The Impact of Emotional Labor and Dissonance on Job Satisfaction
Upon Criminal Case Managers
by
Jennifer Bennett
A dissertation submitted to the faculty of
Wilmington University in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
in
Innovation and Leadership
Wilmington University
August 2014
The Impact of Emotional Labor and Dissonance on Job Satisfaction
Upon Criminal Case Managers
by
Jennifer L. Bennett
I certify that I have read this dissertation and that in my opinion it meets the academic and professional standards required by Wilmington University as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Education in Innovation and Leadership.
Robert W. Rescigno, Ed.D, Chairperson of Dissertation Committee
Lewis L. Atkinson, Ed.D., Member of Dissertation Committee
John C. Gray, Ed.D., Professor and Dean College of Education
ii
Dedication
To my parents, Tom and Carol, my fiancé, Angelo, and his mother, Pia, for their love and support.
To my grandparents, Robert and Phyllis, who are here with me in spirit.
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Acknowledgements
To the caring staff of the Prothonotary‘s Office who have assisted me to finish this dissertation. Thank you for sharing your unique experiences and opinions in regard to how you manage your emotions in the court. Thank you, Mike, for helping me with my statistical challenges. Thank you, Carol, for being my sounding board when I needed it most.
To David Skelley, for your advisement and mentoring during my educational journey. Your continued support and enthusiasm helped me keep focused during challenging times. One of the most valuable things you taught me when my morale was low and I would become frustrated and overwhelmed: ―Don‘t look at everything at once, look at it as a ball of knots. Untie each knot one at a time.‖ Your advice and guidance has been invaluable.
To Dr. Robert Rescigno, for your encouragement and patience on my doctorate journey, especially as my dissertation chair.
To Dr. Lewis Atkinson, for your support and advisement as a member of my dissertation committee.
To the Dover Cohort 20 class, thank you for your continued support through my doctorate journey. Thank you, Joanne, Carol, and Mae, for checking on me, supporting me, and encouraging me when my enthusiasm would waiver.
To my fiancé Angelo, what a long road it has been. Thank you for recognizing my potential and helping me begin my educational journey at
Wilmington University. What turned out to be finishing a bachelor‘s degree turned
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into obtaining my Ed.D. Despite some difficult times, you encouraged me to continue on and helped strengthen my confidence when I felt weak. Thank you for your love and being there all these years.
Lastly, thank you to my mom Carol for your unconditional love and support.
Words do not adequately express my appreciation for all that you have done for me over the years. I hope to continue to make you proud.
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Abstract
This mixed-methods study was designed to determine if emotional labor exists among criminal case managers and how it affects job satisfaction and burnout. This study further investigated if existing training methods adequately prepare criminal case managers for emotional labor experienced in the courtroom and how they perceive the emotional aspect of their job. The literature has shown that employees working in public sector jobs, specifically within criminal justice, engage in emotional work. The quantitative portion of the study investigated the existence of emotional labor among criminal case managers and how it affects job satisfaction and burnout using the
GNM Emotional Labor Questionnaire. The quantitative portion showed job duties performed by criminal case managers require them to engage in emotion work and adopt strategies of surface acting more than deep acting. The study also found that emotional labor affected job satisfaction and burnout. The qualitative portion of the study focused on interviews of six criminal case managers to understand their perceptions of the emotional aspect of the job. Both quantitative and qualitative data was used to investigate if existing training adequately prepares criminal case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom. The quantitative data found that criminal case managers felt they received adequate training in order to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom.
However, the qualitative data found that a formalized training program does not currently exist. Implications of this study suggest the need for additional investigation into the phenomenon of emotional labor upon criminal case managers.
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Table of Contents
Dedication ...... iii
Acknowledgements ...... iv
Abstract ...... vi
List of Tables...... xiii
Chapter I...... 1
Introduction ...... 1
Emotional Labor ...... 2
Job Burnout ...... 3
Criminal Case Managers, Code of Conduct, and Judicial Rules ...... 6
Background of Superior Court ...... 8
Case Manager Recruitment, Hiring, and Performance ...... 10
Statement of the Problem ...... 15
Purpose for the Study...... 17
Need for the Study ...... 18
Research Questions...... 21
Definition of Terms ...... 21
Chapter II ...... 24
Literature Review ...... 24
Inclusion Criteria ...... 26
History of Emotions ...... 26
Emotional Labor ...... 30
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Emotional Dissonance, Surface, and Deep Acting ...... 35
Display Rules and Employee Strategies Involving Emotional Labor ...... 39
Burnout, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, and Vicarious Trauma ...... 48
Job Requirements for Courtroom Clerks ...... 53
Employee Assistance Programs and Training ...... 54
Emotions in the Courtroom ...... 61
Jurors and Court Staff ...... 65
The Courts and Criminal Trials ...... 66
Emotional Labor and Criminal Justice Personnel ...... 71
Emotional labor and magistrates ...... 71
Emotional labor and attorneys ...... 72
Emotional labor and paralegals ...... 74
Emotional labor and police officers ...... 76
Emotional labor and correctional staff ...... 78
Emotional labor and 911 operators ...... 81
Summary of Criminal Justice Professionals and Emotional Labor ...... 84
Job Satisfaction and Turnover ...... 85
Positive Studies Involving Emotional Labor ...... 90
Summary ...... 93
Chapter III ...... 97
Research Methodology ...... 97
Research Design ...... 99
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Quantitative Design ...... 100
Participants ...... 101
Instrumentation ...... 102
Data Collection ...... 103
Data Analysis ...... 105
Qualitative Design ...... 107
Bias and Limitations of Interviews ...... 109
Participants ...... 110
Instrumentation ...... 110
Data Collection and Management ...... 111
Data Analysis ...... 111
Threats to Validity ...... 112
Ethical Considerations ...... 115
Summary ...... 116
Chapter IV ...... 118
Results ...... 118
Demographics of Study Participants ...... 119
Research Question Number 1:...... 125
