores, but everything was part of the entire community. The basic unit of the Pueblo was the clan, a group of blood relatives who traced their blood relationships through the female line.^

The Nomadic Tribes The Spanish had less contact with the non-Pueblo Indians who were residing in New Mexico. These included the in eastern New Mexico and the Ute Indians in the northern part of the state. The , first called Ouerechos and then Apaehes (Zuni word for enemy) include the of the southern Athapascan tribe. After the Spanish arrived, the Apaehes emigrated into New Mexico from the north in search of food and began to plunder the Pueblos. Nomadie by nature, they rapidly adopted the horse upon its introduction by the Spanish."^ New Mexico is the homeland of two Apaehe groups: the Jiearilla and the Mescalero (northern and southcentral part of the state respectively). The word Navajo denotes a people distinct from the Apache, but it was not used until the eighteenth century. Eventually, before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Navajo learned to farm and weave and they acquired some Pueblan religious practices. Some of them later became farmers and semi-nomads.°

ThP .Sixteenth Centurv

By 1500, Spain, in many respects, represented the finest ideals of medieval civilization. The fight against the Moslems had kindled a crusading spirit which expressed itself in terms of a fanatical religion and a fervent patriotism. To spark the campaign against the Moors, the Church had made it into a Holy Crusade, thus firing the enthusiasm of the people. To gain further adherence for the Crusade, the property of the enemy was parceled out among the land-hungry Spanish nobles. Since an essential part of any conquest is the military, the soldier of Spain was elevated to a commanding social position.9 Spain discovered America: it was the first European nation to explore and settle there and also was the last to leave. Upon arrival in the New World, the Spaniards took places of former native rulers, and Catholic priests, who joined the Spanish soldiers, seeking to convert Indian souls to Christianity, replaced the priests of the native religions. In the eyes of the , the native inhabitants of America were souls crying out for conversion to Christianity.^Q The march to the north of followed great successes in the south. In 1518-1521, Hernando Cortes conquered the Aztec Empire in Mexico, and in 1531-1533, conquered the Inca Empire of Peru. The Conquistadores or conquerors, inspired by the fantastic stories of places north of the borderlands of New Spain and inspired by the quest for "Glory, God and Gold," began the exploration to New Mexico in the 1530s.^^ The following is a chronological review of the exploration and conquest periods in New Mexico: 1530s-"The Seven Cities of Gold" legend at Cibola originated after the Cabeza de Vaca explorations. 1534- Cabeza de Vaca crossed the Llano Estacado, went up to the and crossed the Rio Grande (near the present site of El Paso). 1536- The Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca expedition arrived at Culiac^n, New Spain, after eight years of odyssey across the state of Texas. 1539- Fray Marcos de Niza (Franciscan missionary) reached the present state of New Mexico and the Arizona border. 10 1540- Don Francisco Vasquez de Coronado crossed the western side of Arizona, and first stopped at the Pueblo of Hawikuh. He moved to the province of Tiguex in the Rio Grande Valley. After the failure of Coronado's expedition, the Spanish explorers neglected for 40 years the land to the north.^2 1581- The Chamuscado-Rodriguez Expedition went from the Conchos River upstream as far north as the Taos region, east beyond the area of the Pecos River, and then westward as far as Acoma and Zuni. 1583- The Espejo Expedition went up to the Rio Grande and as far as Prescott, Arizona. It turned eastward and returned down the Pecos River, and then turned south to the Rio Grande. Between 1539 and 1595 a drought was a major factor for the desertion of several Rio Grande villages. Groups from these areas settled among their relatives in pueblos located along the Rio Grande. The first few expeditions failed, but at last one succeeded. It was Juan de Onate, who made the first permanent settlement in New Mexico. •'•-^ 1598- The Onate Expedition crossed the Rio Grande at El Paso, went as far north to the present San Juan Pueblo (Espanola Valley) and established the first capital of New Mexico San Juan de los Caballeros.^^ 1609- The capital was moved southward and reestablished in Santa Fe. Priests of the Franciscan Order of Friars Minor, to whom the religious affairs of New Mexico were assigned, and civil authorities quarrelled constantly over which one had superior authority.^5 11 The Seventeen1-h r;enf-nry» The Franniscan F.ra

The accompanied Columbus on his voyage of discovery in 1492, and were, no doubt, a greac comfort and help when the sailors mutinied...16

Brief History of the Order The founder of the world-known Franciscan Order was Saint Francis or Francesco Bernardone, born in Umbria, Assis, Italy, between 1181 and 1182. He died in the same place in 1226. In the beginning, Francis and his followers called themselves "Friars Minor" because they wished to be considered as belonging to the lower classes. In 1221, he founded the Third Order for the lay-people, whose families did not permit them to enter the First Order of Friars Minors or the Second Order of Poor Clares (Ladies).1^ Franciscan Spirit: The spirit and personality of Saint Francis has always been fostered in the Three Orders. The members of these Orders bind themselves by three vows: - Poverty: whereby they renounce all worldly possessions - Chastity: whereby they promise to live a life of celibacy - Obedience: whereby they oblige themselves to go wherever sent and to do the respective superior's bidding.18 From an article by E. Randolph Daniel in his book. The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the Hiah Aaes. we can better understand the first missionaries and the ideology they brought to New Spain: Saint Francis and the Order maintained that the example of holy and spiritual life was more effective incentive to repentance than preaching. The requirements listed for missionaries consistently emphasized spiritual maturity and moral attachment. For missionaries in orders, some education was necessary, but lay friars could operate as missionaries if they lived a sufficiently holy life.19 12 The Franciscan mission theory of the sixteenth century was based upon the church. This idea was especially followed by the Minor Order in the Province of the Holy Gospel in Mexico, which was the point of deparlure for the later foundations of missions in New Mexico.20

Missions in New Mexico During the sixteenth century in New Spain, the churches continued to symbolize, negatively or positively, the identifying center of European tradition. In Spain, the church and civil government had been so interrelated as to be practically inseparable. In New Spain, the Minor Order in the province of the Holy Gospel (Mexico) continued with the Spanish tradition.21 After 1525, intensive missionary activity began, during which times the friars enjoyed great success in converting Indians. The seventeenth century brought a period of stagnation which lasted until the foundation of the Franciscan College of Quer^taro in 1683. The establishment of the Colleges at Quer^taro, Zacatecas and Mexico City marked a new phase of Franciscan missionary work and the era of the missions in North America began.22 When in 1598 Don Juan de Onate came to the new land and established the first colonies, missionary activity began in New Mexico. The colonization of New Mexico afforded the Franciscans a further opportunity for missionary expansion. In 1609, the Order was granted permission to make that area a permanent mission field. In 1630, the Franciscans preferred to remain in the cities rather than face the rigors of the frontiers. During this period, the Franciscan Superiors in New Spain were reluctant to allow further missionary expansion unless large bands of volunteers for each project could be brought from Spain. 13 Functions of the Missions For the civil cononistaHor the central interest was the Indian, his conversion, civilization and exploitation. Through the use of the system, the Indian was exploited. The encomenderos wf^r^^ secular land-holders in the early years of conquest. To provide spiritual instruction and to conduct schools for the natives, the encomenderos were required to support the necessary friars by whom the instruction was given. Thus, monasteries were established in the conquered districts.23 Soon law required that the Indians be congregated in pueblos and be made to stay there, by force if necessary. The pueblos were modeled upon the Spanish towns, and were designed not only as means of control, but as schools in self-control as well. The Franciscan missionary came with another idea, to convert Indian souls into Christians and to treat them as Christian persons not as slaves. According to a memorial by an Indian Toribio Motolinia, who wrote about the Franciscans : Because they are poor and barefoot as we are, and they eat our food; they sit on the ground with us, they converse humbly with us; they love us as their own children. Therefore, we love them as our fathers.24 The missions were supported by the state by three different means: The Royal Treasury, Aynda de costa or initial grant, the .synodos (annual stipends of the missionaries) and the created as military outposts for the protection of the missions and the Spanish villages against the Indians and foreigners. Worked as a frontier diffusor, each mission was provided with two or more soldiers from the nearest .25 14 Settlement of th^^ SpaniarHc; The last years of the seventeenth century were not as peaceful as the first colonial years. Between 1609 and 1680 the Spanish control could be described as essentially a holding measure. Responsibility for administration of the Province passed into the hands of the Crown, and its main reason for remaining along the Rio Grande was to protect the converted Indians. It is possible that the interest in supporting the mission stations was to retain a claim to the vast unknown areas of New Spain. In 1680, the Pueblo Revolt, commanded by Pope (San Juan Indian living at Taos, Naranjo), drove the Spanish from New Mexico and denied them re-entrance for more then a decade. The settlement of the Spaniards began with the Reconquest in 1691 under the command of Captain General Zapata Luj^n Ponce de Le6n, who succeeded Cruzate as governor of New Mexico. In 1692, he marched up the Rio Grande accepting the submission of the pueblos along the way and took in possession the city of Santa Fe. After one year of battle against the Indian leaders, the Spaniards recaptured Santa Fe. In 1695 Diego de Vargas made the first recorded settlement grant for the new Villa of Santa Cruz de la Canada.26 Upon the Reconquest, the friars returned to the missions and the spiritual administration of both Pueblo Indians and Spaniards was in their hands. They reestablished the abandoned pueblos, repaired the churches which had fallen into ruins, and supervised the construction of new ones. But the old quarrel of Church-State was renewed. The last years of the seventeenth century were times of declining influence of the Franciscans but they continued their missionary and exploration activities among the non-Christianized tribes.27 15 General Characteristics of the Eighteenth Century In the middle 1700s a new ethnic strain: The Geniz.aro appeared. They were displaced Indians who had lost tribal identity through capture, usually as children by other tribes. They were given settlement grants at Abiquiu, Bel^n, Tom6 and, later, San Miguel.28 Accepting Christianity, they lived in a Europeanized status and often intermarried with the Spaniards. During the second half of the eighteenth century in New Mexico, the Governor continued to be responsible to the Viceroyalty until the drastic change of alcaldes mayores (chief officials in jurisdictions) who administered the eight local alcaldias (jurisdiction). The municipal government, except that of the Villa of Santa Fe, was left largely to the (ecclesiastical council). Later the village town councils were known as ayuntamientos (town councils).29 In 177 6, the Spanish Crown separated the northern provinces of New Spain (including New Mexico) from the control of the and organized them into the (interior provinces) under a comandante general (commandant general). The headquarters of the Provincias Internas were located at Arispe in Sonera and Chiguagua. During the eighteenth century the friars continued to work faithfully, although there were signs of internal dissents on account of the strong feeling of the Mexicans against the gachupines. or padres, coming directly from Spain of pure Spanish descent. Unfortunately, many of these troubles were brought before the civil authorities instead of the lawful religious superiors, another reason for forbidding the friars to come to Santa Fe without permission.30 16 The Ninetf^^r^tli roni-nr-y By the beginning of the nineteenth century, Spain was facing the loss of her hold on New Mexico as well as her other possessions in the United States and Centra^ and South America.

French Invasion Alarming the Spanish settlements in New Mexico more than the hostile Indians was the persistent fear of a French invasion during the eighteenth century. During the 1720s, France made an effort to reach New Mexico. The French turned their eyes toward the Spanish colonies, especially to the Spanish gold and silver mines. The French at this time were traders and they wanted a commerce between French outposts and Santa Fe.31 All of the old Territory west of the Mississippi ceded by France to Spain in 1762-1763 and returned to France in 1800, was finally ceded to the United States in 1803. Once Louisiana was ceded to Spain, the French threat to New Mexico ended. The Louisiana Purchase prompted a land survey and eventual settlement by the expanding United States. Almost all of the old remaining settlements of New Spain in the northern hemisphere were to be surrounded and cut off from the heartland of Mexico. 32

Mexican Era (1821-1848) A series of revolutions in the early part of the nineteenth century moved Spain from the American continents. In 1810, people from various parts of Spanish America began a fight to overthrow the Spanish rule.33 As a province of New Spain, New Mexico was affected by the struggle for independence, and on September 21st, 1821, Mexico, formerly New Spain, became an independent republic. The new republic inherited Spanish possessions up to the 17 border of the United States, fixed by the Treaty of 1819. The new nation (Mexico), unorganized and lacking financial resources, experienced a rapid succession of presidents and a preoccupation with civil, military and religious disorders.34 Church relations with the state were almost always poor because of the increasing authority and power of the Catholic Church in the missionary fields and in the settled villages. By the late 1700s, the churches in New Mexico had been turned over to the local parishes, and, by the beginning of the Mexican Period, only a few Franciscans were still present in New Mexico. Up to the 1830s, no high ranking church official had visited New Mexico's churches for more than 70 years. In 1833, the Bishop of Durango arrived and after his visit. New Mexico's churches officially came under the direction of the church hierarchy and the Franciscan priests were gone forever.35 The changes created by the Bishop's visit did not work out as planned. With the removal of the last Franciscans, New Mexico was supposed to receive priests from Durango for the village churches. But the few priests who came were helpless to stop the dissolution of New Mexico's churches. Meanwhile, the missions became property of the Pueblo Indians and were neglected. Village churches were not much better, partly because the parish priests who moved into the villages had to depend upon the people of the parish to support the church financially. The priests left the towns and later their churches fell into disrepair.

American Period In 1837, the Mexican government imposed the direct collection of taxes on the subsistence economy of New Mexico. People of New Mexico were dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of the Mexican rule and their resentment of the direct collection of taxes prompted revolt. The governor 18 of the department of New Mexico, Colonel Albino Perez, sent his army against the revolutionaries of Santa Fe because it was occupied by the rebellious force. Jos6 Gonzales was elected governor in 1837, but he was not confirmed by the Mexican government. Governors came and went during the next eight years. Finally, in 184 6, the United States entered in New Mexico territory and ended the Mexican rule.36 By the summer of 1847, United States officials restored control over New Mexico. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) confirmed the official end of the war. Mexico recognized New Mexico and Texas as part of the United States and the Rio Grande was designated as the southern boundary of Texas. The United States gained from Mexico the northern lands occupied by its forces, including Arizona, California, South Texas and New Mexico. Later, with the Gadsden Purchase in 1853, the United States acquired the southern tip of New Mexico and Arizona.37 The Americans brought new concepts to New Mexico in government, religion, education and culture, but especially in economics.

Civil War Years The territory was the center of the Civil War in the west. New Mexico joined the Union cause after an invasion by Confederate Texas in New Mexico. There was a war and some major battles fought in the territory. The aim of the Confederates was to capture the United States Army forts in New Mexico territory. In 1861, Texas' General H. Sibley was sent to occupy the territory and he moved up the Rio Grande from El Paso. The Texans captured Albuquerque and occupied the Palace of Governors in Santa Fe. Fort Union (near Las Vegas) remained the one important Union stronghold. In 1862, a force from Fort Union moved out into Santa Fe, and the Battle of 19 Glorieta Pass (in the Pecos Valley) was the beginning of the end of the Confederacy in New Mexico.38

Late Nineteenth Century When the Civil War ended, the army was maintained in the west during the 1850-1890 period to guard trails and settlements, as well as to protect the Indians. The Post- Civil War period brought desperadoes to New Mexico. Water and land disputes, and hostile Indians were common. Land rights created controversies particularly because newcomers ignored the legacy of the Spanish and Mexican land grants. The issue of land ownership had long been a complex problem. For a while, the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo had confirmed existing land titles. During the Spanish and Mexican periods, grants of land had been awarded not only to private parties, but to whole communities. The U.S. Congress set up the Office of Surveyor General in 1824, but it failed to settle the matter concerning ownership of Spanish and Mexican land grants.39 in 1891, a court of private land claims was established to administer old Spanish-Mexican land grants.^^ The railroads' arrival in New Mexico was the result of an era of railroad building that occurred everywhere in the United States after the Civil War. Railroads in New Mexico flourished after late 1878.-^1 When the railroad arrived with newcomers, land values in New Mexico rose and attracted investment capital. As the railroads were laid across the New Mexico territory, new towns sprung up, old towns underwent changes and trade became possible on a much broader scale. The railroads opened up new mining, ranching, and farming opportunities and brought new residents to New Mexico.^2 20 The Twentieth r.Pni-nr-y The New Mexico of the twentieth century emerged in the years between the admission of statehood and about 1950. After World War II, New Mexico left its dependable agricultural condition and developed a varied economy. Until well into the twentieth century, the economic history of the state had been based upon raising of sheep and cattle, and some farming. Early mining in the state, after the Civil War and until about 1900, involved gold and silver, but on a minor scale. New Mexico was admitted as a state in August 1911 by the Congress and on February 1912 President Taft signed the proclamation that made New Mexico the forty-seventh state.'^3 The traditional agricultural way of life gave way to a varied modern economy, reinforced by space and defense programs, U.S. government activities, tourism and mining. ^"^ Thus, New Mexico is, in the twentieth century, a mix of three cultures: the Indian, the Spanish, and the American. 21 Notes Charles F. Coan. History of New M^vinp (Chicago: American Historical Society, 1925) p. 16.

ry Calvin A. and Susan A. Roberts. New Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press,1988) p. 4.