What level of emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in Superior
Court? ...... 125
Finding ...... 125
Data analysis ...... 125
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Research Question Number 2:...... 131
How does emotional labor affect job satisfaction among criminal case managers in
Superior Court? ...... 131
Finding ...... 131
Data analysis ...... 131
Research Question Number 3:...... 135
Does the act of performing emotional labor among criminal case managers contribute to burnout? ...... 135
Finding ...... 135
Data analysis ...... 135
Research Question Number 4:...... 140
Does existing training within Superior Court adequately prepare criminal case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom? ...... 140
Finding...... 140
Data analysis ...... 140
Qualitative Results ...... 143
Training ...... 144
Peer support ...... 148
Feeling drained ...... 150
Remaining calm ...... 152
Job satisfaction ...... 154
Desensitization ...... 156
x
Summary ...... 159
Chapter V ...... 163
Discussion, Implications, Limitations, and Conclusion ...... 163
Summary of Research Findings ...... 164
Research Question 1: What level of emotional labor exists among criminal case
managers in Superior Court? ...... 164
Research Question 2: How does emotional labor affect job satisfaction among
criminal case managers in Superior Court ...... 167
Research Question 3: Does the act of performing emotional labor among
criminal case managers contribute to burnout ...... 169
Research Question 4: Does existing training within Superior Court adequately
prepare criminal case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the
courtroom ...... 170
Research Question 5: What are criminal case manager’s perceptions of the
emotional aspect of the job? ...... 172
Implications for Practice ...... 174
Directions for Future Research ...... 180
Limitations ...... 181
Conclusion ...... 182
References ...... 184
Appendix A ...... 202
GNM Emotional Labor Questionnaire ...... 202
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Appendix B ...... 209
Interview Questions ...... 209
xii
List of Tables
Table
1 Dependent and Independent Variables ……………………………...... 106
2 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Gender…………120
3 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Ethnicity...... 120
4 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Age……………..121
5 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Education Level..121 6 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Marital Status….. 122
7 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Child
Care/Dependent Care…………………………………………………...123
8 Descriptive Statistics: Salary Range…………………………………...123
9 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics time employed with
the Courts……………………………………………………………….124
10 Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for previously
worked in a similar job………………………………………………....125
11 Emotion Work………………………………………………………….127
12 Total Emotion Work……………………………………………………128
13 Surface Acting and Criminal Case Managers…………………………..129
14 Deep Acting and Criminal Case Managers…………………………….. 130
15 Job Satisfaction…………………………………………………………132
16 Total Job Satisfaction…………………………………………………...133
17 Tests of Normality……………………………………………………...134
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18 Pearson Correlation Emotion work and Job Satisfaction……………… 135
19 Job Burnout…………………………………………………………….. 137
20 Total Job Burnout When Performing Emotional Labor ………………. 138
21 Tests of Normality……………………………………………………... 139
22 Pearson Correlation Emotion Work and Burnout……………………… 140
23 Training………………………………………………………………… 141
24 Tests of Normality ……………………………………………………..142
25 Pearson Correlation Emotion Work and Training……………………...143
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Chapter I
Introduction
Aristotle declared ―The law is reason, free from passion‖ (Griffin & Patty,
2010, p. 61). Such philosophy continues to guide the legal system, believing that a jury will consider and weigh all evidence equally without bias before rendering its final decision that will impact many lives. However, such decision making is not undertaken without emotions, as emotions are intertwined in decision making (Griffin
& Patty, 2010). Courtrooms are full of emotion, ranging from witness testimony to viewing videos and photographs, often violent and graphic, with attorneys using their own emotions to persuade juries, judges, and witnesses (Pierce, 1995).
However, jurors are instructed to decide cases solely on the evidence and not on their emotions. This is not always easy to accomplish with trials involving child pornography, rape, or murder as they will have ―unmistakable emotional dimensions no matter how cool headedly analytical the attorneys try to be‖ (Pettys, 2008, p. 1611). Such emotion affects not only jurors but also courtroom staff, including case managers. Charged with swearing in a murdered child‘s parents, as well as the alleged murderer, viewing crime scene and autopsy photographs as they are marked into evidence, and assisting witnesses overcome with grief have an emotional impact on the assigned case manager long after the trial is over. Unlike jurors, who are free to leave once the trial is over, courtroom clerks must attend emotionally charged hearings day after day.
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Such hearings involve case managers attending the sentencing of a defendant found guilty at a trial to which they were assigned. Sentencing hearings can also be emotionally charged where victims often read statements to the court known as
Victim Impact Statements, ―statements read by, or on behalf of, victims of crime at the sentencing phase of criminal proceedings‖ (Stevens, 2000, p. 1). Such statements are filled with emotion and discuss the impact the crime had on the victim and their family in hopes to maximize the penalty upon the defendant (Stevens, 2000).
Statements of this type have an emotional impact upon parties who are present in courts, such as the Superior Court of the State of Delaware.
Emotional Labor
The concept of emotional labor was first defined by Arlie Hochschild (1983) as ―the management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display‖ (p. 7) ―and is intended to produce a particular state of mind in others‖ (Guy,
Newman, Mastracci, 2008, p. 6). It is paid employment, regulated by the employer in accordance with the organization‘s display rules, and is ―an essential dynamic in public service delivery‖ (Hsieh, Jin & Guy, 2011). Such emotional labor may involve enhancing, faking, or suppressing emotions to modify the emotional expression
(Grandey, 2000). Feigning one‘s true emotions in order to display the desired work- related emotion requires effort and has been shown to have negative consequences for employees, causing stress and burnout as well as decreasing job satisfaction (Puglesi,
1991). Such effort to alter one‘s emotions to meet the organization‘s expectations can create a sense of emotional dissonance between expression and one‘s true feelings.