3 Coan, History of New Mf^v-irn^ p. 17.

4 Ibid., p.31.

5 Warren A. Beck. New Mexico: A History of Four Centuriftf?. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962) p.25-26.

6 Roberts, New Mexico, p.24.

"^ Beck, New Mexico, p.28.

8 Ibid., p.34.

9 Bailey W. Diffie. Latin American Civilization. (Harrisburg, Pa., 1945) p.256.

10 Edwin E. Sylvest. Franciscan Mission Theory in the 16th Century in New Spain. (Washington: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1975) p.76.

11 James T. Forrest. New Mexico: A Student's Guide to Localized History. (New York: Teachers College Press, 1971) p.8.

12 Beck, New Mexico, p.43.

13 Ibid., p.49.

1"^ Ibid., p.54.

15 Coan, New Mexico, p.47.

16 Theodosius Meyer. 5;aint Franois and the Franciscans in New Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1926) p. 33.

17 Ibid., p.39. 22 18 Ibid., p.45.

19 Daniel E. Randolph. The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the High Middle Ages. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975) p. 27.

20 Herbert E. Bolton. The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish-American Colonies. (El Paso: Texas Western College Press, 1960) p. 84.

21 Thomas F. McGovern. The Role of the Franciscans in the Expansion of the Northern Frontiers of New Spain, 1525- 1760. (Thesis M.A., Texas Tech University, 1969) p. 35.

22 Ibid., p.42.

23 Bolton, The Mission as Frontier.... p. 75.

24 McGovern, The Role of the Franciscans..., p. 39.

25 Bolton, The Mission as a Frontier..., p. 81.

26 Coan, Hicitory nf NPW Mexico, p. 222.

27 Charles F. Lummis. Thf^ Land of Poco TiemoQ. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1952) p. 121. 28 John L. Kessell. ^-i^/a, Cross and Crown. (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1979)

29 Beck, NPW Mexico, p.92 Coan, HH-^l-orv of rjc^w Mexico, p. 281.

30 Beck, NPW Mexico, p. 93.

31 Forrest, NPW Mexico, p. 23.

32 Ibid., p. 18.

33 Beck, Nf^w Mexico, p. 118.

34 Forrest, Y\^^ Mexico, p. 19. 23 35 Paul Horgan. Lamy of Santa Fe. (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1975) p. 66-68.

36 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 333.

37 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 114.

38 Beck, New Mexico, p. 148-155.

39 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 143-147.

40 Kessell, Kiva, Cross and Crown, p. 468.

41 Beck, New Mexico, p. 270

42 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 154

43 Ibid., p. 163. 44 Forrest, New Mexico, p. 47-49. CHAPTER III URBAN HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO

Pueblo Architecture^ The Indian villages were founded by the Spanish explorers when they arrived in the Southwest during the sixteenth century. The Indians lived in almost 80 pueblos from the Piro villages of the middle of the Rio Grande northward to Taos and westward to Acoma, Zuni and the Hopi villages (Illustration 2 in pocket). Several types of dwellings were used by the Indians prior to the building of pueblos:

The simplest form of habitation found in the pre-european towns is the excavated cave which was a natural opening in a cliff hollowed out in such manner as to leave a thin wall. From this developed the cave dwelling with a masonry facade which took the place of the thin natural type. The third type of room was built on the talus slope in front of the cave. It may be that the cliff-pueblo forms the link between the cave and the pueblo. The cliff pueblos were built on ledges which were protected by the overhanging rock. The floor space was bounded on three sides by the irregular curve of the three sides of the ledge. Terracing possibily originated in the sheltered cliff places.1 The pueblos found by the Spaniards were basically as they are in the present day. The buildings created by the Pueblo Indians represent an adaptation of their need for protection and defense of the climatic conditions, the resources of the land and their special social organization. The centers of all the Indian pueblos were undoubtedly the kivas (ceremonial chambers), always located in the principal area of the town. The round subterranean ceremonial kiva may

24 25 have developed its form and position from economy in floor shape. Some of the Valley pueblos have three sides in an irregular curve with a rectilinear fourth side. They were terraced from a central court to the outer walls.2 The plan that is common to the largest number of pueblos consists of four rectangular buildings in the form of a hollow square. These structures are four rooms in width on the ground floor, two on the third and one on the fourth. The buildings were built in terraces from the court to the outer wall. The rooms were usually eight by 10 feet wide. The pueblos themselves were around 200 to 400 feet square. The absence of outlets on the ground floor caused the rooms to be in semi-darkness. There were no cellars, but the ground floor rooms answered the purpose by providing storage space.3 Because of the precautions for defense, there were no entrances into the ground floor rooms. The first floor spaces were usually used as store houses. The access to the building was made possible with ladders. In case of an attack they could be pulled up, leaving the intruders without access. Ladders were used to gain access to the second story while stone and steps and also ladders were both used for entrance to the stories above. The simplest form of the ladder was a single pronged pole with notches cut in it for steps, the forked end being placed against the wall. The two pole ladders were made by cutting notches in the poles and lashing the rungs to them with raw hide. Later, when iron came into use, holes were burned through the poles and the rungs inserted.4

The Sixteenth Centurv: Foundation of Missions New Mexico was the first state in the United States in which the Spaniards established their missions, especially along the Rio Grande Valley (crossing the state from North to 26 South) and also along the perpendicular trail (crossing from East to West). These missions were the principal means employed to Christianize the sedentary tribes. They were the most important vehicle by which Spain held its oversea possessions. The center of all the missions was the church. The churches were built in pueblos already established by Indians and were greatly influenced by centuries of Indian building experience. The first mission work in the pueblos of New Mexico was done under the direction of friar Juan de Padilla, who came with Juan de Onate bringing colonists and padres to the north with the expedition to Quivira.5 in 1596, the Spaniards named the first colony San Juan de los Caballeros or San Juan of the Gentlemen, and within two weeks the foundation of a church was made.6 Within the next 15 years after the erection of the first church, 11 churches had been built. Later, in 1630, 25 missions were reported by the Father Benavides report and 10 years later, 40 missions were counted at the peak of the Mission program.7 The missions were under the direction of the Superior of the College of Saint Francis located in the City of Mexico. They were under the care of Fray Francisco de Benavides, First Custodio. A Memorial by Father Benavides and Father Betancour was presented to the king of Spain by Fray Juan Santander in 1626 (Appendix A and Illustration 3 in pocket).^ The memorial contains the description of 36 Pueblos with 26 missions and 12 vi.^^itas (churches without permanent priest's residence) in total. Father Benavides visited the area in 1630 and 50 years later, right after the Pueblo Revolt, friar Betancour returned to New Mexico and recorded the names of pueblos, as well as the names of the martyred friars of 1680. 27 In 1680, the Indians began the Pueblo Revolt, the greatest unification of Indians of the Southwest. Rebelling against the Spaniards, their political and religious ideas, the Indians massacred missionaries in their pueblo residences and destroyed church records and everything else that was Spanish. The Revolt established a point of separation for the architectural history. Different styles of religious buildings were evident between the first Era of Spanish settlement and after the Pueblo Revolt and Reconquest Period. The first churches were probably impermanent shelters or converted dwelling spaces, as at San Gabriel, or San Juan before the founding of Santa Fe in 1610. The religious buildings erected during the last years of the sixteenth century and through the seventeenth, were all destroyed by the Indians in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Those buildings were huge constructions such as Abo, Quaray, Gran Quivira, Pecos and Jemez.

The seventeenth century adaptation of adobe to baroque form, and vice versa, constituted a stylistic end term. The later history of architecture in colonial New Mexico is comparable to that of the tissue, divorce from its host, goes on proliferating, always identical with itself, until the disfavorable conditions in which it thrives are suppressed.9 The building of the church and priest's house was always undertaken by the single friars assigned to a district. The custom was for the women and children to build the walls. A building project was to be executed by the entire population. The buildings made after the Rebellion of 1680 still had the same pattern of design as the former ones, but never again were as large.1^ A specific description of the architectural features is given in Chapter V. 28 The Seventeenth Century: Foundation of Spanish Cities The Spanish colonization in New Mexico during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (in the Onate and De Vargas periods) was under the General Laws or Qrdenanzas brought directly from Spain. Each new town or city in the New World, including North America, Central America and South America, was established according to Spanish ordinances.H All the Laws from the Spanish Reign were recopilated in the Qrdenanzas of Don Felipe II, king of Spain, remaining currently in the Archive de Indias in the city of Sevilla, Spain. In 1573, King Felipe II, promulgated the Qrdenanzas de Nneva Poblaci6n or Ordinances for the New Populations. They included general recommendations for the foundation of cities. Also, some general conditions were specified for the regional settlements or missions. Once the site was chosen, conditions were given for layout. Subsequently, the lands marked the political and administrative characteristics from the different urban centers. Also, the types of functionaries, their privileges and obligations were indicated. Continuing with the Qrdenanzas. there were some norms in which the law maker dictated the minimum conditions to be fulfilled. The urban structure of the Colonial city was not a direct transplant from European models, but the development was obtained according to a changing process. This process was the incorporation of former European experience, results and contact with the conditions of the New World.12 These Qrdenanzas were also followed in New Mexico, exemplified by the cities of Albuquerque and Santa Fe.

hh^'}r ^^^ Plaza: ...The main plaza of an inland city or villa was located the center of the settlement. In form it was rectangular, being at least one and a half times as long as it was wide. On this account it 29 was better suited for fiestas where horses were used and other purposes. In size it was proportionate to the number of residents...being never less than 200 feet in width and 300 in length, not larger than 800 feet length and 532 feet width. About the streetsr ...From the plaza proceeded four principal streets, one from each side and in addition to these two for each corner. The four corners faced the four principal winds...travelers were not exposed to the four winds, that could be exceedingly inconvenient... About the names: ...In the discovery part of the Indies there should be sites or districts sufficiently good for the founding of settlements and any person shall make application to locate and settle upon them, in order that they may do so with a greater freedom and benefit. The viceroys and presidents may give them in our name lands, lots and waters, in conformity with the character of the land, providing it not to be an injury for a third person 13 The fundamental reasons of the Spanish Crown for colonization were: a) The determination of the Crown to found new cities. b) The establishment of colonial bases as centers of agricultural exploitation for a territory. c) Religious reasons to Christianize the natives. d) Military objectives of defense, serving as a bridge to further penetrations in new lands. e) Judicial and political administration of vast territories. f) Exploitation of mineral resources. g) Commercial basis and connections for communications with the metropolis. h) The need for intermediate stations between commercial routes for the transportation supply.14 30 The Eighteenth Century;D^vfilopment After the Pueblo Revolt came the Period of Reconquest, years of development with sporadic rebellions of the Indians with total Spanish control. It lasted for more than a century.15 The few Spanish settlers were grouped in villages, with some families living in (large landowners frequently referred to themselves as hacendados and to their land as haciendas) which were constant points of attacks from the Indians.16 During these periods, the Spanish searched for new lands and expeditions to the mountain were made. The eighteenth century was a wealthy period of Spanish settlement. During these years, religious organization was growing and Pueblos became part of the Franciscan missions. In 177 6, Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, Franciscan friar from Mexico was sent to the northern territory to report about the conditions of the missions (Appendix B and Illustration 3 in pocket).17 In 177 6, Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez set down a detailed description of the missions in the custody of the Conversion of St. Paul of New Mexico. The description not only is a very good portrayal of the eighteenth century colony, but also a detailed look at the missions and pueblos. Along with the gradual growth of the Spanish community, there was a similar slow but steady development of the mission among the natives. Frequently, the missions constituted little islands in the midst of the vast territory. Fray Atanasio divided his report in three areas: the first was the center and capital of the Kingdom, Santa Fe with the description of its two chapels; the second area was the Upper River or Rio Arriba, which contained 11 mission churches, and the third one was the Down River or Rio Ab^io with 16 mission churches. The area of Pecos belongs to the 31 fiiO Ab&JQ. Part of the information compiled in Chapter IV was made possible by this description of the Pecos mission. From the 32 churches or chapels recorded in 1776, 12 persist more or less in the same condition the Father Atanasio saw them in 1776.18

The Nineteenth Century: Hispanic Expansion Between the 1790s and the 1880s, New Mexico's Spanish Americans, or Hispanics, dynamically pushed outward their settlement frontiers, increasing the size of their homeland by at least 10 times. The year 1790 marked the beginning of relatively peaceful times in New Mexico. Governor Juan Bautista de Anza had led successful military campaigns against the Comanche and Apache during the dozen years prior to 1790.19 Caravans to and from Chihuahua (Mexico) each year enabled Hispanos to exchange their sheep, animal skins and woolen goods for hardware, textiles and luxury goods. Stockmen in quest of suitable pastures for their flocks ventured across a divide to the next valley where they built adobe shelters, developed irrigated patches of land and eventually attracted others. To be closer to their grazing lands, several stock raising families migrated up or down the valley to a point where flood plain cropland and a village site were available.20 The majority of the land Hispanos encroached upon was granted by official decree, but the lack of grant records from the Spanish period makes it difficult to generalize about the number of squatters prior to the American takeover. After 184 6, however, the stockmen who ventured east across the high plains or west across the Colorado Plateau were definitely squatters. In the first several decades of expansion after 17 90, the villages themselves were of the 32 fortified plaza variety common in the late 18th Century. Taos and San Miguel were plaza communities consisting of central open spaces (or plazas) surrounded on four sides by houses whose outer walls were windowless. The central open spaces were reached through one or more heavy gates, and outside the compound a high round tQrre6n (tower) gave added protection. Given the Hispanos penchant for living on their own irrigated tract, however, rancho settlement, which predated the plaza types, were restituted as quickly as Plains Indian pacification allowed. These ranches consisted of farmsteads that were strung out at irregular intervals along a linear irrigation diteh with a church, eventually a school, perhaps a store and a blacksmith shop, grouped at some point near an open plaza, which was the village foeus. Among Hispanos the term plaza was used rather loosely to refer to both compact plazas and dispersed ranches.21 When the paeifieation of made expansion possible, an emergent class of patrones led the way. By the time Anglos reached this frontier expansion between the 1860s and the 18 80s, Hispano stockmen had made impressive advances in every direction. Expansion to the north advanced from Taos, the late 1890s frontier salient of the north. Stockmen settled Arroyo Seeo and Arroyo Hondo in 1815. The northern reaches of the never-patented Conejos Grant around Del Norte and north to Saguache were sites of continued eolonizing. During the nineteenth century as Hispanos pushed north in the San Luis Valley, they increased territorial gains of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains in the Arkansas basin.22 Albuquerque and the Albuquerque Valley were the fountainheads for peopling lands to the west. For a brief time in the 1740s, Franeiseans maintained missions to the Navajo at Cebolleta and Eneinal. In the nineteenth century, as Hispanos moved onto the Colorado Plateau, they eame into contact with Anglos, largely Mormon farmers. The southernmost Hispano outpost in 1790 was apparently Sabinal in the Belen Valley. About 1800 Hispanos pushed 33 south of Sabinal into the southern Bel^n and Soeorro Valleys where they reoccupied sites that had been abandoned for more than a century: Alamillo in 1800, Socorro in 1800 and La Joya in 1811.23 Hispano expansion southwest from the Rio Grande Valley appears to be less well documented that that to the southeast. In the 1680s, Hispanos crossed the Continental Divide to the Gila Valley where, thirty miles into Arizona territory, they established San Jos6 and Pueblo Viejo (renamed Solomonville in 1878). Between these two outer most Hispano outposts and the Rio Grande Valley itself, a number of villages were established, presumably in the 1860s.24 As the century of Hispano expansion evolved, a hierarchy of village areas emerged. Santa Fe, Santa Cruz and Albuquerque were the oldest and largest (places of the colonists) . Beyond them the major village springboards were San Miguel, Las Vegas, Mora, Taos, Trinidad, Abiquiu, Cebolleta, Cubero and probably Belen and Socorro. Beyond these villages smaller points, like Manzano, were evolved. The decade of greatest expansion in each direction was the 1860s, gradual containment of Plains Indians made possible this expansion. Hispanos spread rather thinly across the plains to the east, and their numbers were even smaller on the Colorado Plateau to the west.25

The Twentieth Centurv Anglo-American Development With the coming of the railroads during the last decades of the eighteenth century, a new boom in New Mexican urban history began. The railroads brought miners and capitalists, speculation with the lands and new management in planning. But the area was so sparsely populated that the patron of urbanization was not noticed on large scale. James Taylor Forrest wrote in 1971 about this problem: 34 ...by 1910 the entire -Rocky Mountain region that comprises 30 percent of the total United States area had only two percent of the population...26 With statehood. New Mexico started to change physically in its urban development. The change of status to a full statehood opened New Mexico from the isolation and its ties with the rest of the nation became closer. World War I and the Great American Depression of the 1930s slowed the development of the nation and New Mexico felt the consequences.27 It was not until the participation of America in the World War II that the Depression began to heal in New Mexico. The war brought new industry and an influx of workers and their families from other states. The overall migration pattern was from the country to the urban areas. New building during the 1950s and 1960s in the cities and towns contributed to the economy and reflected the development of the state. Albuquerque, was one of the fastest growing cities of the Southwest during the seventies. Actually, the homes and buildings in New Mexico reflect their adaptation to the region.28 35

Notes Calvin A. and Susan A. Roberts. New Mexico, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988) p.14.

Charles F. Coan. History of New Mexico, (Chicago: American Historical Society, 1925) p. 34.

3 Ibid., p. 35.

4 Ibid., p. 38.

5 Merle Armitage. Pagans. Concnii stadores. Heroes and Martyrs. (Fresno: Academy Guild Press, 1960) p. 64.

6 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 41.

7 Trent E. Sandford. The Architecture of the SonthwP^sr (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1950) p. 104.

8 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 194-198.

9 George Kubler. The Religious Architecture of New Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1972) p. 47.

10 Ibid., p. 133-139.

11 Ralph E. Twitchell. Spanish Colonization in New Mexico in the Onate and De Vargas Periods. (New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XXII) p. 4-5.

12 Urbanismo Espanol en America. (Institute de Cultura Hispaniea, Madrid: Grafleas Reunidas, 1976) p. 5.

13 Ralph E. Twitehell. Spanish Colonization in New Mexico in the Onate and De Vargas Periods. (Albuquerque: Historical Society, Vol. XXII) Recopilaei6n de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias de Don Felipe Segundo, Ley IV, IX, and XII. All citations herein are made from this edition, translated by the author.

14 Urbanismo Espanol en America, p. 6. 15 36 Warren A. Beck. New Mexico; A Hi s-hnry of Fonr Centurifi?>. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962) p. 62-65.

16 Roberts, New Mexico^ p.84.

17 Summary of the Report of Dominguez, Fr. Francisco Atanasio. The Missions of New Mexico. 1776. Translated and annotated by Eleanor Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956).

18 John L. Kessell. The Missions of New Mexico since 1776. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1980) p. xi.

19 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 252-257.

20 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 75-90.

21 Richard L. Nostrand. The Century of Hispano Expansion. (New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. LXII, Oct. 1987) p. 363.

22 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 474-483.

23 Nostrand, The Century of Hispano Expansion, p. 378.

24 Ibid., p. 383.

25 Ibid., p. 385.

26 James T. Forrest. New Mexico: A Student's Guide to Localized History. (New York: Teachers College Press, 1971) p. 38.

27 Roberts, New Mexico, p. 112-113.

28 Forrest, New Mexico..., p. 44. CHAPTER IV THE PECOS VALLEY AREA

Geographic Data A principal tributary of the Rio Grande, the Pecos River rises to high altitudes in the southern terminus of the massive Sangre de Cristo mountains in north-central New Mexico. The Pecos River lies east of the Rio Grande and follows a course approximately parallel to it. Its soil is highly productive when irrigated, but, unlike the Rio Grande, the Pecos Valley has no long record of use by men. Most of the Valley's 28 million acres are semiarid, utilized for grazing cattle and sheep, but where arable land was irrigated farming was the dominant agricultural activity. In recent years, the petroleum and potash industries have made important contributions to the basin's surging economy.1 The Pecos River Valley divides into three distinct basins: first, the Upper Basin which extends from the headwaters to Alamogordo Dam, second, the Middle Basin which embraces the area between Alamogordo Dam and the Texas border, and third, the Lower Basin which encompasses the drainage area in Texas between Red Bluff Reservoir and the River's mouth near Cornstock.2 The area studied in this thesis is the Upper Basin. From its source in the vicinity of South Truchas Peck, the Pecos River flows southward some 30 miles through sparsely inhabited alpine land. Near the village of Pecos, it flows clear off the confining mountain uplift and bends southeastward for 20 miles through a broken hilly trough formed by the massive Sangre de Cristo uplift on the north and ramp-like Glorieta Mesa on the south. Skirting Glorieta 37 38 Mesa on the east, it flows through alternating narrow canyons and only slightly wider valleys where, throughout the centuries the current has built up fertile flood plains upon which irrigation has been practiced for almost 200 years.3 The Pueblo Indians were practicing irrigation and growing crops when the Spanish explorers and colonists first came to the area. They were interested in the community methods of the Indians. The community dams and ditches of the Spanish settlements differed from the Indians in that the European lacked the tribal organization. Irrigated fields were sometimes formed on both sides of the acequia or ditch in order to increase the amount of irrigated land and the efficiency of the water distribution. During the Spanish period, the total amount of land irrigated by the Indians and the Spaniards was small compared with the amount of land brought under irrigation since 184 6. Among the 10 most important rivers in New Mexico, the drainage basin of the Pecos River and tributaries is the second largest. In 1902, 56,497 acres were irrigated and in 1919, the area was doubled.4 in 1919, the San Miguel County with the drainage basin of the Pecos River was ranked eleventh among the irrigated lands, with 16,565 acres irrigated. The Pecos River Forest was established by Presidential proclamation on January 11, 1892. The name of national forests came into use in 1907. Thanks to the establishment of the Pecos River Forest, the land along the river attracted new investment and interest for irrigation fields.^ Except for the recently developed Storrie Project on the Gallinas River (one of the principal tributaries of the Pecos River) near Las Vegas, irrigation practices in the Upper Basin have changed very little since the days of early Spanish colonization. In all, some 15,000 acres are under irrigation in the Upper Valley, all of which are served by 39 surface water.6 in 1888, a private company sought to exploit the potentially rich area by building a series of canals and drains. In 1904, the federal government took over the project. Today three dams control the Pecos.7 Principal communities and populations in the Upper Valley are Las Vegas, Santa Rosa and Pecos with its environs. When the was opened in the nineteenth century, the first settlements stopped at Las Vegas. Las Vegas rapidly became a growing city. In the 1940s when Interstate Highway 40 was finished and passed through Santa Rosa, it became a stop area for all travelers and the town sprung up. After the decline of the Pecos Mission, Pecos town became the most important village north of the Pecos River area. Altitudes range from 13,102 feet at South Truchas Peak to 4,275 feet at Alamogordo Dam. Representative valley-floor altitudes are: Pecos at 6,800 feet. Las Vegas at 6,400 feet, Anton Chico at 5,200 feet, and Santa Rosa at 4,600 feet.8 The climate of Pecos River Valley is generally advantageous. Recorded temperatures at Coroles in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains near the river's head have varied from 902F to -272F. Annual precipitation has varied from 35 inches to 8.3 inches with an annual average of 14 inches. The growing season in the Upper Basin averages about 100 days.9 The vegetation in New Mexico has been classified in six zones, and the area correspondent to the Upper Pecos Valley is in the Lower Sonoran Zone. This is a geographic area of Mesquite and Black Grama grass. It is found in the Rio Grande below Socorro, in the Pecos Valley up to Santa Rosa and in the most of the southwestern part of the state. Usually at altitudes below 4000 feet, this zone permits more grazing than that possible at higher elevations. Because of the long frost-free period, the fertile soil and the high 40 temperatures, this is the most important agricultural area in New Mexico.10

The Pecos Valley: History and Evolution When the first Spanish Conquistadores invaded what is now known as New Mexico in 1541-42, they found from 30 to 80 highly developed Indian agricultural communities, scattered west-east between the Zuni and Pecos Rivers, and north-south between present Taos and San Antonio, New Mexico. One of the largest and most prosperous of the Indian communities was Cicuy^ on the Pecos River. In the beginning, the pueblo and the river appear to have been called both Cicuy^ and Pecos. Onate referred to residents of the pueblo as Pecos and the writings of Fray Alonso de Benavides, published in Spain in 1630, refer to the pueblo at first as Cicuy^-Pecos, later as merely Pecos.H According to Robert T. Lingle, Cicuye, or Pecos, was a quadrangular structure consisting of two large communal dwellings four stories high, containing more than a 1000 rooms or apartments, so designed that one could make complete circuit of the village upon the balconies without setting foot on the ground. Farther south along the Pecos River, the explorers found smaller, less developed, less prosperous villages whose semi-migratory residents dwelt in dugout caves and crude mud huts. From the first, Pecos led the upper river pueblos in resisting the European Conquistadores.12 Owing at least in some measure to the efforts of Bigotes (Indian chief of the Cicuye), the Pecos pueblo survived to play a leading role in the Indian rebellion of 1680. The pueblo was also one of the last to capitulate in the Spanish Reconquest of 1692.13 41 The Mission of Pf^cos Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Poreiuneula The first effort to convert the Peeos pueblo began in the first year of Juan de Onate's colonization in New Mexico with the assignment of Fray Francisco de San Miguel to the pueblo in September, 1598. The first church was dedicated to Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Poreiuneula. Fray Andres Juarez, who came to New Mexico in 1612, served at Santo Domingo before his assignment to Pecos. His new church was under construction by fall, 1622 and was apparently the church described by Benavides in his 1630 Report: "...the Pecos Church...is the most explendid temple of singular construction and excellence..." (Illustration 23 in pocket).14 The mission, which was destroyed in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, was built by Fray A. Juarez, who once wrote: "...Pecos,...home to nearly a thousand souls, had deserved the grandest Christian monument in the kingdom..." and was burnt in its totality. Later, in 1694, Fray Diego de Zeinos persuaded the Indians to level part of the ruins and construct a temporary chapel. Facing west, it was built the reverse of the church of Father Juarez.15

The Pecos Mission in the Eighteenth Century The Pecos pueblo continued to flourish until around 1730-40. Indians successfully planted and harvested crops, alternately fighting and trading with the wild tribes to the east. But the last decades of the eighteenth century were bad times for the Pecos area. Disease took its toll on the population and the and began to spurn the procedures of trade and to subject the pueblo to raids. The pueblo repeatedly appealed to the Spanish government in Santa Fe for aid, while defending itself as best as it could. The 42 Comanches destroyed the small Spanish army, and from this blow the failing pueblo never recovered.16 In 1776, Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, in his report of the "New Mexico Missions in 1776," found the church, still impressive and in good repair, but the convento had suffered. Pecos no longer had a resident Father to see that quarters were maintained. The mission was administered from Santa Fe as a visita. There was apparently a resident friar at the Mission for nine or 10 months in 1780. Pecos had gone. Twelve years later, in 1792, the population had fallen to 152 and the church records tabulated only 40 in 1815.17 In 1838, the few remaining Pecos Indians abandoned the home of their ancestors and traveled west to take up residence at Jemez pueblo, the only other pueblo that spoke their Towa language.18 Today after more than a century of neglect, the pueblo and its great mission have been reduced to ruins which eventually will disappear completely, unless protective measures are taken. In 1965 the Pecos Mission came under federal jurisdiction with the establishment of the site as a National Monument.19

Foundation of New Villages The expansion occurring during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in New Mexico was made especially by Hispanos, or in its most part by them. During 1790, the Hispano expansion began. Stockmen looked for suitable pasture. Families migrated up or down along the valley looking for available village sites. The first record we have from those families appears in the article by Francis T. Cheetman "The Early Settlements in Southern Colorado," Colorado Magazine, February 1929.20 The pattern of settlement of the Spanish-American villages of the Pecos Valley was originally specified in the 43 San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. The San Miguel del Vado Land Grant was established in 1794 by the order of Fernando Chac6n, the Governor of the Kingdom of New Mexico under the king of Spain. The land was granted to Lorenzo Marquez and 51 other families who petitioned for the land in the same year. However, the distribution of irrigatable land did not occur until 1803, when Pedro Bautista, Alcalde of the Second Note of Santa F6, measured the land and supervised the drawing of lots for each tract (Illustration 5 in pocket) .21 ...Twenty-odd miles downriver southeast of Pecos Pueblo, it lay at the place where the trail to the plains crossed the River, where, according to the petition, there is space enough not only for the fifty-one of us who ask but also as many as the province to distribute. They described the boundaries of this new Eden simply: In the north the Rio de la Vaca (Cow Creek) from the place called La Rancheria to El Agua Caliente; in the south El Canon Blanco; in the east La Cuesta and Los Cerritos de Bernal; and in the west the place commonly called El Gusano (South San Isidro)...22 The original settlement by then totaled 58 who remained at San Miguel del Vado and 4 6 additional families established at San Jos^. This was the source of the colonists who, in 1822, were awarded land along the Pecos at Ant6n Chico. Conditions of the grant reaffirmed that the petitioners would have to construct the plaza as per the original petition and all other work which could be for the benefit and welfare of the townspeople. ...petitioners promise to enclose ourselves in a plaza well fortified with bulwarks and towers, and to exert ourselves to supply all the firearms and ammunition that it may be possible for use to procure...23 In spite of the mandates and intentions set down in the grant for the pattern of settlement, the towns adhered very closely to the design for defensive plazas. The apparent lack of compliance with town-planning specifications might be 44 attributed to the isolation and imposed self-sufficiency of the northern province of New Mexico. Hostile Indian incursions were the major problem. The use of genizaros to populate the Spanish colonial towns of the Pecos River Valley might also explain the town planning development. The Spanish created the colonial towns to serve as buffer zones against the hostile Indian raids. Town planning requirements might have been neglected due the belief that there were would not be any raids against genizaro-populated villages.24 The Spanish-American area of the Pecos Valley consists primarily of small farms and villages, the latter of which were of similar design. The center of the town was always the plaza: a rectangular-shaped area of ground varying from one to three acres. Dominating this area was the church, almost always built in the center of the plaza or else along the side of the plaza. Houses were frequently built in long, adjoining rows along the sides of the town square in order to enclose it and form a defensible plaza.25 San Miguel del Vado became a county seat under the Mexican Regime between 1822 and 1830. In 1827, the principal settlements were around the Upper Rio Grande, with San Miguel del Vado ranked as a second city, after Santa Fe.26 m 1844, the departmental council re-organized the subdivision of the province creating seven counties which were grouped in three districts, with San Miguel a part of the Rio Arriba district. In 1846, the seat of San Miguel County was moved from San Miguel del Vado to Las Vegas.27 Las Vegas was the larger and more prosperous town at this time, owing to the opening of the Santa Fe Trail, along which Las Vegas became the first stop-town. After 184 6, Las Vegas grew rapidly and outstripped San Miguel. Sometime after 1864 a big part of the San Miguel community moved again to a new village, Ribera, because of a smallpox epidemic which killed many of the town people. 45 The seventh census made by the U.S. Government in 1850 shows Villanueva and San Miguel del Vado as the only villages surveyed in the area of the San Miguel del Vado land grant (Appendix C). Later, in 1860, five new settlements were included in the eighth census: San Jos6, El Pueblo, La Cuesta, El Cerrito and Puertocito. In 1870, the population in the area dropped about one fourth but then remained constantly until the first decade of the twentieth century.28 In 1920, Gonzales Ranch and Ribera were included in the census and the total population increased again. In 1940, the region had its highest total population for 80 years. In the years 1930-40, every precinct but Ribera and San Miguel experienced a rise in population. The Depression was a crucial period for the Hispanic settlements of northern New Mexico. Many residents left the rural areas in search of a better life in the cities. This growth for the Pecos region should not be seen as an indication of stability or even vague prosperity. Rather, it was a problem followed by War World II and the expanding post-war economy that rapidly depopulated the Pecos River settlements, as the people went in search for a better life. Until 1940 the population remained constant, but a drastic decrease of half of the total population was shown by the seventeenth census in 1950. The region as a whole lost 1000 people in the years 1940-50. This was a serious blow to the area. The downward trend has continued until today (Illustration 5 in pocket).