2
Job Burnout
Those employed in criminal justice professions are often exposed to situations that carry significant emotional undercurrents (Goodrum & Stafford, 2003). These professions have received considerable attention as a result of job burnout (Guy et al.,
2008). ―Burnout is manifested as an overwhelming exhaustion and an incapacity to disengage from the job, and even sleep‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 105). Burnout is also found to be parallel to vicarious traumatization due to the inability to decompress and disengage from work once off the clock. Employees who were once very productive are now absent more often, displaying psychological symptoms of withdrawal, alienation, aggression, and depersonalization that all contribute to employee turnover
(Hsiech et al., 2011).
Brotheridge and Grandey (2002) investigated emotional demands of work and individual styles that are used to respond to such emotional appeals that contribute to stress for employees. They found emotional differences to exist in the nature of people work such as service, sales, and caring professions. The results suggested a hierarchy of emotional labor expectations to exist with human service professionals reporting the highest levels of intensity, duration, variety, and levels of frequency of emotional display and expectations of control over emotional expressions
(Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002). Customer service workers also reported higher levels of emotional demands; however, such demands were found to be lower than those of human service professionals. According to Brotheridge and Grandey (2002):
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Although it has often been presumed that jobs involving ―people work‖ (e.g. nurses, service workers) are emotionally taxing seldom is the emotional component of these jobs explicitly studied. Although emotional exhaustion is at the core of burnout, the burnout literature has rarely considered emotional work demands as predictors of burnout. Previous research assumed that it was the frequency of quantity of interactions with clients/customers that caused role overload and burnout. (pp. 16-17)
Emotional demands are found to be high when it comes to people work and emotional autonomy. When employees feel their discretion over their job duties is low, workers report more burnout (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002).
Many of the situations for which these professions are called upon to provide support and help often result in the filing of criminal charges. Such cases are processed through the criminal justice system, with the more severe and heinous crimes in Delaware being tried in Superior Court. Case managers are often the organizational shield between the public, the attorneys, and the judges. They answer procedural questions and provide pertinent information to a multitude of individuals, governmental agencies, and private entities. ―Because contact with emotional others can give rise to emotions in the self, workers also develop self-emotion management strategies to maintain an emotionally composed (or professional) demeanor‖
(Goodrum & Stafford 2003, p. 182).
For example, as part of their training, police officers are discouraged to connect emotionally with victims. A qualitative study conducted by Goodrum and
Stafford (2003) examining criminal justice personnel‘s encounters with victims found that they felt badly not only for the victim but also for themselves due to their 4
inability to alleviate the victim‘s pain and suffering. Such emotional management has proven to be important for maintaining well-being and guarding against burnout
(Goodrum and Stafford, 2003).
Studies have also been conducted regarding the stress that judges, jurors, and case managers experience in the courtroom. Such studies have determined that judges, jurors, and courtroom personnel experience stress as a result of a variety of stressors present during both routine and highly sensationalized cases. For example, a study conducted by Kaplan (1985) on juror stress found jurors who served on murder trials in which graphic evidence, such as blood stained clothes and explicit photographs, was seen resulted in jurors reporting to have suffered from intense psychological reactions such as headaches, nausea, insomnia, and heart palpitations.
Another study conducted in 1988 by the National Center for State Courts on juror stress found one third of jurors admitted to feeling some stress during the trial experience (Woolfe, 2011).
Research has also been conducted involving both jurors and courtroom staff.
A study was undertaken involving high profile trials in the North Dakota Court system. Staff included court clerks, court recorders, and court reporters who served on felony trials. The study found a significant impact to exist on both jurors and courtroom staffs‘ emotional well–being (Woolfe, 2011).
Judicial officers have also been the focus of research involving stress. A study conducted in 2003involving judicial officers found that the longer a judge serves on the bench, the more the judge will experience stress due to the work that he or she
5
does (Jaffe, Crooks, Dunford-Jackson & Town, 2003 & Mattison, 2012). ―Evidence of judicial stress has shown that judges experience a number of stressors, such as substantial workloads, traumatic cases, pressure of making significant decisions, and safety concerns‖ (Flores, Miller, Chamberlain, Richardson, & Bornsein, 2009, p. 78).
One such area that is on the rise and affecting case load for judicial officers is the increasing levels of violent crime in the city of Wilmington. Violent crime has recently reached unprecedented levels in Wilmington. This has led to the city ranked as sixth nationally with regard to crimes of violence (Barrish, 2013). Such cases are heard in Superior Court and involve charges of murder, manslaughter, vehicular homicide, rape, kidnapping, burglary, robbery, arson, assault, carjacking, terroristic threatening, drug charges, and weapon charges (‖State of Delaware Online Code,
Title 11, Chapter 5‖, n.d.). Cases of this nature can be highly emotional based upon the physical evidence presented by the state in order for the state to secure a conviction.
Criminal Case Managers, Code of Conduct, and Judicial Rules
This study focuses on criminal case managers who are responsible for courtroom administrative matters in all cases being heard, including crimes of violence. Criminal case managers have contact with the judges, public, attorneys, defendants, and victims. Contact is also made with the Department of Correction and other courts in order to obtain information needed to prepare cases, provide information, resolve any discrepancies, and respond to questions. Criminal case managers are expected to perform their duties as public servants with respect and
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courtesy for the public and carry out all properly issued rules as governed by the judicial branch personnel rules, including a Code of Conduct. These rules are disseminated by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court pursuant to Article IV 13 (1) of the Delaware Constitution (―State of Delaware‖, n.d.), and they are applicable to all non-judicial employees in the judicial branch, including Superior Court. The judicial rules include the following areas: non-discrimination, classification of positions, pay plan, employee benefits, recruitment and application policies, screening applicants, referral lists, probation, other appointments, layoff procedures, employee accountability, performance review, employee development and communications, human resource records, payroll, the grievance procedure, definitions, employee relations, discipline, and employment relations procedures and forms (―State of Delaware Judicial Rules‖, n.d.).