History and Data of Each Village San Miguel del Vado San Miguel del Vado (or St. at the Ford) was named after the patron saint of the village and after the crossing of the Pecos River, later a point of entry on the 46 Santa Fe Trail. The town is located on the Rio Pecos in southwestern San Miguel County. It is reached by U.S. Interstate Highway 25 and a country road joining the highway 1 1/2 miles east of San Jos6. The small Spanish-American village of San Miguel was settled around 1750 by genizaros. Before the American occupation of the territory of New Mexico, it was regarded as the center of the surrounding settlements. During the Mexican Regime, a small detachment of troops was maintained at San Miguel, and here the Texans were imprisoned when they made their invasion of New Mexico for conquest. It was the county seat of San Miguel County until the seat of government was removed to Las Vegas.29 Before 1805, San Miguel was administered by the Franciscan Fathers of Nuestra Senora de los Angeles (near Pecos). As the congregation grew, the Bishop of Durango was petitioned to give San Miguel a resident priest. The license was granted on February 22, 1805. Later, as a result of poor mediums of communication and hostile Indians which made the journey from Pecos dangerous, the priest was authorized to maintain a permanent residence in San Miguel. The impact of this development was positive for the town.29 The Franciscan Fathers continued their work among the first settlers along the Rio Pecos until Spain secularized the Franciscan missions in all its dominions in 1834. Later, after the opening of the Santa Fe Trail and the stage-coach route from Santa Fe to the eastern territories, San Jose was used as a stop-point instead of San Miguel and the pueblo began to decline (Illustration 6 in pocket).

San Jos6 Originally known as "San Jos6 del Vado" (St. Joseph of the Ford), San Jose is named after the patron saint whose feast day is celebrated on March 19. It is located in the 47 southwestern part of the San Miguel County on the banks of the Pecos River. It lies on Highway 25, 22 miles southwest of Las Vegas. The town was settled by the Spanish in 17 94, the year of the Miguel del Vado Grant. Prior to the Spanish, the Pecos River Valley area was occupied by genizaros. m 1803, nine years after the founding of San Jos6, Pedro Bautista Pino, acting by orders of the Governor, partitioned the land to the settlers of San Jos^. In 187 9, in a plat of the San Miguel Grant by John Shaw, San Jos6 is represented by seven squares of buildings.30 After the establishment of the Santa Fe Trail, San Jos6 became an important stop along the road. In 184 6, it was chosen as a camping site by General Stephen W. Kearny. He commanded the Army of the West during the war with Mexico. The Army was under orders to march from Fort Lavenworth on the Missouri River to Santa Fe, and then, after taking control of New Mexico, to continue all the way to California. According to Connelley, "from the rooftop of one of the buildings. General Kearny proclaimed the American occupation of New Mexico."31 The passenger-coach service between Independence, Missouri, and Santa Fe was established in 1846. Stagecoaches which crossed the Pecos River ford stopped at San Jos6. The town had regular mail service by 1849 and daily passenger service by 1862. In 1858, the United States Post Office was established in San Jos6. In 1879, with the construction of the railroad lines in New Mexico, the stage-coach was eliminated. The railroad bypassed San Jose and a decline in population began (Illustration 7 in pocket).

San Juan The name San Juan, Spanish for Saint John, was used in the foundation of several towns all along the state of New 48 Mexico. Don Juan de Onate conferred this title upon the Indian pueblo first occupied as early as 1598. San Juan is a Spanish-American village and a farming community in the southwestern part of th- San Miguel County. Near U.S. Interstate Highway 25 and on a small farm road at the north, San Juan lies less than half a mile from the Pecos River. The town was also part of the first land divisions made by the San Miguel Land Grant. There is no history recorded until the late nineteenth century, when the church was built by laypeople (Illustration 8 in pocket).

San Isidro South Named after St. Isidore, patron saint of farmers, "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe of San Isidro del Sur" is located in San Miguel County and is north of U.S. Interstate Highway 25, along the banks of the Pecos River. It lies 23 miles southwest of Las Vegas. Formerly known as "El Gusano" (The Worm), it was on the western boundary of the San Miguel del Vado Grant. This town, as the rest of its neighbors, is eminently a farming settlement, being one of the poorer. After the foundation of San Isidro North, in 1856, about 10 or 15 years later, San Isidro South began to decline. (Illustration 9 in pocket).

San Isidro North Formerly known as "Las Mulas" (the Mules) , San Isidro North is located in the western part of the San Miguel County. The first name could have been given perhaps because of its close situation to Gusano Creek which was a former mule trail. It is reached from a frontage road, south of U.S. Interstate Highway 25, then by Road 433 to both San Isidros. It is located beyond San Isidro South, another two miles to the north. 49 San Isidro North has a typical Spanish town design. The church is in the center of the town with its traditional Placita. The principal buildings were built surrounding it (Illustration 10 in pocket).

Villanueva The name Villanueva or "New Village" may have been given to the settlement at the establishment of a new village or it may commemorate the Spanish Marquis Villanueva, early Visitor to the Southwest. The town is located in the southwestern part of the San Miguel County, on the banks of Pecos River. It may be reached by U.S. Interstate Highway 25 to Bernal, then south over the Country Road 3. This road passes through Ribera, San Miguel, El Pueblo, Sena, but at one point the Pecos River must be forded. It was founded in 1808 by Mariano Bar6n and Jose Felipe Madrid. It was named by the Post Office Department in 1890 after petition of the people (Illustration 11 in pocket).

Sena Originally known by the name of "Puertocito," the Spanish name for "small port" could had be given because the town lies on the bank of the Pecos River. It is a farming community in north central New Mexico, located in the southwestern area of San Miguel County, 23 miles southwest of Las Vegas. The design of the town differs from the others. Instead of being planned surrounding the plaza, it was laid out along the river ford. It was first recorded in the eighth Census of the United States in 1860 with 57 people. 20 years later, the population increased about seven times (349), but then it decreased in the 1930s to about 250. Now the population is 50 estimated to be no more than 200 people (Illustration 12 in pocket) .

El Pueblo El Pueblo, a Spanish name for "village" or "people," was a very popular name in New Spain. The Castaneda chronicles of the Coronado Expedition of 1540-1542, call the Indian villages "pueblos," and referred to the Indians as a pueblo- dwelling group. The name therefore, was given to various sites and settlements, and in later times to Indians themselves and to geographical features. Located in the southwestern part of the San Miguel County, El Pueblo lies on the banks of the Pecos River. It is reached from U.S. Interstate Highway 25 by Farm Road 3, after passing across the towns of Ribera and San Miguel. The town is divided by Farm Road 3, but the original settlement was only on the right side of the road, as one comes from San Miguel Mission. The town was first recorded in the eighth census of the United States in 1860, but it was counted as part of "La Cuesta" or Villanueva with 378 people. Later, the 1900, it was recorded with 300 but after War World II, the population decreased to 169. Actually, the town had increased its population twice by the 1950s because of the agriculture industry (Illustration 13 in pocket).

El Cerrito El Cerrito, a Spanish name for "Little Hill" or "Little Peak," is located 30 miles southwest of Las Vegas on the Pecos River. It is a small Spanish-American village settled in the early nineteenth century (around 1810). The settlers came from the neighboring villages, especially from San Miguel. 51 Before the arrival of the Spaniards in El Cerrito, the area was inhabited by Indians. According to Twitchell: "... arrowheads and pottery have been found, and there are Indian pictographs in the vicinity."32 The village was founded sometime after 17 94, the year of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. The earliest documented record of El Cerrito is 1824: "...so it was that families primarily from San Miguel founded El Cerrito in the Pecos Valley probably in the 1830s."33 El Cerrito was on Tract # 1 of the San Miguel del Vado Grant Land tracts. The town of El Cerrito is a traditional example of the pattern of settlement for Spanish-colonial towns. El Cerrito was first recorded in the eighth census of the United States in 1860, having a population of 163. Later, in the nineteenth century, the population doubled, but about the beginning of the twentieth century the population decreased to less than it was when first recorded, and, around 1950, there was a report of no more than fifty-four people in the town. The town is isolated from the rest of the group. To reach it, it is necessary to climb the Mesa after passing through Villanueva and driving about 2 miles through the Upper Villanueva State Park. The road is in very bad condition. Another way to reach the town is by a Farm Road from Vernal, but it is in worse condition (Illustration 14 in pocket).

Gonzales Ranch Gonzales Ranch was named after the first settlements of the area, which were five head families with the same last name, as told by the mayordomo Cristobal Gonzales. The town is located in the southwestern area of San Miguel County. It can be reached by U.S. Interstate Highway 52 25, then Road 3, passing the towns of Ribera and San Miguel. After reaching El Pueblo, turn left to a dirt road which climbs to the Mesa. On the way to Los Diegos, Gonzales Ranch is located along the right side of the road. Founded sometime before the turn of the century, it was part of the San Miguel Land Grant, settled as part of the Tract #2 of the San Miguel del Vado tracts. This was the eastern town of the land grant and was settled principally as a cattle village, thereby differing from the other towns which are particularly farming villages (Illustration 15 in pocket). 53 Notes l^'^^ll '^; i^?^^^- The Peros River mmmicc^.. (Santa Fe: The Rydal Press, 1961) p. 3.

2 Warren A. Beck. New Mevi en: A Hi.s^nry of Fonr Centuries. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962) p. 8

3 Ibid., p. 11.

4 Charles F.Coan. A History of New M^^vjcn (Chicago: The American Historical Society, Inc., 1925) p. 470.

5 Ibid., p. 472.

6 Lingle, Pecos River Commission, p. 77.

7 Ibid., p. 180.

8 Beck, New Mexico, p. 15.

9 Ibid., p. 15.

10 Ibid., p. 10.

11 John L. Kessell. Kiva. Cross and Crown: The Pecos Indians and New Mexico. 1540-1840. (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1979) p. 146.

12 Lingle, Pecos River Commission, p. 21.

13 Coan, History of New Mexico, p. 201.

14 Alonso de Benavides. The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides. Translated by Edward E. Ayer. (Albuquerque: Horn & Wallace, 1965).

15 Allan C. Hayes. The Four Churches in Pecos. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974) p. 11.

16 Kessell, Kiva. Cross and Crown, p. 334-335.

17 Ibid., p. 342.

18 Ibid., p. 458. 54

19 Hayes, Four Churches nf pono,c^, p. xiii.

20 Kessell, Kiva. Cross and Crown^ p. 421.

21 Ibid., p. 422.

22 Ibid., p. 416.

23 A Study of the San Mianc^l del Vado T.and Granf . (Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1977) p. 13.

24 Ibid., p. 15-17.

25 Ibid., p. 15-17.

26 Coan, A History of New Mexico, p. 336.

27 Ibid., p.481.

28 A Study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. Summary of the Census made by the U.S. Government, p. 22-30.

29 Ibid., p. 22-30.

30 Northern New Mexico Land Grants. State Land Management Office. Source found in the State Records and Archives, Santa Fe, New Mexico.

31 Calvin A. and Susan A. Roberts. New Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988) p. 105. 32 A Study of the San MioueT del Vado Land Grant, p. 16.

33 Kessell, Kiva. Cross and Crown, p. 457. CHAPTER V RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE

The History of the Franciscan Churches The Franciscan friars who came to the New World with the first colonists and taught Christianity to the Indians, brought with them new techniques of construction and taught the natives how to build churches. These churches are the most important legacy left by the Spaniards during the colonial era. The Franciscans executed large building projects for which they were themselves the architects, the contractors, foremen and building-supply agents. Most of them were highly educated men and, in some cases, later became important figures in the administration of the Order. The architecture of the Franciscans was the architecture of Europe of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries . 1 In order to understand the religious architecture in New Mexico, it is necessary to review the design of Catholic churches in Europe, especially in Spain and then Mexico. The Spanish-Colonial churches in the Viceroyalty of Mexico also deeply influenced the way the New Mexican churches were designed.

Design of Catholic Churches in Spain The religious architecture of Europe was influenced for almost two hundred years by the Gesu, a Jesuit edifice in Rome, designed by Vignola and built between 1568 and 1577. The influential characteristic of this structure is the original form of the sanctuary and its immediate surroundings (Figure 1) .2 55 56

Figure 1: Plan of II Gesu, Rome (1568-1575) 57 The unity of the structure is secured by means of the transept and the crossing dome. The nave itself signifies unification, because the aisles are reduced to modest lateral chapels, and the projections of the nave in the elevations are minimum. The Gesu plan affords great compactness, and the volume of the building is continuous, uninterrupted by secondary spatial values. The Gesu type was directly dependent upon certain prior antecedents in the monastic churches in Spain.3 A peculiarity of Spanish religious architecture is the separation of the choir and the sanctuary. In Spain, the choir was relegated to other parts of the church, notably to a balcony usually reserved in France for the organ. This spans the rear of the nave, with a balcony at the facade.4 Referring to the orientation, the churches in Spain were built following medieval examples which were later taken as models for specific orientation: In Christian church architecture, the north has usually been considered inauspicious, perhaps because of a medieval belief that the apocalyptic peoples of Gog and Mogog would break in upon humanity at the Last Judgement from the north edge of the world disk. As late as the Council of Trent, the north was a forbidden direction excepting in special cases where no other solution was possible.5 Mexican practices also influenced the orientation of New Mexican churches. It was typical in the Viceroyalties of Mexico and Peru to build cathedrals and parish churches with their main entrance facing west, east or south, characteristics later adopted by the New Mexican missions. There were also some other orientations, but rarely to the north. 58 Design of Spanish Colonial Churches The varied expression of creativity in many art forms of the Indians who inhabited Central and South America before the coming of the Europeans, was drastically altered in the destruction of the Aztec or Inca Empires by the Conquistadores. In the post-conquest era of colonial architectural history, a new array of ornamental forms and sources became popular. During the first decades of Spanish colonization in Mexico and South America, professional architects and engineers brought building knowledge to the New World. In addition, local artisans adapted sixteenth century Italian, Flemish, German and Spanish forms in their preferences. The eastern European forms were first adopted by Spain, and were made suitable to the . When these designs came to the New World, the local artisans transformed them and added their aboriginal creativity. Sometimes the modifications resulted in a stereotyping of European sources, provincial units pejoratives sense a consolidation still clinging to the world "colonial". At other times, the creative imagination of local craftsmen developed variants that were colonial in a more intensive sense.6 While the Qrdenanzas of the Spanish Crown directed the way cities should be designed, they also dictated the way the churches should be built. Their locations in towns, their orientations and specifications were required as follows: ...The location of the church (temple) was a matter of first concern. Its location in every city, villa or lesser settlement in midland was determined by Law. It was not to be erected in the plaza, but in some distance; therefore, removed and apart from whatever kind of edifice not contributing to its accommodation and ornament. It might be the most visible and venerated building. Elevated somewhat above the surrounding areas. The rasas Reales. Cahildo. Aduana. etc., should be built between the plaza major and the church. All 59 ^n°?n/^?''^'^ be erected at a proper distance as not to interfere with or obstruct the view of the church...7 The friars were highly educated men and in their education they may have received some training m science, as architects or engineers. Most of the Franciscans who came to the New World were worthly followers of Saint Francis of Assis. We need to remember that Saint Francis began his clerical life when he started rebuilding an old church in Umbria. Also, some friars who were self-trained architects, built some of the churches located far from the capital city where it was in some cases impossible for architects to travel. But those friars occasionally had the benefit of Spanish workmen, quarry workers and stonemasons in the instruction of the Indians in special techniques, particularly those in the northern missions.8 The colonial churches of sixteenth century Mexico are characterized by the nearly uniform absence of the three- aisled plan which was usual in European religious architecture. According to Kubler, in the cathedrals of Mexico, and Oaxaca9, built for the most part of the seventeenth century, the multi-nave plan prevailed. However, in the majority of smaller monastery and parish churches, the construction of lateral aisles was avoided. It is probable that military considerations may have taken part in the suppression of the aisle. There are other possible reasons related to the suppression of the aisle: the avoidance of structural problems and the materials used (loose stone and adobe bricks) that were unsuitable to any dynamic structural extension.1^ In sixteenth century Mexico, the aisles were suppressed, offering no protection for the enemy. A very good example of this type of building is the Church of Huejotzingo in Mexico (Figure 2) .H 60

Figure 2: Plan of church and convent. Huejotzingo, Mexico. (Sixteenth Century) 61 The Gesu plan affords great compactness, the volume of the building is continuous, uninterrupted by secondary spatial values. This characteristic is notorious in the colonial churches built in Mexico.

Design of New Mexico Mission Churches No secular building expert or engineers entered New Mexico with the first colonists. The New Mexican pueblos were under the care of a priest. The building of the church and the priest's house was generally undertaken by the friar assigned to the district or pueblo. The missions were a force for the preservation of the Indians. They were opposed to their destruction. That was characteristic of the Anglo-American frontier. The missionary work in northern New Spain was conducted by Franciscans, Jesuits and Dominicans. The Franciscans were in the north east (Coahuila, Nuevo Le6n, Nuevo Santander, New Mexico, Texas and Florida). The Jesuits were predominantly in the northwest (Sinaloa, Sonora, Chihuahua, Lower California and Arizona). When the Jesuits were expelled in 1767, the Dominicans took Lower California and the Franciscans took Alta California. The entire settlement with all the activities (instruction in Christianity, reading, crafts, etc.) with its church and surrounding buildings was the Mission. The mission buildings served several purposes. In the beginning, they often served as a fortress, not only for padres and neophytes, but also for near-by settlers. They were always arranged around a great court or patio; the church was protected on all sides by the other buildings. The church was always the center of the establishment.12 Everywhere the friars initiated missionary work during the seventeenth century the civil government violently opposed. This problem would continue until the first half of 62 the eighteenth century when the fight between church and state concluded with the secularization of the Missions in 1834. By a Viceregal contract made in Mexico City in 1631, the king of Spain assumed the expenses of equipment and supplies for the religious establishment of New Mexico. The Mission Supply Service was originally organized in 1609 and reorganized in 1664. A caravan was supposed to make the trip every three years. The caravan consisted largely of mission and church supplies. These would include hardware to build the church and the entire settlement of the mission as well as essential materials for the altar and clothing for the missionaries.13 The building materials of colonial New Mexico were adobe, stone, wood, an occasional window glazing of selenite or mica, and earth colors for the decorations of the wall. The Spanish retained the Indian structure although they introduced the technique of forming adobe into bricks. The bricks were laid on a rough stone foundation. In earlier structure, floors were made of packed earth. The earth was sometimes mixed with animal blood and ashes to make it hard and resistant to water.14 As in Mexico, a simple plan represents not only a means of avoiding structural problems, but also a military measure for the protection of the missions. The single-plan occurs in New Mexico both with and without transepts. In a single- nave two arrangements occur: 1) the chancel is narrower than the nave 2) the width of the chancel is equal to that of the nave. In either case, the sanctuary is always a distinctly articulated element, and it constitutes the focal point of the plan. It may be trapezoidal, rectangular or absidal. A 63 technical reason also demanded the type of solution (rectangular, no aisles, ochavado plan): the materials used as stone and adobe bricks were not conducive to dynamic structural design (Figure 3). The width of the nave and transept was limited by the size of the roofing timbers available. Depth, not length determined the length of span.15 In general, the fundamental variation upon the single- nave plan consists in the presence or absence of transepts, in various shapes of the sanctuary, and in the location of accessory rooms. Imperfect parallelism occurs between the nave walls, which tends to converge as they approach to the sanctuary. According to Kubler, the cruciform-plan churches were built especially in such early Spanish settlements as Santa Fe, Santa Cruz de la Canada and Albuquerque. In the pueblos, the continuous-nave church is typical, but in some cases the cruciform-plan was used. In cruciform plans, the chancel (or approach to the sanctuary) is always narrower than the nave.16 In either case the sanctuary may be rectangular, as in Isleta Mission; trapezoidal, as in Ab6 Mission; or absidal (according to Kessell) in Santa Clara Mission.17 In concordance with Kubler, the work of the second period (after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680) was less careful and less durable than the monuments of the preceding century. The principal monuments in style display decreased skill and elegance of execution. According to John L. Kessell: ...The organized effort to reoccupy New Mexico after the Pueblo Revolt, was to make the reoccupation permanent. This period characterized by intensive building activity...This was categorically different from the primitive period in the early years of the seventeenth century. In the Indian Pueblos the native labor was used to repair the previous establishments. 64

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Figure 3: Plan of New Mexico Missions. Top: Abiquiu, center: Cochiti, bottom: Acoma (Seventeenth Century.) 65

In 1692 General de Vargas ordered the Indians to work for the reconstruction, but the order was not issued by a friar, to whom the spiritual care of the pueblo had been entrusted, but by a secular person of military and civil authority. In the Spanish town, building activity was initiated by civil authorities, rather than by the churchmen.18

Religious Architecture after the Franciscans During the eighteenth century, the buildings in Spanish and some Indian villages seem to have passed into civilian hands. The apparent Europeanization of certain population areas in New Mexico was not attended by any marked increase in the technical and formal Europeanization of the style.19 Later, in the eighteenth century, the decline of the missions and the improvement of the secular churches was reflected in the direction of the architecture. Under the Mexican rule, about 1830, the Bishop of Durango brought serious changes against the Franciscan friars, and the number of missions and friars was reduced. The friars were not permitted to administrate the missions anymore. The clergymen were forced to subsist on very scanty funds, were placed in isolated corners of the land, and were separated from cultural intercourse with other people. The privations these men endured undoubtedly lessened their abiliity to perform their duties.20 The basic change was in terms of the church. It was no longer to continue as a peripheral outpost of the Spanish world, but as a focus and point of diffusion on the Anglo-Saxon continent. Theoretically, the lands and resources of the missions were the property of the Indians, held in trust for them by the fathers. In 1833, the Congress of Mexico had passed laws providing appropriations for the support of the churches. As the Mission Era was ending, the churches fell into disrepair. 66 Secular churches were built, but the majesty of the seventeenth century missions was never again repeated.21

Bishop Lamy Period After Mexico attained independence, the clerical situation grew worse. A flurry of "nationalism" called for exportation of all Spanish clerics, most of whom were administering the northern territories. This action stripped New Mexico of its clergy. There were only 14 priests left in 1851.22 The opportunity to reinvigorate the Catholic Church in New Mexico was presented to a French clergyman, Jean Baptiste Lamy, who had had previous experience in America as a priest in Ohio. Lamy was appointed Vicar Apostolic for the former Mexican territories that were east of California. He arrived at Santa Fe in 1851 and was consecrated as Bishop in 1853.23 The work of Bishop Lamy in re-establishing the Catholic Church in New Mexico was reflected not only in his contribution as a civilizing force in the territory, but also in the architecture. Like most clergymen. Bishop Lamy was convinced that he could not be rated as a great servant of the Lord without a proper edifice built in His honor, and the French-style cathedral in Santa Fe was to be the result.24 With Lamy, an extensive campaign of repairs and new buildings were initiated under the standard of French nineteenth century taste. Parish priests arrived from France, and French architects were brought to New Mexico for the construction of the cathedral of Santa Fe. Lamy's report on the activity of the first 14 years of his Vicarship, mentioned the building of 45 churches and chapels and the repair of 18 or 20.25 In this report, the French training and taste of the Bishop and the French priests are evident. The most notable 67 works of his time were the Cathedral of Santa Fe, built in Romanesque style, and the chapel of the Order of the Sisters of Loretto, adapted from the Saint Chapelle in Paris. The area of the Pecos Valley was not isolated from this reconstruction, and some of the churches as San Miguel del Vado, San Jos6, Sena and Villanueva could have been part of Lamy's report. Such architectural features as the belfries, window transformations and roofing reveal some French inclination. The style of the churches built during the second half of the nineteenth century was the result of the eclecticism in religious architecture in Europe. In repairs, Lamy's taste led to the initiation of medieval forms in wood and adobe, as at San Juan de los Caballeros Pueblo north of Santa Fe. Pointed, arched windows became common, as at San Miguel del Vado, where windows built in the 1800s were changed for pointed arched windows. Also, spires and gabled roofs became the fashion.

Moradas de los Penitentes The Hermandad de Penitentes is a foundation created by secular people through brotherhoods based upon charity, devotion and penitence.26 This group spread rapidly and grew in strength throughout isolated areas in New Mexico. When the priests were driven out of New Mexico by the Mexicans, officials of the Penitente Order soon performed many of the functions of the priests. As the church was to the missionary his temple of worship, the Penitente (because of his ideology) chose a morada as temple, this time not for worship but for his flagellations.27 The morada was the ultimate of simplicity. Usually it was located wherever convenient and sometimes in the midst of the local cemetery. This morada is always long, low and very close to the earth (perhaps reflecting the way in which the 68 people themselves were always close to that earth which was waiting to claim them). The morada has massive walls of adobe, seldom if ever broken by windows "...here in the dark recesses of the morada/ a basic people have fathomed the mystery of basic faith, the genesis of Christian philosophy..."28 Decoration was always simple. Except for a small cross, it was saved for the interior and for the doors. A prominent feature in the exterior decoration is the St. Andrew Cross. This cross is sometimes rendered in the molding on the doorway so that it is barely discernable. The doors are frequently painted in blue: "perhaps for the identification of that color with the Franciscan Fathers who came from Zacatecas."29

Nineteenth and Twentieth century New Religious Tendencies During the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and half of the nineteenth century, Catholicism was virtually the only religion in the territory. It was not until the arival of the railroads that brought the Anglo settlers in large numbers. The Protestant clergy made efforts to establish, usually setting up parishes in larger population centers. The Baptists were the first in this area, beginning their work in 1849. They were followed by the Presbyterians, which have always been strong in the territory.30 The Methodists came later in 1871. Another kind of missionary invasion of the territory was that of Mormons, who especially settled in the western portion of the state. All the protestant denominations brought with them, along with new orientation in the interpretation of the Holy Bible, new tendencies in the way they built their churches. 69 ...At first religious meetings were simply held in homes but then as the congregations grew churches were erected to accommodate the new form of worship. Often with adobe walls, the Presbyterian church buildings, which also serve as schools, were erected utilizing Hispanic building traditions, but reveal some variations in form and details. Wall openings (four on each side) are more numerous...Sometimes a long porch extended across the front..31 The military penetration produced a profusion of careful observations of older monuments in the state. After the entry in the territory by American forces and until the last decades of the nineteenth century, the U.S. Army contributed to the recopilation of monuments with the legacy of sketches, drawings, paintings and photographs of contemporary architecture. Not only military people were interested. In the beginning of the twentieth century, known archaeologists and historians took hundreds of photographs of almost all the churches in New Mexico. Some of the most relevant works are remarkably accurate and are held in the U.S. Military Academy in West Point. As examples, are the drawings of Heinrich Balhuin Mollhauser (1853), Lieutenant J. W. Abort (1847), Charles Graham (1880), Gregory Bourke (1881) and Carlos Viera (early twentieth century). Pertaining to photographic legacy we need to mention names such as Henry T. Hiesler (1871), John K. Killers (1880), Ben Wittick (1881), Charles F. Lummis (1886), Adolph Bandelier (1890), Adam Clark Vroman and William H. Jackson (1899), Edwin S. Andrews and George H. Pepper (1907).32 In 1920, the Committee for the Preservation and Restoration of New Mexican Mission Churches was organized and began some work of repair and reconstruction of churches in the regional manner. Contemporary contributions in the architectural study of the religious architecture in New Mexico are signs that the interest for the preservation of this legacy is still not 70 dead. Such authors as George Kubler (1972) and John Kessell (197 6) have studied the history and architecture of the New Mexican missions. Apart from these two historians, there are several studies by architects and professionals of the missions. However, the secular temples built after the Franciscans were always ignored, especially by the civil government. The next chapter will explain some of the secular architecture built during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 71 Notes George Kubler. The Religious Architecture in NPW Mexico. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972) p. 22.

2 Ibid., p. 59.

3 Ibid. p. 59.

4 Ibid. p. 57 .

5 Ibid. p. 23.

6 Ibid., p. 25.

7 Ralph E. Baird. The Churches of Mexico. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962) p. 59.

8 Ibid.', p. 6.

9 Kubler, Religious Architecture of New Mexico, p.36.

10 Ibid., p. 132-134.

11 Ibid., p. 134.

12 John L. Kessell. The Missions of New Mexico since 1776. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1980) p. 6.

13 Warren A. Beck, New Mexico: A History of Four Centuries. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962) p. 63.

14 Spanish American Villages of the Pecos RJver ValleV. (Santa Fe: State Records Center and Archives, 1973).

15 Kubler, Religious Architecture of New Mexico, p. 54.

16 Ibid, p. 62.

17 Kessell, Missions of New Mf^xico since 1776. p. 115.

18 Kubler, PPiiaious Architecture of New Ne?^iCQ. p.53.

19 Beck, New Mexico, p. 218. 72 20 Ibid., p. 213.

21 Charles F. Coan. A History of New Mexien, (Chicago: American Historical Society, Inc., 1925) p. 327.

22 Paul. Horgan. Lamv in Santa Fe. (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1975) p. 185.

23 Ibid., p. 113.

24 Ibid., p. 170.

25 Kubler, Religious Architecture of New Mexico, p. 142.

26 Richard Ellis, New Mexico: Past and Present. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1971).

27 Bill Tate. The Penitentes of the Sangre de Cristo. (Truchas: Tate Gallery, 1967).

28 Angelico Chavez. Penitentes of New Mexico. (New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XXXIX, April 1954).

29 Charles F. Lummis. The Land of Poco Tiempo. (New York: Charles Schribner's Sons, 1893) p. 43.

30 Beck, New Mexico, p. 211-217.

31 Willard B. and Jean M. Robinson. Historic Mountain Churches of New Mexico. (New Mexico Magazine, Oct. 1987) p. 27-29.

32 Based in illustrations, photographs, data of Kessell, New Mexico Missions Since 1776. CHAPTER VI PECOS VALLEY HISPANIC CHURCHES

After studying the historical background of New Mexico, the evolution of the Peeos River Valley, and the religious architecture of New Mexican churches, we can have a better understanding of the architecture of the Pecos Valley Hispanic churches. The Hispanic churches of the Pecos Valley are under the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe. Because of the vast territory and the large number of churches, the Archdiocese divides its administration among Mission parishes. The group of churches studied belongs to the San Miguel del Vado Mission, whose branch of the Villanueva Parish is in charge of the southern churches of the project. Any official decision is made by the priest of the mission of San Miguel, Father Carl Fell. The patterns of the town's layout are all of similar design. The center of the town is always the plaza, a rectangular-shaped area varying from one to three acres. Dominating this space is the church, almost always built in the center of the plaza or else along the side of it. The church buildings of the villages are of a similar architecture, with adobe as the main wall material. They all have stone foundations which prevent the bottom edge of the wall from eroding and eventually toppling over, due to the capillary action of ground water into the adobe. The wall thickness, in contrast to the thin walls the Indians built, measures from 18 inches to 32 inches. The entire surface is covered with a smooth adobe plaster, in some cases stucco , or wooden panels that cover part of the wall.