It is also further stated that all non-judicial employees, which would include case managers employed within the Delaware court system, are required to comply with the provisions of Delaware Supreme Court Administrative Directive Number
115 Code of Conduct for Court Employees that became effective February 1, 1998, and which was last revised May 26, 2011 (―Code of Conduct‖, 2011). All court employees are supplied with a copy of the code by their supervisor. After review, it is signed and dated by the employee and placed in his or her personnel file. The Code of
Conduct emphasizes the importance of adhering to moral and ethical conduct and covers areas of compliance with the code, definitions, abuse of position and conflict of interest, influence of family or other relationships, outside employment,
7
subsequent employment, use of public resources, confidential information, ex-parte- communications, personal opinions, judicial branch manager‘s responsibilities, participation in political activity, performance of duties to include standard of performance, compliance with administrative rules and policies of the Delaware
Judiciary, Professional Development, Records, Public Service, Discrimination,
Judicial Branch Orders, Criminal Charges, and a section on Grievance and Appeal procedures (―Delaware Supreme Court Judicial Rules,‖ 2013).
Background of Superior Court
The Superior Court is the court of general jurisdiction within the state of
Delaware. It hears all felony and misdemeanor criminal cases as well as most civil cases. The stated mission of Superior Court is ―to provide Superior Service to the public in pursuit of justice.‖ The stated goals are ―Unity, Neutrality, Integrity,
Timeliness, Equality and Dedication,‖ which is represented by the acronym ―United‖
(―Delaware State Courts‖, n.d.a).
The Prothonotary‘s Office is the administrative support office for the Superior
Court for the State of Delaware as dictated by Delaware Code, Superior Court Rules and Administrative Directives. The Prothonotary's Office is responsible for maintaining the records and evidence associated with all the cases processed through the court as well as processing all fees, fines, costs, bail deposits, restitution, and escrow deposits associated with these cases. The Prothonotary‘s Office is primarily run by the Prothonotary, who is appointed to her position and serves at the pleasure of
8
the President Judge. Reporting directly to her are the Deputy Prothonotary and Chief
Deputy Prothonotary (―Superior Court Intranet‖, n.d.).
Under the Deputy Prothonotary and Chief Deputy Prothonotary, the office is divided into two main departments: civil and criminal. The Criminal Department is responsible for processing all felony and drug cases filed in Superior Court, from initial indictment, bail setting, and arraignment to trial scheduling, verdict, sentencing, post-conviction relief motions, and violation of probation hearings. The
Criminal Department is also responsible for recording activity from court proceedings and disseminating information to the appropriate agencies, such as the Department of
Correction and judicial staff. The Civil Department is responsible for processing all civil complaints filed within Superior Court (―Superior Court Intranet,‖ n.d.).
Courtroom management involves a wide range of duties for the assigned case manager, all of which require professionalism and neutrality. Responsibilities include taking notes of the court proceedings, selecting, and polling jurors, recording challenges and verdicts, administering oaths or affirmation of witnesses and jurors and records jury service, maintaining court records and files, such as records of appointed counsel and witnesses, and marking and taking custody of evidence. These duties also include preparing a variety of legal orders at the direction of the judge in accordance with established court rules and procedures (―Superior Court Intranet‖, n.d.).
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Case Manager Recruitment, Hiring, and Performance
Job postings for the position of case managers are generic in nature and do not specify any type of emotional management involved in the position. The title of the position is Judicial Case Manager and does not require any minimum educational background or formalized training. The job posting outlines the nature and scope of the position as an ―entry level of caseload management work learning the legal processes and procedures and case management functions while performing the full range of case management activities‖ (―Delaware State Courts,‖ n.d.). Minimum qualifications of the position include the following:
six months experience in legal case flow management which includes
managing cases as they move through the legal process, six months
experience in applying laws, rules, regulations, standards, policies and
procedures, six months experience in using an automated information
system to enter, update, modify, delete, retrieve/inquire and report on
data, knowledge of narrative report writing and ability to communicate
courteously and effectively, both verbally and in writing (―Delaware
State Courts,‖ n.d.).
Once selected for an interview, the applicant is asked a series of questions to determine his or her qualifications for the position. Such questions are mostly generic in nature, such as: Why do you want this job? What are your best attributes making you a good person for this job? What weaknesses do you have which you might improve? Describe your organizational skills. Do you get along well with people and
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how comfortable are you in the courtroom? (C. Redmond, personal communication,
September 9, 2013). In passing, the topic of attending criminal trials that may involve highly charged emotions is mentioned. However, graphic nature and content of such proceedings and the potential emotional impact is largely ignored.
Performance reviews are conducted annually based on the specific duties and responsibilities performed by the Judicial Case Manager. Such reviews lack any language regarding the emotional aspect of the job. They do cover a multitude of duties which are considered requirements of the position. Additionally, according to the performance appraisal, case managers are expected to communicate in a clear and courteous manner as well as perform quality service and assistance to all customers in a respectful manner (―The State of Delaware Employee Performance Plan,‖ 2013).
The expectations of a criminal case manager‘s job duties should be made clear at the outset of employment. Performing courtroom duties requires case managers to hide their true feelings in compliance with display or feeling rules in order to perform the job effectively without having any prejudicial effects (Ashforth & Humphrey,
1993; Hochschild, 1983). ―Organizational socialization often includes learning norms or feeling rules about which emotions ought to be displayed and which ought to be hidden‖ (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987, p. 26). Due to the hiring process, which is initiated upon the occurrence of vacancies caused by retirement, resignation, or termination, new employees are hired sporadically on an as needed basis. This process has also been affected by hiring and pay freezes that have lasted for years at a time due to budgetary constraints. This has led to positions being left vacant and employees
11
feeling overworked and undercompensated, leading to poor morale. According to
Chief Justice Steele in the 2012 Annual Report of the Delaware Judiciary (―Delaware
State Courts‖, 2012):
Delaware courts have continued to use their resources as effectively as possible…There is a point, however, no matter how creative we are, that the resources fail to meet demand. Judges and court staff continue to amaze me in the ability to find was to keep the courts moving forward, despite the fiscal challenges that the Delaware Courts have faced in recent years. We cannot, however, continue to manage growing caseloads – up close to 20% overall for Delaware Courts in the last 10 years- without additional resources to address unmet needs. (p. 3) The court was able to obtain two new Superior Court judges and staff in New
Castle County, Delaware, to help with the growing caseloads. However, only small steps have been made towards addressing salary increases as a result of rising inflation and benefit costs. ―Recent salary increases for state employees-Judicial
Branch employees received a 2% increase in January 2012 (the first pay increase since 2007) and a 1% increase in July 2012‖ (Annual Report of the Delaware
Judiciary, 2012, p. 3).
Managers often feel overwhelmed due to staff shortages and they simply start looking for ―bodies‖ to cover hearings. They fail to realize the implications if the individual has never been properly trained and prepared for the courtroom environment. As a result, initial training is often informal, abbreviated, and conducted on the job by the employee‘s immediate supervisor, fellow co-worker, or sometimes by the judge to whom the case manager is assigned. Such an informal and
12
unstructured approach to training often leaves new personnel confused and lacking consistency with regard to the correct way to interpret and follow court rules and procedures. This has contributed to turnover in the Criminal Department, leading to a revolving door of new personnel. Within the past 5 years, the Criminal Department has lost 10 employees (C. Redmond, personal communication, September 9, 2013).
Training aimed at further development of such skills to improve the assessment process of the employee‘s work may help to limit the adverse effects of emotion work
(Hsieh et al., 2011).
Research on emotional management, specifically emotional labor, has been an area of much research in which researchers have provided ―empirical evidence that emotional labor is a central part of everyday work life for many employees‖ (Chau,
Dahling, Levy, & Diefendorff, 2009, p. 1151). Service providers who work in the criminal justice field, such as police officers, 911 operators, correctional guards, attorneys, judges, and treatment counselors, all perform emotional labor as part of their job duties of being a civil servant. For example, police department training programs have been found to discourage officers from connecting emotionally with victims due to the uncertainty that it can disrupt an investigation (Chau et al., 2009).
Van Maanen and Kunda (1989) found that organizations manage the emotions of employees in the workplace by establishing both formal and informal rules regarding the expression of emotions by creating a culture that is recreated by the workers to comply with the rules. Such workplace cultures have found gender differences to exist, such as women performing more emotion management than men
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(Hochschild, 1983). Studies have shown more women hold jobs involving emotional labor than men. In Hochschild‘s (1983) study of flight attendants and bill collectors, she found that almost 50% of jobs held by women were jobs that consisted of emotional labor compared to 25% of men. Wharton (1999) also found that more women than men are employed in jobs that have high emotional demands.
Due to societal attitudes that still remain in the legal profession, women are expected not only to perform mental tasks, process court documents, and staff various proceedings but also to be respectful, nurturing, and dutiful in their actions with judges, lawyers, and the public. Such job positions that require nurturing and more contact with the public often receive less monetary compensation and job status
(Goodrum & Stafford, 2003). Emotion management, when following feminine norms, has also been known to become status threatening. In the area of criminal justice,
―despite the increasing number of women entering legal professions, most attorneys are still men, and most support-staff workers such as legal secretaries and paralegals, are women‖ (Pierce, 1995). Pierce (1995) found that
although paralegals are subjected to adversarial practices, they are not allowed to respond in a like manner. As subordinates, they must recognize the attorney as the authority and not challenge him or her as would an equal. Thus they affirm the attorney‘s status by enduring the degradation of being treated as, one legal assistant told me, the lawyer‘s emotional punching bag. (p. 129)
Such suppression of emotion can have psychological and social consequences
(Pierce, 1995). Hochschild (1983) observed, ―When a man expresses anger, it is
14
deemed rational…when women express an equivalent degree of anger, it is more likely to be interpreted as a sign of emotional instability‖ (p. 173).
The American legal system hinges on fairness, impartiality, and evenhandedness (Lind, 2008). Such concepts are especially crucial in the aspects of criminal law when the accused is facing a life or death sentence. Jurors have been known to be highly susceptible to external factors in the courtroom such as empathy, sympathy, and compassion, which can influence their rendering of a fair and impartial verdict (Lind, 2008). ―Sociological studies of jurors and juries confirm that they make decisions based on emotional factors‖ (Lind, 2008, p. 1152).
Outside factors have also been known to influence a jury, such as the actions of trial spectators who are visible to the jurors. They can influence the jury intentionally or unintentionally. Family and friends of the victim have been observed to position themselves in plain view of the jury wearing symbolic pieces of clothing and expressive accessories to communicate their tragic loss (Lind, 2008). With environmental factors such as those mentioned above already recognized to affect jurors, it is imperative for case managers to express feelings of neutrality and professionalism in order to not prejudice the jury‘s decision making.
Statement of the Problem
Little to no evidence exists involving the impact of emotional labor among criminal case managers. Occupations as diverse as police officers (Schaible & Gecas,
2010) and bill collectors require some form of emotional labor (Hochschild, 1983).
Those employed in criminal justice professions are often exposed to situations that
15
carry significant emotional undercurrents (Goodrum & Stafford, 2003). These professions have received considerable attention as a result of job burnout (Guy et al.,
2008). Criminal case managers are exposed to highly emotional criminal cases on a daily basis. During the hiring process, the topic of attending criminal trials involving graphic evidence and highly emotional testimony is mentioned but not discussed in detail. Not until the criminal case managers are hired do they realize the full emotional impact of the job position.
Research has shown that emotional labor can have negative effects on employees. Pugliesi‘s (1999) research involving employees at a mid-sized public university found emotional labor to have negative effects on the well-being, job satisfaction, and work stress of workers. However, Wharton (1999) found that workers are more satisfied when they believe to have control over their own emotional displays. ―Emotion work is not negative per se; rather, it has both negative and positive outcomes with burnout and engagement at opposite ends of a continuum‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 105).
At times, criminal case managers are called upon to cover numerous hearings for which they have not received proper training. Additionally, they are often given insufficient time to decompress and to regain emotional equilibrium between hearings. Inconsistent training and the lack of appropriate mental preparation for the courtroom environment can result in emotional dissonance and poor job performance.