73 74 In 1846, when New Mexico was annexed to the United States, Americans began to arrive in the state. The architectural forms they brought with them were slowly adapted to and combined with the Spanish colonial architecture. The synthesis of American and Spanish colonial elements and forms resulted in an architecture known as "Territorial Style."1 The Pecos Valley Hispanic churches adopted some of the Territorial style elements especially after the improvement in the transportation system. In addition, the establishment of manufacturing facilities made available a wide variety of tools and products. Corrugated metal was transported to New Mexico by railroad and erected over originally flat adobe roofs. An easily recognizable ornament was the portal or porch. Usually extending across the front of the church, the portal had smooth-sawn columns with beaded edges. The availability of smooth-sawn lumber resulted in elaborate wooden trim, front verandas, pitched wood roofs, shuttered windows, wooden floors, splayed window jambas, paneled door and window reveals. Glass replaced the wooden grilles of the Spanish colonial architecture and was first freighted over the Pecos Valley in the 1850s.2 In the most remote villages of the Pecos River, the Territorial style continued until the construction of modern highways in the 1930s. The most recent of the churches surveyed, Gonzales Ranch, was built after 1930 using other American materials, such as kiln-fired brick which capped the adobe walls. The San Miguel del Vado church is the only one with some documented history. We have accurate information about it. Information on the other nine churches has been based in the Johnson/Nestor Survey of 1987, the survey made by the author and some stories told by the mayordgmog. 75 San Miguel del Vado at San Miguel Historic and Current name: San Miguel del Vado Parish: San Miguel del Vado Priest: Father Carl Fell Mayordomo: Jos^ and Vicky Mascarena The date of the construction is estimated to have been between the establishment of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant and the first years of the nineteenth century. There is a discrepancy about when was it built. John Kessell recognized that the church was already built by 1806 and the Johnson/Nestor Survey estimated it around the 1800. The church was built in 1806 by Indians of the parish under the direction of the Franciscan fathers. The walls are about twenty feet high, three feet in thickness. Above them rise two towers, each thirty-six feet high. In the towers there used to hang two bells, "Maria del Carmen", cast in 1830 and "Maria Angela", cast in 1851. They were cast in San Miguel and into their metal went gold and silver jewelry donated by people of the parish. Because of the weakened condition of the towers and to insure greater safekeeping they were removed. Another large bell, still in use, stands on a large platform in front of the church. The first floor in the church was laid in squares, under which the wealthier inhabitants of the village were buried. The present floor has been laid on the top of the old one. The wooden pews are elaborately carved and there are a number of beautiful statues.-^ The historic use of the church was as both church and fortress. In the present it is used every Sunday for celebration of Mass. The church is in the center of the plaza location, facing east on an axis with the road to the river. The surroundings are residential and rural, and it is a historic district. The camposanto is within the church yard and many of the markers date from the nineteenth century. A solid rock wall 76 five feet high, built in 1806, surrounds the church camposanto.4 The foundation is made in stone, over which lay the adobe walls. In the interior the walls are plastered and painted. On the exterior they are stuccoed and painted white. Some moderate alterations are a pitched roof and a dropped ceiling to cover the original beams. It was altered around 1880-90. There were two significant additions: the towers added in 1850-60 (estimated) and the sacristy and chapel, the date of which is unknown. The style is classified by the Johnson-Nestor Survey as a Spanish Colonial Baroque style. Buildings in this style share many features with the Mission Revival. Its distinctive feature is shallow relief decoration of stone, cast stone, or terra-cotta.5 It has a cruciform plan with transepts about nine feet long. The chancel has a rectangular shape and is narrower than the nave. The nave has two windows on each side and the transepts have one on each side, one looking north and the other facing south. The rectangular shape of the windows was changed to pointed arches. They are four by four double-hung in wood frames. One of the peculiar architectural features is the clerestory visible in the attic, which is covered. Other features are the two towers on the side of the nave, and the recent portico at the front door. The windows and doors are probably not original (Illustrations 16 and 22 in pocket).

San Jose del Vado at San Jos6 Historic and current name: San Jose del Vado Parish: San Miguel del Vado in Ribera Priest: Father Carl Fell Mayordomo: Mary Ann Vigil The date of construction is estimated to be around 1880 by the Johnson/Nestor Survey. This is the third oldest church 77 built in the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. Historically, it was a mission church and, today, the mass is celebrated once a month by the Father Fell, priest in charge of the mission. The location of the church is in the middle of the village's plaza, facing east. This is the biggest plaza among the ten villages, and it is surrounded by private residential- rural houses and the historical Post Office. The church is enclosed by a plaster stone wall which has a chain link fence above it, and the north, east and south areas of the yard are occupied by the camposanto. Some of the burials in the yard date from the 1880s. The foundation of the church is stone with a concrete skirt. The walls are adobe with stucco over them. The interior walls are finished with painted mud inside and the exterior in white. The roof was probably originally flat. The ceiling is covered with a white pressed board which does not permit one to see the original beams. Today the roof is pitched with corrugated metal covering it. The church is classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico Vernacular style. This style is characterized by the use of adobe as a building material for walls and gabled roofs covered with corrugated metal. The buildings are usually long and narrow and the exterior ornamentation is usually quite limited. Specific characteristics of this style will generally vary through the time.6 It has a typical cruciform-plan with transepts no wider than 13 feet. The sacristy is located in a trapezoidal room just behind the sanctuary. The nave tends to converge to the sanctuary and its walls are not perfectly parallel. The alterations are minor. According to the Johnson/Nestor Survey, the ceiling was dropped; the windows are not original; and a steel door-frame has been placed at the entrance. The windows are now two by two double-hung in wooden frames. There are no apparent additions. Important 78 architectural features are the belfry, located facing east at the top of the corrugated roof, the white-washed walls, an elevated grade which made the building look higher, and a provisional portico at the entrance which seems to be removable according to the seasons (Illustration 17 in pocket).

San Juan Bautista at San Juan Historic and current name: San Juan Bautista Parish: San Miguel del Vado Priest: Father Carl Fell Mayordomo: Nancy Lucero The date of construction is estimated to be around 1900. It has been historically used as a mission church. Today mass is celebrated once a month by the father of the mission. The location of the church is within the village along the roadside. This dirt road runs from north to east. The church is located near a small garden area that could be a plaza and the main entrance is facing east. The surroundings are residential-rural private houses. The camposanto is located one mile more less south-east of the church on the Farm Road 41A. The church was built facing east, and the southwest walls are facing a slope with a hill behind. The foundation of the church is stone with a concrete apron surrounding it. There are three floor vents on the north side of the church and two more vents on the south. The terrain is not flat and the sacristy is almost 40 inches higher than the entrance. Four risers in the porch landing make up the difference. The walls are made of adobe covered with stucco and painted. There is no trace of a former flat roof and today it is covered with pitched corrugated metal that lays on 32 pitched beams. The church has a cruciform plan with transepts 14 feet wide. The chancel is narrower than the nave and the sanctuary 79 is located behind it. The chancel and the sanctuary are rectangular rooms. The style was classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as Gothic Revival/Romanesque style. In the Gothic Revival style, the emphasis is on the vertical. Roofs are steeply pitched. Steeples are prevalent and windows and doors have pointed arches. Materials include adobe, wood, and stone or brick. The Romanesque style employs heavy round arches, rough hewn stone, irregular massing, broad roof planes, square towers and recessed windows and entrances.7 The alterations are minimal and the latest improvement was the patching and painting of the stucco made in 1986. Some important additions are the fiberglass roof-porch and the shrine adjacent to the main door. The free-standing bell- tower is located at the right side of the church, 11 feet away. Some characteristic architectural features are the two over one light double-hung windows and the well paneled wood door in the main entrance. This church has a special type of entrance different from the other churches, with the door located in a square tower which is half the width of the nave (Illustration 17 in pocket).

Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe at San Isidro South Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe en San Isidro del Sur Parish: San Miguel del Vado Priest: Father Carl Fell Mayordomo: Orlando Perea The date of construction of the church is estimated and the source was given by the former mayordomo Patsy Lucero, whose grandmother told her the date was 1920. Historic and present use of the church is as a mission, but the celebration 80 of mass is shared with the church of San Isidro North once every two months. The church is located on the side of the road to San Isidro North, facing a small plaz^. The main entrance of the church is facing east. The surroundings are residential, the majority of which are mobile homes. The camposanto is located around the church enclosed within a three feet tapia rock wall with wire fence all around. The recent burials are located in the north corner of the church yard. The foundations are assumed to be of stone and the walls are 24 inches wide. The surface is stucco, applied in 1975. There is no trace that the church had a flat roof in the past. Today, the corrugated galvanized roof lies on a pitched wooden structure. The ceiling is covered by a heavy pressed board, battened. The church interior has been painted several times over the years and the colors are visible at the base: red/brown, beige/creme, sky blue and today in white. Two towers stand at the main entrance and they were repaired in 1984 with new tin. The church has a single-nave ochavado plan with side walls slightly converging to the chancel. This is a trapezoidal room elevated 15 inches from the nave floor. Traditionally, the ochavado plan had the sacristy connected with the nave. In this case, the sacristy is connected to the chancel. The sacristy is located at the left side of the sanctuary connected by a small door. The floor of the sacristy is almost three feet lower. The style has been classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as a Spanish Colonial Baroque style. One of the architectural features is the unusual octagonal belfry of an exaggerated height seated over the pitched roof. The bell was removed when belfries were changed and today they stand on an attached building located in the yard on the right side of the church. The main doors are new. Installed in 1986, they have 81 carved wood panels representing the Virgin of Guadalupe and San Antonio. The nave windows are two sashes, double-hung and painted white. The front porch was added in 1985 and is a metal pitched structure covered with a corrugated green plaster (Illustration 19 in pocket).

San Isidro Labrador at San Isidro North Historic and current name: San Isidro Labrador en San Isidro del Norte Parish: San Miguel del Vado Priest: Father Carl Fell Mayordomo: Leroy Gonzales The date of construction is estimated around 1920-30, probably after finishing the church at San Isidro South. Historic and present use of the church is mission. Today, mass is shared once every two months with the people of San Isidro South. The location of the church is in the center of the plaza, which is located in the center of the town. The main door is located facing the southeast. The roadways circle the perimeter of the church yard and the main road passes at the north end of it. The church yard is raised two feet above the level of the roads and is surrounded by a tapia wall approximately 20 to 24 inches wide which has a wire fence all around it. This wall does not include any camposanto and there are no apparent graves at the church. The old cemetery is located more or less at a quarter of a mile north of the village, the new cemetery was made one mile north from the former. The foundation of the church is stone and the walls are made with double thick adobe. The interior wall finishes are painted cement and the exterior, plaster. The roof has very large vigas, approximately 15 inches wide spaced 30 inches apart. These vigas lie horizontal, supporting a flat roof. 82 In the interior, the vigas are covered by painted pressboard. Today, a wood pitched structure stands over the flat roof covered with corrugated galvanized metal deck. The nave has 15 round-shape vigas and the sanctuary has another 12 of the same kind. The style of the church was classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico Vernacular style. This, as the one in South San Isidro, has a typical single-ochavado nave. The sanctuary rises two steps from the nave floor and has a trapezoidal shape. The sacristy is an attached structure located at the left side of the nave which connects to it by a door. The nave has a special entrance that is narrower than the nave and a wall thickness that indicates that once towers were built here and were sometime closed. According to the Johnson/Nestor Survey, the towers were once exposed on the exterior and there is an inscription painted in the attic. At some point in time, the main entrance was changed leveled with the two exterior towers, in a way that was exposed on the exterior. The two southern windows, which are not original, are four by four double-hung in a wood sash painted with a screen covering them (Illustration 19 in pocket).

Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe at Villanueva Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe or Our Lady of Guadalupe at Villanueva. Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva San Miguel del Vado Mission Priest: Father Carl Fell Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez Mayordomo: Estela Madrid According to some sources from the Johnson/Nestor Survey, the date of construction of the building is estimated to be 83 1790. However, this date is not accurate. Villanueva is part of the San Miguel Land Grant which was in effect after 1794, so the church could not have been built in the beginning of the nineteenth century. Historically, it was always used as a mission church and today mass is still celebrated every Sunday. The offices of the parish are in the rectory near the building. The church is located on the east side of the plaza, which is located on the side of the main road that crosses the town. This church has a special orientation which makes it different from the other village churches. It is oriented to the southeast. As the other towns, the church of Villanueva is surrounded by private houses. The old camposanto is located in the church yard and some of the graves have marked dates from the first years of 1880. The church yard is surrounded with a three feet high stone wall, with a fence at the top. A new cemetery is located about one mile east from the village. The foundation of the structure is stone and the walls are adobe, about 30 inches wide. The exterior walls are covered with cement and plaster and are painted white. The interior is painted plaster, also white. The roof was originally flat with vigas covered with wooden boards and earth. Later, wooden trusses were built over the old roof and a red, painted corrugated metal deck covers the structure. Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as Gothic Revival/ Romanesque style, the church has a typical cruciform plan with a chancel narrower than the nave. The sanctuary is a rectangular area which was formerly illuminated with transepts "dated to be 150 years old" as reported by the Johnson/Nestor Survey. The transepts are about 17 feet wide and the nave is the largest in this study after the one in San Miguel del Vado. It is almost 100 feet from the main entrance to the sanctuary. The nave has windows only on one side, the 84 typical design found in many of the old mission churches in New Mexico. They are four by four double-hung in wooden frames. The sacristy was added in the beginning of the century. It is located on the right side of Ihe sanctuary and is a square room two feet beneath the nave level. An important alteration was done in 1943, when the facade was changed and covered with a stone veneer and wooden shingles at the gable. One of the architectural features is the grotto located at the left side of the yard that is almost 28 feet long (Illustration 16 in pocket).

Nuestra Senora de Esquipula at Sena Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de Esquipula at Sena Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva San Miguel del Vado Mission Priest: Father Carl Fell Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez Mayordomo: Johny Manzaneros The date of construction is 1908, according to the Johnson/ Nestor Survey, based on an inscription in the attic. It is used as a church and mass is celebrated once a month by the priest of the parish. The church is located in the center of the plaza which is located on one side of the road coming from Farm Road 3 to the banks of the Pecos river. The building is oriented facing the south. An adobe fence surrounds the church yard and the camposanto is located within it on the east and west sides. A very nice wooden structure containing the bell is located at the northwest corner of the camposanto. The church and camposanto are surrounded by residential houses. The foundation of the church is stone set in mud mortar. The walls are adobe, 32 inches thick, covered with cement plaster with white paint on the exterior. In the interior. 85 the walls are plastered and painted. The roof is pitched with corrugated metal and the attic has a round window with peculiar design. The ceiling is flat timber covered by painted pressed boards with patterns. The floor of the nave is unfinished pine plank about four inches wide. The nave has four windows which have wooden frames painted green and colored stained glass mixed with plastic colored panels. Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico Vernacular style, the church has a typical single-nave plan with an ochavado at the chancel. The altar located in the sanctuary is three feet above the nave floor. The sacristy is located at the right side of the nave which communicates with it by a door. It seems that the sacristy was an addition but there is no source to elaborate the date (Illustration 20 in pocket).