Emotional dissonance causes long term negative consequences, such as lower job satisfaction, burnout, exhaustion, and stress (Wharton, 1999). Employees who engage
16
in faking emotions for an extended period of time start to lose sight of their true feelings (Gosserand & Diefendorff, 2005).
Organizations that invest in and value their employees‘ well-being will have more productive behavior by keeping the work environment emotionally healthy
(Hartel, Zerbe, & Ashkanasy, 2005). To address such problems, strategies need to be devised to identify and have a better understanding of emotional labor and engage employees in the meaning of their work. With a lack and inconsistency in training and neglect of the existence of emotional labor, training aimed at further development of such skills may help to limit the adverse effects of emotional labor.
Purpose for the Study
The purpose of this mixed method study is to have a better understanding of the scope of emotional labor for criminal case managers within the Superior Court for the State of Delaware who are responsible for attending emotionally charged court hearings. The impacts of emotional labor upon job satisfaction will be investigated in order to have a better understanding of this phenomenon as it relates to emotional dissonance and the current emotional state of criminal case managers through the results of an emotional labor survey. The qualitative part of this study will attempt to identify themes as discussed by the criminal case managers regarding their experiences in an interview setting in order to enhance clarity and more fully understand and interpret the results of the quantitative study.
The following organizational leadership (OL) standards will be addressed:
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OL Standard 2.0: An organizational leader applies knowledge that promotes the success of the organization and its members by sustaining an organizational culture conductive to collaboration, trust, and a personalized learning environment with high expectations for organizational members; creating and evaluating a comprehensive, rigorous, and coherent model of professional development and managerial and leadership succession for organizational members; developing and supervising the management and leadership capacity across the organization; and promoting the most effective and appropriate technologies to support knowledge management, learning and innovation within the organization. (Wilmington University, 2012, p. 3) OL Standard 3.0: An organization leader applies knowledge that promotes the success of the organization and every member and customer/client service/satisfaction by ensuring the management of the organization‘s structure, operation, and resources through monitoring and evaluating organizational management and operational systems; efficiently using human, fiscal, and technological resources within the organization; promoting organizational-level policies and procedures that protect the welfare and safety of the members across the organization and customer/clients served by the organization; developing organizational capacity for distributed leadership; and ensuring that organizational time focuses on high quality performance and professional development. (Wilmington University, 2012, p. 6)
Need for the Study
A more thorough understanding of the emotional dynamics experienced in the courtroom can help court administrators and managers have a better understanding of the patent and latent emotional effects upon court personnel, leading to better 18
emotional health, more productive staff, and fewer turnovers. There has not been a prior study of emotional labor and court personnel. However, there has been limited research conducted on stress and vicarious trauma involving courtroom employees.
A study conducted by Carolyn Woolfe in 2011 with the North Dakota Court system involving court employees and jurors found a significant impact to exist among court clerks‘ emotional well-being as a result of serving on these type of trials.
It also revealed court employees to have higher levels of stress and potential for job burnout (Woolfe, 2011). Tina Mattison (2012) conducted a study involving the risk of vicarious trauma experienced by courtroom clerks who attend felony and domestic violence trials that consist of disturbing evidence for the Superior Courts located in
California to see if there were any procedures in place to help court employees. Out of the 58 courts contacted, 19 results were received from human resource managers of the courts (Mattison, 2012). Eighteen out of the 19 courts indicated that they have an
Employee Assistance Program (EAP) available through an outside provider
(Mattison, 2012). Nine out of the 19 courts indicated that they had some type of procedure in place to assist staff after a critical workplace incident, a one-time traumatic event (Mattison, 2012). Seven courts indicated that they did not have a formal procedure in place (Mattison, 2012).
It was also found that the usage of EAP‘s for an employee‘s emotional issues usually occurs when a manager notices a performance issue and finds out the person is having difficulty coping with his or her life outside the work environment. ―The court personnel subjected to traumatic material are not as likely to be offered services.
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Nine of 19 courts (47%) surveyed responded they would remind the staff of the availability of an EAP, but only if the employee came to them upset from the proceedings‖ (Mattison, 2012, p. 24). A more thorough understanding of the emotional impact of the courtroom environment upon criminal case managers will facilitate better recruitment, training, and supervision of staff to include referrals to employee assistance programs as appropriate (Mattison, 2012).
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Research Questions
Five major research questions are posted in this study:
1. What level of emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in
Superior Court?
2. How does emotional labor affect job satisfaction among criminal case
managers in Superior Court?
3. Does the act of performing emotional labor among criminal case managers
contribute to burnout?
4. Does existing training within Superior Court adequately prepare criminal
case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom?
5. What are criminal case managers’ perceptions of the emotional aspect of
their job?
Definition of Terms
Several terms used throughout this study are defined below:
Deep Acting: ―refers to convincingly pretending to feel a given emotion‖
(Guy et al., 2008, p. 5).
Display Rules: ―Rules regarding the expectations for emotional expression
stated explicitly in selection and training materials or known by observers of
coworkers‖ (Grandy, 2000, p. 95).
Emotional Dissonance: ―discrepancy between felt and expressed emotion‖
(Pugh, Groth, & Hennig-Thurau, 2011, p. 378).
21
Emotional Labor: ―the expression of one‘s capacity to manage personal
emotions, sense others‘ emotions, and to respond appropriately, based on
one‘s job‖ (Mastracci, Newman, & Guy, 2009., p. 125).
Emotion Management: ―focuses on the worker‘s job of eliciting the desired
emotional response from the citizen‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 5).
Empathy: ―the feeling that you understand and that you share another
person‘s experiences and emotions‖ (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
Feeling Rules: ―rules that specify the range, intensity, duration, and object of
emotions that should be experienced (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993, p. 89).
Human Capital: ―a workforce that contributes to fixed capital due to their
accumulated and collective competencies, knowledge and personality
attributes‖ (Parajon, 2011, p. 10).
Job Burnout: ―feelings of being overextended and depleted of one‘s
emotional and physical resources‖ (Pugh et al., 2011, p. 379).
Job Satisfaction: ―defined as an evaluative judgment one makes about one‘s
job or job situation‖ (Pugh et al., 2011, p. 379).
Organizational Shields: ―allows one worker to use another worker to serve as
a buffer between him or her and the public‖ (Goodrum & Stafford, 2003, p.
181).
Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD): describes psychological outcomes
with a variety of events such as life threatening accidents, sexual abuse,
miscarriage, and natural disasters (Jaffe & Schub, 2013). 22
Prothonotary‘s Office: provides administrative support for Superior Court.
Surface Acting: ―suppressing true emotions and expressing false emotions‖
that differs from what the employee actually feels‖ (Grandey, 2000, p. 101).
Verbal Judo: ―used in law enforcement to describe ‗tough talk‘ banter‖ (Guy
et al., 2008, p. 5).
Vicarious Trauma: affects those that have been emotionally affected by the
trauma of another (Mattison, 2012).
Victim Impact Statements: ―statements read by, or on behalf of, victims of
crime at the sentencing phase of criminal proceedings‖ (Stevens, 2000, p. 1).
Violent Crime: when a person uses or threatens to use violent force against
another includes murder, rape and sexual assault, robbery, and assault
(―Bureau of Justice Statistics,‖ n.d.).
Chapter 2 will provide an overview of the literature that help guide this study.
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Chapter II
Literature Review
Emotions have begun to be appreciated as an important part of organizational life and have gained interest among scholars as to whether emotions can bring benefits to both individuals and organizations (Mumby & Putnam, 1992).
Researchers are studying how employees regulate their emotions in not only for profit services but also the area of public services. ―Employees in the public sector are often required to perform more emotional labor than those in the private sector while also employing different sets of motives and mechanisms to cope with emotions‖
(Jin, 2009, p. 7). The term emotional labor was first defined by Arlie Hochschild as a type of labor an employee must perform to complete the required work by managing feelings by creating a publicly bodily or facial display (Guy et al., 2008).
Before Hochschild‘s study (1983) on emotional labor, the concept of emotions had only been explored by such fields as psychology, sociology, and anthropology.
Emotions were also considered to be a women‘s domain, suggesting an area of weakness (Planalp, 1999). Since Hochschild‘s study (1983), the topic of emotional labor has been researched by scholars either disputing or supporting her arguments in the areas of both private and public service. Studies involving emotional labor have shown conflicting results as to its impact upon employees. Depending on the situation and factors at hand, consequences of emotional labor could either be negative or positive upon the organization or the employee.
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In public service, the quality of work relies on the view of the public member that is being served. Therefore, it is expected that public workers display a limited range of emotions in order to create a positive service interaction (Guy et al., 2008).
It is believed that when employees display organizationally desired emotions, customers will have a positive impression about the organization (Rafaeli & Sutton,
1989). ―Public service jobs require not only intrapersonal strength but also interpersonal skills in either a face-to-face or voice-to-voice contact‖ (Jin, 2009, p. 4).
Such management of emotions is essential for one‘s psychological and social well- being.
The focus of this study was to examine the level that emotional labor exists among criminal case managers who attend criminal courtroom proceedings on a daily basis. This study further investigated the relationship between job satisfaction and emotional labor. Research has showed that emotions are related to employee job satisfaction (Morris, 1996). There has been evidence that emotional labor can threaten job satisfaction and, in other cases, heighten it. It has been found that jobs that require higher levels of emotional labor have reported higher levels of job satisfaction than other occupations (Pugliesi, 1999). Adelman (1995) found that the performance of emotional labor increased job satisfaction, but the effects of emotional labor appeared to be explained by job conditions which are directly related to the requirements of emotional labor. This literature review also consists of discussion of the theories involving emotional labor, summaries of past studies, challenges
25
experienced by the helping professions, and the mechanisms needed to provide support for employees, such as best training practices.
Inclusion Criteria
When gathering literature, a number of databases were utilized, including
Academic Search Premier, Sage Journals Online, Criminal Justice Periodicals Index,
Psyc Articles, and Business Source Complete. The keyboard search consisted of the following words: emotions, emotional labor, emotional dissonance, emotional management, display rules, feeling rules, deep acting, surface acting, gender, job satisfaction, motivation, burnout, turnover, and training. This search provided a variety of articles centered on the topic of emotional labor. Based on this information, the search was refined to focus on the helping professions in criminal justice to include the following: court clerks, jurors, lawyers, judges, magistrates,
911 operators, police officers, detectives, and correctional personnel and further refined to topics such as verbal judo and vicarious trauma. Expanding the scope of the other helping professions will allow for an expanded base to explore and add depth to the research.
History of Emotions
In the early 1900s, the prevailing management theory of the time was scientific management by Frederick Taylor (Gautschie, 1989). Its overlying concept was that ―there is a single best way to perform every job and this best way can be scientifically established‖ (Gautschie, 1989, p. 180). It focused on the individual‘s rate of productivity and financial gain, with individual behavior being controlled and
26
corrected (Sonnenfeld, 1985). However, once the Hawthorne studies were published, the power of emotions in the workplace was finally acknowledged (Sonnenfeld,
1985).
The Hawthorne study investigated the relationship of the light intensity experienced on the shop floor involving manual work sites and productivity of employees (Sonnenfeld, 1985). Three series of industrial illumination experiments were conducted involving three different departments: relay assembly, coil winding, and inspection at the Hawthorne Works of the Western Electric Company
(Sonnenfeld, 1985). Throughout the day, artificial light levels were changed among the experimental groups and analyzed in comparison with the control group to determine if the level of light had an effect on worker productivity (Sonnenfeld,
1985). The Hawthorne studies found that the increase in lighting did not have an effect on worker‘s productivity (Sonnenfeld, 1985). It concluded that employees were more productive when experiencing more favorable working conditions and positive interactions of management showing an interest in them (Izawa, French &
Hedge, 2011). The study helped to provide a new way of thinking about people and their working conditions (Gautschie, 1989). ―The Hawthorne experiment demonstrated that people are more than programmable robots‖ (Gautschie, 1989, p.