San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo Historic and current name: San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo Parish: San Miguel del Vado Priest: Father Carl Fell Mayordomo: Daniel Garcia The date of construction is estimated to be the beginning of the twentieth century. It is the most recent church built on the road from San Miguel del Vado to Villanueva village. The building is used today as a parish church and mass is celebrated once a month by the priest of San Miguel Mission. The church is located in a small placita in the center of the village. It is surrounded with a wire fence and the camposanto is located at the south and west side of the yard. The orientation of the building faces the east and it is surrounded with houses, a majority of which are mobile homes. The foundation of the building is stone and the walls are adobe finished on the exterior with cement plaster and painted dark brown. In the interior, they are plastered and painted 86 white. The roof has a pitched wooden structure and a corrugated galvanized metal deck cover. In the interior, the ceiling flat structure is covered with pressed board and painted light blue. The floors are three-inch-wide pine with new varnish. The nave has two windows located at the left side which obviously were altered some time ago and today are double-hung two by two panels in aluminum. The loft window may be original, but the front doors made with wood and glass are not. The church was classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico Vernacular style. The building has a cruciform plan with transepts about eight feet long. The sanctuary is a rectangular area narrower than the nave. An old door located at one side of the right transept was closed eventually when the addition of the sacristy was made (Illustration 18 in pocket) . Nuestra Senora de los Desamparados at El Cerrito Historic and current name: Nuestra Senora de los Desamparados Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva San Miguel del Vado Mission Priest: Father Carl Fell Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez Mayordomo: Abrahm and Margie Quintana The date of construction of the building is 1888, according to a source found in a carved beam. Historically, and today, it is used as a parish church. Mass is celebrated once a month by the priest of the mission. The location of the site is at the center of the village, in the plaza at the major road intersection. The surroundings are residential houses but it is not a historic district. The historic camposanto is located throughout the fenced church yard and in the church. There is an active cemetery located 87 two miles northeast of the town. The church is oriented facing south. The foundation is made of stone with mud mortar. The walls are adobe and cement p]aster covered with reddish brown stucco on the exterior and mud plaster painted light blue in the interior. Originally, the church had a flat roof. Today the horizontal beams are covered with a white painted pressed board which was dropped 30 inches from the original ceiling in 1976. These vigas are rectangular six by ten inches spaced two feet apart. A pitched wooden structure stands above the flat beams and a corrugated metal deck covers it. Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexico Vernacular style, the building has a typical single-nave with the ochavado at the sanctuary. The nave of El Cerrito is the smallest of the study group. It is about 32 feet long, from the top of the sanctuary to the entrance. Similar to the other churches, the sanctuary is elevated two steps from the nave floor. The nave has two windows, one at each side of the walls. They are four by four double-hung wood sash. The church has suffered only minor alterations. Among the changes of the church structure, the belfry was added and the bell raised in 1980. The sacristy is a rectangular room at the right side of the nave which communicates with it by a 32-inch-wide door. It seems that the sacristy was a later addition, but the date is unknown. The doors and windows are probably not original (Illustration 20 in pocket).

San Isidro at Gonzales Ranch Historic and current name: San Isidro at Gonzales Ranch Parish: Our Lady of Guadalupe, Villanueva San Miguel del Vado mission Priest: Father Carl Fell Deacon: Facundo Rodriguez Mayordomo: Crist6bal Gonzales 88 The date of construction is estimated to be in the 1930s. It has always been used as a parish church, where mass is celebrated once a month by the priest of the mission. The location of the church is more or less isolated ^nd it is necessary to take a dirt road to reach the building. The camposanto is the largest of the group studied, and surrounds the wire-fenced church yard. The orientation of the church is facing the east. A well-kept bell stands on the right side of the church in the yard. The foundations and walls are stone in lime mortar. The roof structure consists of two sloped trusses covered with a corrugated metal deck and painted. In the interior, ceiling boards follow the roof truss. Classified by the Johnson/Nestor Survey as New Mexican Vernacular style, the church has a single-nave form, with no ochavado apse. The sacristy is an addition, but the date is unknown. The sanctuary is a rectangular room with the longest side as wide as 13 feet. It lies at the northwest corner of the nave and communicates with the sanctuary. The sanctuary is raised two steps above the nave and the altar stands one step above the sanctuary. One of the peculiar architectural features is the front porch which was added in 1976. Also, a triangular choir loft window gives the building a special characteristic. The nave has four windows at the south side and three at the north. They are four by four double-hung in frame painted white (Illustration 18 in pocket). 89 Notes 1 Spanish American Villages of the Pecos River Valley. (Santa Fe: State Records Center and Archives, 1973) p. 22.

2 Ibid., p. 23.

3 A Study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. (Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1977) p. 14.

4 Report of the Select Committee on the Preservation of New Mexico Historic churches. Johnson/Nestor Survey. (Santa Fe: Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1987) p. 14.

5 Ibid., p. 15.

6 Ibid., p. 15.

7 Ibid., p. 14. CHAPTER VII RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROPOSAL

Present Situation In September, 1986, Archbishop Robert F. Sanchez of the Archdiocesis of Santa Fe, created a committee of members from the Arehdiocesan College of Consultors to study the situation of the historic New Mexican churches and to formulate guidelines which could guide the Archdiocese in determining their future. This committee was mandated to make a report and guidelines ready for the Archbishop's and Consultors review and approval no later than Fall 1987. The result was the 1987 "Report of the Select Committee on the Preservation of New Mexico Historic Churches" made by the Architectural firm of Johnson/Nestor who completed an architectural survey of historic northern New Mexico churches. The inventory documents pre-1945 churches in the northeast section of the state. The churches belonging to the Upper Pecos Valley were all included in the survey. The Archdiocese of Santa Fe has over 4 00 churches in its jurisdiction. According to the Johnson/Nestor Report, not all of them are historically valuable. The Committee developed a flexible definition for buildings they considered should be named historic in New Mexico: A historic church is any building once used or being used for the official worship of the Catholic rite, presently under the legal jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, being fifty years old or better." After the definition, the committee reviewed all the churches under the Archdiocese of Santa Fe and discovered that over 200 churches were qualified to be "historic." But, 90 91 after that, the Archdiocese made a new category of its historic churches, organizing the buildings into three classes: the first is a historic church serving the parish seat, having a resident pastor; the second class includes numerous mission churches; and the third one includes the churches which no longer serve worship needs of the local community at all or have been abandoned. In either the second or the third class, the Archdiocese decided not to assume responsibility for any rehabilitation because of their great number. It also would pledge partial support and necessary help of interested individuals, organizations and/or governmental agencies.

The Pecos Valley Hispanic Churches Of the 10 churches studied in the project, just two of them, San Miguel del Vado and Our Lady of Guadalupe at Villanueva, were classified by the Johnson/Nestor Report as class one priority churches. Three of them received the second class designation, Nuestra Senora de los Desamparados at El Cerrito, San Isidro at Gonzales Ranch, and Nuestra Senora de Esquipula at Sena. The rest were classified as third class, San Antonio de Padua at Pueblo, Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe at San Isidro South, San Isidro Labrador at San Isidro North, San Jos^ del Vado at San Jos6 and San Juan Bautista at San Juan.

Problems and Recommendations As was determined in the first chapter, this study is focused upon the analysis, the identification of problems and the proposals for preservation. This thesis hopes to set a model of study which could be used in any other area of the state. It is necessary to make clear that the proposals for preservation are only general recommendations. If, in the future, the Archdiocese of Santa Fe or any private 92 institution decides to do an intervention into any building, a careful evaluation should be made. For an evaluation study, a restoration sequence should be followed. As a general approach, it will be better to work from the outside toward the inside of the building. Start from the top and work down. Move from structural details toward the decorative. One may avoid serious and costly mistakes by working in a logical sequence completing each segment before moving on the next major operation. All 10 churches studied appear to be in good condition. However, the structures have some problems that need to be solved as soon as possible. The mayordomos in charge of the maintenance of the buildings do a good job at each of the churches. The mayordomos in charge all have keys to enter the churches and have easy access to all parts of the structure, including bell towers, roofs and attics. The churches are, in general, well kept and clean. The altars, which are always well ornamented are in good condition and paintings or statues are cleaned at least once a month, especially when the father of the mission celebrates mass. The area is not a heavy-rain region, but some inspection should be made after any major rain or snow fall. There are no problems in any of the 10 churches from lack of maintenance. There were 16 constant structural problems found in the 10 churches and general recommendations were made to correct them (Illustration 24 in pocket). 1. The usual problem in all adobe structures is from water. Running water dissolves adobe and washes it away. In the majority of the buildings, drainage problems have already been solved by the mayordomos with the help of people from the community. In some cases the yard does not drain well and creates problems near the structure. Also, ponding areas in 93 yard or garden endanger the building, it is necessary to improve drainage with slight regrading to eliminate the ponding. A low wall could be built to improve it, if the surrounding yard needs it. 2. The camposantos are generally well kept, but in some cases there are burials in bad condition and graves sunken. The filling and repairing of these graves are recommended. A meticulous inspection of all yards should be done in order to make recommendations for the repair of the walls and chain fences. 3. The surroundings of the buildings, including roadways, hills or pasture lands, should be watched to improve run-off. If perimeter roads need attention, they should be regraded. 4. Generally, the roofs are sound, but small holes in corrugated roofing may show up. A periodic inspection is recommended and parts of corrugated roofing soon should be repaired. The mayordomos should report any leaks immediately. 5. In some cases, there is a problem with flashing and loose nails. They should be checked annually. 6. Some buildings have attics and chimneys which are not sealed and birds tend to fall into wood stoves. The attics should be sealed to keep the birds out and some flues should be replaced. 7. In the interior, most of the structures do not have drastic problems. The ceiling should be observed to see if any moisture appears. It should be traced to its source and eliminated. 8. All the churches have wooden board floors which need annual varnishing and constant checking. Underfloors should be observed and ventilated. 9. Problems in traditional adobe plastered wall surfaces caused by water are easily detected. In some 94 Structures, a concrete ribbon footing at the base of the walls has been added and is today cracking or separating. It is recommended that corner bases be regraded. Some concrete plinth should be sloped on top and kept sealed, so water will not enter and be trapped next to structure. 10. In all buildings, wall and roof structures appear sound. Some structures have Portland cement repairs. They all need periodic inspection. Lime mortar is preferable for repairs. 11. Pertaining to the wall finishes, there is some minor cracking of cement plaster and some stucco coating is peeling. The painting of plaster and stucco needs annual checking. Joints should be repainted to keep out moisture and animals. 12. Architectural features, such as wood panels and shingles, have problems because of infrequent painting or reapplication of oils. They need to be checked periodically. 13. In porches, steel frame metal entrances have problems with water. They need maintenance and a periodic check of metal deck roofs. 14. Generally, metal and wood plank doors are in good condition. Routine wood repair and metal painting is recommended. 15. Almost all the buildings have wood window sashes and in some cases aluminum frames. Also, colored glass and plastic panels have been used to decorate the openings They all look to be in good condition but a periodic inspection is recommended. Also, the cleaning and stabilizing of colored panels is recommended. 16. Finally problems with flat window sills were found. They tend to collect water and divert it to the interior 95 wall. Those sills need to be sloped toward the outside and the window perimeter sealed. The following is a general review of the churches, their particular problems and some recommendations:

San Miguel del Vado In general the church appears to be in good condition, is well maintained and the structure in general appears sound. One of the problems of the San Miguel church is with drainage. The grade within the yard wall is three feet above the adjacent perimeter roads and those walls show water problems. In the church yard, there are small ponding areas around the tower and transepts and others more serious along the north nave wall and the wall adjacent to the tower. The roof has numerous small holes in the metal deck that need repair. The walls could need some repair in the base, but seem stable. The structure of the walls and ceiling appears sound. The last repair to the wall was made in the 1960s, and minor cracking of cement plaster has begun to show. Windows and sills all need exterior repair and repainting. A new ceiling and trim covers the beams and corbels. The original should be restored.

San Jos6 The church appears to be in good condition. It is well maintained and the structure appears sound. Relative to the drainage, it is necessary to check the difference in levels between the church and its yard, which is on a higher grade than the adjacent plaza. There is a small ponding area on the southwest side and a sink hole at the northeast corner. The present roof was installed in the 1950s and recently repaired. The corrugated roofing needs to be replaced. The 96 walls have a concrete ribbon at the perimeter which is falling down and needs to be repaired. The walls appear sound. The paint and some stucco is spalling and some repairs are needed here. The wood sash windows with horizontal lights appear to be recent installations. The steel frame metal at the entrance door has some sidelights that need attention. In general, the church appears to be in acceptable condition. Some vigas and corbel ends are visible at the exterior, but, in the interior, they are covered with a sheet rock ceiling.

San Juan Generally it seems that the church is well maintained and in good condition. The base of the adjacent hill has been graded and a ditch canal was cut out to divert water around the building. The corrugated metal roofing, as well as the fiber glass roof of the porch, appears to be in good shape. The base of the walls has a crack between the concrete ribbon footing and the wall. The walls and roof structure appear to be sound. There is some minor cracking on the wall surfaces. The stucco was patched and repainted last year. The windows need to be painted. The nave and chancel windows have colored glass that needs to be cleaned.

San Isidro South The building is in good condition, but apparently is not very well kept by the mayordomos, at least with respect to the camposanto and exterior walls. It needs improved drainage away from drip lines. Sunken graves should be filled. The octagonal belfry needs to be repainted and sealed because of problems with birds. The church interior is in good condition. The ceiling was replaced in 1986 with a white, painted, heavy battened pressboard. The towers have 97 new tin, which was installed in 1984 and new front doors were installed in 1986.

San Isidro North The general condition of the building is good. It is well maintained and the structure appears sound. The site drainage can be improved along the wall, especially at north end and at the southeast corner. The church yard is raised two feet above the roads. Some regrading should be done first and then drainage away from the walls must be provided. The roof appears to be in good shape and the mayordomo said they check nailing anchorage and flashings annually. The ground needs some regrading at the base of the walls, because some are in close contact with the damp ground. The windows sills are flat and need to be sloped and painted. In the interior a wood plank floor has recently been painted with enamel. The ceiling has a heavy pressboard that covers the vigas.

Villanueva Of all the 10 churches studied, Villanueva is the best maintained and the one that has suffered more changes and repairs after San Miguel del Vado. In general, it appears to be in good shape on the exterior, as well as on the interior. It needs some work, particularly the roof drip lines which need some regrading. The interior yard drainage is problematic, especially in winter or in heavy rains. The roof receives periodic inspection and appears in good condition. The base of the walls has a concrete ribbon cemented to the building that avoids any problems with water. The surface of the walls was recently painted in 1986. In the interior, the vigas and the corbels are exposed. They appear 98 to be in good shape. A tapestry, made in 1986, hangs along the walls of the nave and dipicts the story of the village. A fire in January, 1986, destroyed much of the convento and rectory which are attached. These structures are being renovated completely with new roof structures and interior partitioning.

Sena The condition of the church is good and it is well maintained by the mayordomos. The site drainage appears to be good. The north run-off from the hill should be watched. The roof was replaced during the 1960s and is in good condition. The base of the walls is concrete added four years ago. It should be sloped on the top and sealed to the building. The structure in general is well preserved and the wall was repainted in 1984.

El Pueblo The church appears to be in good condition and is well maintained by the mayordomos. It needs some site work for drainage and a slight regrading to eliminate ponding. The trees to the north (by the sacristy) and to the north transept should probably be removed before large roots damage the foundations. The roof looks good and there are no water stains on the interior. The mayordomos do periodically examine the structure. The wall bases have a concrete ribbon footing which was added in 1983, because of the adobe crumbling. It should be kept sealed next to the wall so water will not enter and be trapped next to the structure. Aluminum windows were installed about 1983 and the porch was added in 1986. 99 El Cerrito The church is in good condition. It seems that the mayordomos do the cleaning every two months or more. The yard generally drains well and away from the structure. At the southwest corner, we can find a pond that needs regrading to the west. The roof needs annual inspection, but there are no leaks at present day. The wall's base needs to be regraded at the southwest corner. The structure appears sound, but the stucco needs some minor repairs. A stucco coat was installed three years ago. It is also necessary to replace the wire fence, which is not in good condition.

Gonzales Ranch This church is the most recent of the project and seems to have not suffered any radical changes or repairs since the construction. As site work, the drainage needs to correct a low spot on the southeast corner of the church yard. All the burials in the camposanto are well kept and clean. In general, the roof is in good condition, but the edge of the sacristy needs new flashings. The wall base maintains the drainage but needs to be repointed as necessary. The structure incorporates Portland cement in some areas and mortar has been used for repairs. Lime mortar will be preferable for repairs. The finish is in good condition but needs to be periodically repointed to keep out moisture. The windows have slope sills that seem to be in good shape and help the water to drain efficiently. 100 Conclusion The conservation and restoration of cultural heritage is an activity deemed a necessity to identify the historic development. We understand that conservation seeks to avoid the loss of forms from the past. Any rehabilitation work should not destroy the distinguishing qualities or character of the building and its surroundings. As a guideline, deteriorated architectural features should be repaired rather than replaced. If any new material is installed, it should match with the old material. Repeating the words of John L. Kessell, at what time in history should a church be "frozen." For example, at the church of San Miguel del Vado: Should the towers be raised as they were during the first decade of the twentieth century, as Lieutenant Abert saw them in 184 6, or as chronicles described them at the beginning of the nineteenth century? The decision should be made, but never trying to do an artificial retrogresion. If the church of San Miguel del Vado had a flat mud roof in the past, and Gonzales Ranch never had it, the Gonzales Ranch church can not follow San Miguel plans for restoration. Gonzales Ranch never had a flat roof, and should never have one. The restoration of a building should be serious and not artificial. REFERENCES

Primary Sonrc<:>c,

Archdiocese of Santa Fe Archives. Santa Fe, New Mexico. Museum of New Mexico Archives. Santa Fe, New Mexico. State Records and Archives. Santa Fe, New Mexico. Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University. Misiones d^ Nuevo HeiiCO. Documentos del Archive General de Indias Microfilm

interview with Father Carl Fell. Priest in charge of the San Miguel del Vado Mission. July 1988. Author's field drawings and notebooks.

Books

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Forrest, James T. New Mexico: A Student's Guide to Localizpd History. New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia University, 1971. Gregg, Andrew K. New Mexico in the Nineteenth Century. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1969. Hackett, C.W. ed. Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico. Nueva Viscaya and Approaches Thereto. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1923-1927. 103

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Hayes, Alden C. The Four Chnrche<. of Vf^m-^ Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974. Hewett, Edgar L. and Fisher, Reginald G. Mission Monuments Albuquerque: Univesity of New Mexico Press, 1943. Horgan, Paul. Lamy of Santa Fe. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1975.

Inman, Henry. The Old Santa Fe Trail. New York: Charles Schibner's Sons, 1893. Jenkins, Myra E. and Schroeder, Albert H. A Brief History of New Mexico. Albuquerque: Published for the Cultural Properties Review Committee of New Mexico. University of Mexico Press, 1974. Jones, Oakah L. Los Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the Northern Frontier of New Spain. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1979. Kessell, John L. Kiva, Cross and Crown: The Pecos Indians and New Mexico, 154Q-184Q. Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1979. The Missions of New Mexico since 1776. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1980. Kubler, George. The Religious Architecture of New Mexico Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972. 104 Lindford, Dee and Lingle, Robert T. The Perns pi..or CQnUm.S.SiOn of New Mexico and Tevas» A Report of a decade Qt progress 1950-1^60. Compiled under the direction of the Pecos River Commission. Santa Fe: The Rydal Press, 1961.

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Meyer, Rev. Theodosius, O.F.M. Saint Francis and the Franciscans in New Mexi en, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1926. Mirsky, Jeannette. Houses of God: History of Religious Architecture. New York: Viking Press, 1965.

Moorman, John. A History of the Franciscan Order. Oxford: Oxford Press, 1968. New Mexico, a Guide to the Colorful State. New Mexico Writer's Program. New York: Hastings House, 1953. Pearce, Thomas M. New Mexico Place Names: A Geographical Dictionary. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1965. Prince, Bradford L. Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico. Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1915. Randolph, Daniel E. The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the High Middle Ages. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975. Richard, Ellis. New Mexico: Past and Present. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1971. Roberts, Calvin A. and Susan A. New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988. Salpointe, Most Rev. J.B. .^^nidiers of the Cross.—Notes on 1-he F.cciesiasticai Hi.'^^fnry of New Mexico. Arizona and Colorado. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1967. 105 Sandford, Trent E. The Arrhiterture nf tv.e c^nthTrrt' Indian, Spanish, ?^merir-r^n. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1959.

Scholes, France V. Church and state in xr^.. M-Ti — Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1937. Sylvest, Edwin E. Motifs of Francic,n;.n Mi.<,.c,ion Then^y ^n th- Sixteenth Centurv. New Spain, Province nf fhe Hnly Gospel. Washington: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1975.

Tate, Bill. The Penitentes of the Sangre de Cristo, Truchas: Tate Gallery, 1967. Twitchell, Ralph E. Leading Facts of New Mexico History. Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1911-1917. Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1914.

Urbanismo Espanol en America. Institute de Cultura Hispaniea. Madrid, Espana: Graficas Reunidas, S.A., 1976. Wellman, Paul. Glory, God and Gold. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleway & Co., 1954.

College Publications

A Study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant. Anthropology Department. Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1977. Barber, Ruth K. "Indian Labor in the Spanish Colonies." Thesis (M.A.) Duke University, 1931. Barnes, Thomas C. Northern New Spain: A Research Guide. Tucson: University of Aizona Press, 1981. Cooper, John M. "Analysis of the Missionary's Role in Culture Change." Thesis (B.G.S.) Texas Tech University, 1985. Kidder, Alfred V. Pecos. New Mexico: ArchaeolQaical Notes. Andoner, Mass.: Papers of the Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, 1958. 106 ''''^Txn''a'n.?n''''^%lV "^^^ ^°^^ °^ ^^^ Franciscans in the ?^5n n Su°^.^^^ Northern Frontiers of New Spain, 1525- 1760." Thesis (M.A.), Texas Tech University; 1969.

PublicationQ

Chavez, Fr. Angelico. "Penitentes of New Mexico." New Mexico Historical ReTriew, Vol XXIX, 1954.

Miller, Michael. "A Heritage of Faith: Churches of Earth." New Mexico Magazine, Feb. 1986, p. 26-33.

Nostrand, Richard L. "The Century of Hispano Expansion." New Mexico Historical Review. Vol. LXII, Oct. 1987, p. 361-386.

Report of the Select Committee on the Preservation of New Mexico Historic Churches. Johnson/Nestor Survey. Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1987.

Robinson, Willard B. and Jean M. "Historic Mountain Churches of Mexico." New Mexico Magazine, Oct. 1987, p.13-29.

Scholes, France V. "Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century." New Mexico Historical Review. Vol V, No 1-4, 1938, p. 35-67.

Spanish-American Villages of the Pecos River Valley. State Records Center and Archives. Santa Fe, NM, 1976. Twitchell, Ralph E. "Spanish Colonization in New Mexico in the Onate and De Vargas Periods." New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. XXII, 1939, p. 2-23. APPENDIX A REPORT OF BENAVIDES AND BETANCOUR 1630-1680

(List of the Pueblos with their Missions and Visitas recorded by the Father Fray Benavides in 1630 and Father Fray Betancour in 1680. Charles F. Coan, History of New Mexico. Chicago: American Historical Society, 1925.) hJ^: It was the seat of the mission San Gregorio in the Salinas Valley. It has two visitas: TenabO and Tabira. Fiveteen leagues E of this mission were the Christian Jumano who were served by the friar of Quaray. Hab.:800 (1680) ACOMA: Twelve leagues W of Santa Ana. It had been brought under Spanish control in 1629. There was one friar at the mission. The mission was called San Esteban. Hab.:2000 (1630) ALAMEDA: It was the seat of the mission Santa Ana. Hab.:300 (1680) ALAMILLO: Seat of the mission of Santa Ana. Hab.:300 (1680) CHILILI: It was converted by friar Alonso Peinado, who established the mission of Natividad. It was the most northern of the pueblos at Salinas Valley. COCHITI: It was three leagues from Santo Domingo. Pop.: 300 (1680) The friar escaped in 1680. GALISTEO: S It was the seat of the mission of Santa Cruz. 800 Tano Indians. The visita was San Cristobal. Friar Juan Bernal and friar Domingo de Vera were killed at the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. HOPI PUEBLOS: In Spanish times called Moqui. Pop.: 10,000 Indians who were rapidly converted.

107 108 Aguatobi: Seat of the mission of San Bernardino Oraibi: Seat of the mission of San Francisco. It had a visita called Gualpi. Xongopaxi: It was the seat of the mission of San Bartolome. Visita called Moxainabi. ISLETA: It was the seat of mission of San Antonio. Pop.: 2,000 (1680) . A convent was built by friar Juan de Salas. There were seven Spanish ranches in the vicinity. JEME2: It was the seat of the mission of San Diego. Pop.: 5,000 (1680). It was in charge of friar Juan de , killed also in 1680. NAMPg: It was the seat of the mission of San Francisco. It had two visitas: Jacona and Cuyamungue. Pop.: 600. Friar Tom^s de Torres was killed while serving in 1690. PECOS: It was a pueblo of the Jemez nation and language. Pop.: 2,000 (1630). Pecos was located on the Quivira frontier in a wooded country. The mission had the name of Our Lady of Los Angeles of Poreiuneula. PICURIS: It was a pueblo of the Tiwa nation. Picuris was the seat of the mission of San Lorenzo. Pop.: 3,000 (1680). PIRO: It was the southernmost nation of New Mexico, consisted of fifteen pueblos of 6,000 Indians all baptized. Located from Senecu to Sevilleta along both sides of the Rio Grande. Three missions: Nuestra Senora del Socorro San Antonio de Senecu San Juan Obispo de Sevilleta PUARAY: It was the seat of the mission of San Bartolome. Pop.: 2000. The Indian name means worms. QUARAY: Inhabitated by Tiwa Indians with Piro language. Pop.: 600. They were converted by friar Perea who founded the mission of Concepci6n. 109 QUERES: Keres, was a nation north of Tiwa. There were seven pueblos and three missions having a population of 4,000 Indians (1630). SANPIA: It had a population of 3000 Tiwa Indians. Friar Esteban de Perea founded the mission San Francisco de Sandia. SAN FELIPE; It was a Keres pueblo with a population of 6000. The mission was founded by friar Crist6bal Quinones. SAN ILPgFQNSQ: It was two leagues from Jacona and had a population of 8000. Friar Luis Morales and Antonio Sanchez de Pro were killed in 1680. SAN JUAN DE LQS CABALLEROS: It was a visita of San Ildefonso. Population of 300 Indians. SAN MARCOS: It was located NE of Santo Domingo. It has two visitas: San Lcizaro and Ci^naga. Friar Manuel Tinoco was the missionary of the pueblo. SANTA CLARA: It was a visita of San Ildefonso. Population of 600. SANTA FE: Was the villa of the Province. It had 250 Spaniards and 700 Indians. SANTO DOMINGO: North of of San Felipe, was one of the best convents in the Province. In 1680 3 friars were killed. SENECU: Seat of the mission of San Antonio. It was founded in 1630 by friar Antonio Arteaga. SEVILLETA: It was a Piro Pueblo. Set of San Luis Obispo de Sevilleta. SOCORRO: It was the seat of the mission of Nuestra Senora del Socorro. It had a population of 600 and was founded by friar Garcia de Zuniga. TANO: There were five pueblos extending over an area of 10 leagues. All of the 4,000 Indians were baptized. There was one mission in the district (1630). TAOS: It was a pueblo of the same nation as the Picuris (but another language). Population of 1,500 Indians. There was a 110 mission with two friars. It was the seat of the mission of San Ger6nimo. TAJXQUB: It was the seat of the mission of San Gregorio. Pop.: 300. At the time of the Pueblo Revolt in 1680 the friar escaped. The mission at this time was called San Miguel. TSSUQUE: it had a population of 200 Tewa Indians. The mission was called San Lorenzo. TEWA: It was a nation west of Santa Fe. There were eight pueblos of 6000 Indians and three missions. Those were the first natives to be baptized. TAMP IRQ: Fourteen or fifteen pueblos with a population of 10,000 Indians. Six missions in 1630. ZU5?I: Eleven or twelve pueblos. There were two missions. Aquico: Mission of Concepci6n and Alona: Mission of Purisima Concepci6n. Two visitas: Mazqui and Caquima. APPENDIX B REPORT OF ATANASIO DOMINGUEZ 177 6

(Description made by Father Francisco Atanasio Dominguez. The Missions of New Mexico, 1776. Translated and annotated by Eleanor B. Adams and Fr. Angelico Chavez. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956.)

- CENTER AND CAPITAL OF THE KINGDOM: Villa Q£ Santa Fe: Our Seraphic Father Saint Francis Chapel of Our Lady of the Light (17 60). Chapel of San Miguel (built before 1680, rebuilt 1710).

- RIO ARRIBA: Tesuque: Mission of San Diego de Tesuque (1706). Nambe: Mission Our Father Francisco de Nambe (1613). Poioaque: Mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Pojoaque (1765) . San Ildefonso: Mission of San Ildefonso (1711). Santa Cruz de la Canada: Mission of the Villa Nueva de la Santa Cruz de la Canada (1695). San Juan: Mission of San Juan de los Caballeros (church demolished with the Pueblo Revolt and built during the Reconquest). Picuris: Mission of San Lorenzo de Picuris (17th century church). Las Tramoas: Mission of Santo Tomas Apostol del Rio de las Trampas (15 92). Taos: Mission of San Jer6nimo de Taos (1726). Santa Clara: Mission of Santa Clara (1756) . Abiquiu: Mission of Saint Rose of Lima (1730). Ill 112

•RIO ABA JO: Santo Domingo: Mission of Our Father Santo Domingo (existed before the revolt of 1680). Sandia: Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores (1748). Albuquerque: Mission of Saint Francis Xavier of Albuquerque (1706). X^mk: Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Concepci6n de Tome Dominguez de Mendoza (1739). Cochiti: Mission of San Buenaventura de Cochiti (17 63). San Felipe; Mission of San Felipe de Jesus (1696-1706) In 1693 De Vargas founded San Felipe at a new site. Santa Ana: Mission of Santa Ana (1694) Another church was built (1706). Zia: Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Asunci6n de Zia (1613). Erased after the Reconquest (1692). Jemez: Mission of San Diego de Jemez (1672) Rebuilt after the Pueblo Revolt (1680). Laguna: Mission of Senor San Jos6 de la Laguna (17th century) New church was built (1706). Acoma: Mission of San Esteban de Acoma (17th century). Zuni: Mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Zuni (1629) . Isleta: Mission of San Agustin de la Isleta (1613) Reconstruction of church (1710). Pecos: Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Poreiuneula (1619) New church was built (1710). Galisteo: Mission of Nuestra Senora de los Remedies de Galisteo (17th century) Church rebuilt (1693). APPENDIX C SAN MIGUEL DEL VADO LAND GRANT CENSUS

((Based in A study of the San Miguel del Vado Land Grant, Colorado Springs: Colorado College, 1973)

YEAR VILLAGE POPULATION CENSUS 1850 La Cuesta (now Villanueva) 2196 7th Census San Miguel 2088

1860 Villanueva 697 8th Census San Miguel 546 San Jose 429 El Pueblo 401 La Cuesta 378 El Cerrito 163 El Puertocito (now Sena) 57 TOTAL 2671

9th Census 1870 La Cuesta 660 San Miguel 563 San Jose 489 El Puertocito 349 El Pueblo 292 El Cerrito (was sensed, not record) TOTAL 2352

113 114 1890 San Jos6 483 11th Census San Miguel 475 La Cuesta 462 El Cerrito 331 El Pueblo 296 Puertocito 193 TOTAL 2240

1900 San Jose 606 12th Census Puertocito 498 La Cuesta 489 San Miguel 450 El Pueblo 300 El Cerrito 136 TOTAL 2479

1910 San Jose 594 13th Census La Cuesta 471 San Miguel 426 El Pueblo 344 El Cerrito 306 Puertocito 301 TOTAL 2392

1920 La Cuesta 592 14th Census San Jos6 426 Ribera 311 San Miguel 285 El Pueblo 282 Puertocito 245 El Cerrito 165 Gonzales Ranch 208 TOTAL 2514 115 1930 San Jos6 556 15th Census La Cuesta 466 Ribera 327 Fl Pueblo 272 Puertocito 247 San Miguel 217 El Cerrito 118 Gonzales Ranch 290 TOTAL 2493

* In 1935 the Precinct #54 Lovato was created from the Precinct #56 Gonzales Ranch.

1940 San Jose 613 16th Census La Cuesta 560 Puertocito 324 El Pueblo 306 Ribera 303 San Miguel 192 Lovato 116 El Cerrito 136 TOTAL 2550

1950 San Jose 321 (17th Census) La Cuesta 317 Ribera 231 Puertocito 175 El Pueblo 169 San Miguel 108 Lovato 75 El Cerrito 54 TOTAL 1450 PERMISSION TO COPY

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