180).
Emotions range from anger and sadness to joy and enthusiasm. Such emotions are powerful enough to improve or diminish an employee‘s performance level (Jin, 2009). Researchers tend to define feelings and emotions in different ways
27
depending on their area of expertise. Some view emotion as reactions to internal and external stimuli which include physiological, behavioral, and cognitive elements (Jin,
2009). Emotion research has been categorized into two distinctive branches known as the social constructivist approach and the naturalistic approach (Jin, 2009). The social constructivist approach believes that emotions are socially defined and physiological arousal can coincide to different displayed and felt emotions (Jin,
2009). Therefore, in this situation, emotions are an object that is subject to a person‘s interpretation (Jin, 2009). The naturalistic approach believes that there are basic emotions that people feel and that felt emotions are determined by a person‘s physiological reaction to the environment (Jin, 2009).
Other researchers argue for the adaptive functions that involve emotions (Jin,
2009). When an individual feels distressed over a situation, this may cause him or her to distance himself or herself while positive feelings attract collaboration among individuals. ―Behavioral consequences of emotions, therefore, contribute to better adaptation to sudden changes, yet scholars have mostly downplayed the impact that emotions can have on an individual‘s performance‖ (Jin, 2009, p. 9). In the workplace, employees cannot run away from situations they perceive as threatening as well as not show their true feelings because of ―professional norms regarding emotional expression‖ (Jin, 2009, p. 9). What may be adaptive from a psychological perspective may not necessarily be conducive in the work setting (Jin, 2009).
Feelings can be referred to as phenomenological states that have an affective or experiential dimension that is reflected in terms of the emotions that people feel
28
such as anger, sadness, joy, etc. (De Cremer & van den Bos, 2007). Emotions and feelings are influenced by cultural, social, and situational conditions (Martin, 1999).
In order to find acceptance in daily social interactions, we often find ourselves displaying a more socially accepted emotion while suppressing what we truly feel.
Regulating emotions through expressive behavior as required by the situation has been an area of much research. Darwin found the free expression by outward signs of an emotion intensifies it (Izard, 1990). On the one hand, the repression, as far as this is possible, of all outward signs softens emotions (Izard, 1990). He who gives way to violent gestures will increase his rage; he who does not control the signs of fear will experience fear in a greater degree (Izard, 1990).
The amount of emotion management is different, depending on the employee‘s position and gender in the organization. ―Because contact with emotional others can give rise to emotions in the self, workers also develop self-emotion management strategies to maintain an emotionally composed (or professional) demeanor‖ (Goodrum & Stafford, 2003, p. 182). Displaying emotional expressions of neutrality and indifference is essential for public service occupations even though it may result in negative consequences (Goodrum & Stafford, 2003).
The role of facial expression in the regulation of emotion experience has also been an area of much research and has given way to what has been known as the facial-feedback hypothesis (Adelmann, n.d., p. 373). ―The facial-feedback hypothesis suggests that the effect of emotional expression required by the job should be an emotional experience that is consistent with the expression‖ (Adelmann, n.d., p. 373).
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Most of the previous experiments on the facial-feedback hypothesis fell into two areas: ―those that employ experimenter-manipulated expressions and those that use spontaneous, self-initiated, and self-management expressions‖ (Izard, 1990, p. 490).
Self-initiated expression is motivated by the subject to perform in order to achieve a desired goal. ―The goal of self-initiated expressive behavior may be deliberately chosen with the expectation that it will help in meeting the demands of a given situation‖ (Izard, 1990, p. 490). The person must take ownership of the goal attributing it as worthwhile through the self-determination of others. Such acceptance ensures that the ―expressive behaviors are goal-directed and self-involving behaviors‖
(Izard, 1990, p. 490). Sufficient use of free expressions in the regulation of emotions requires that they be self-regulated, goal-directed, and self- initiated (Izard, 1990).
Emotional Labor
Arlie Hochschild studied the ―contextual manipulation of emotions by oneself and by others‖ (Middleton, 1989, p. 198). Hochschild (1983) introduced the concept of emotional labor, which has created research on the support or opposition of the topic. ―The first uses emotional labor as a vehicle to understand the organization, structure, and social relations of the service jobs, while the second focuses on individual‘s efforts to express and regulate emotion and the consequences of those efforts‖ (Wharton, 2009, p. 147). According to Hochschild (1990), emotion work involves the action of regulating one‘s emotions in compliance with social norms
Emotion work may require employees to suppress how they truly feel in order to perform the desired work related emotions.
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Such suppression of one‘s emotions in order to comply with the organizational norms was termed as emotional labor by Hochschild (1983, p. 7).
Emotional labor is defined as ―the management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display; emotional labor is sold for a wage and therefore has exchange value‖ (Hochschild, 1983, p. 7). Jobs involving emotional labor, according to Hochschild (1983), have three characteristics: they require the employee to have facial or vocal contact with members of the public; they require the employee to invoke an emotional state with another person; and the employer is allowed to have some degree of control over the emotional activities of his or her employees. These characteristics will be found in some job positions but not in all.
Certain features of work not mentioned in job descriptions—such as incentive systems that join self-interest to worked-on display and feeling—may be especially successful in promoting emotional labor. Salespersons working on commission are a prime example. In the absence of clear self-interest, close supervision probably helps foster emotional labor most of all (Hochschild, 1983).
With the change from a production to a service economy, a growing number of Americans are employed in jobs that require them to manage not only their own feelings but others‘ as well (Stenross and Kleinman, 1989). According to
Hochschild‘s (1983) estimates of jobs most calling for emotional labor in 1970 were,
―29,421,055 total jobs which is over one-third of all workers in the United States‖
(pp. 236). Hochschild‘s detailed occupational analysis of selected professional, technical, and kindred workers that involve substantial amount of emotional labor
31
also included lawyers and judges and persons employed in selected clerical positions
(Hochschild, 1983). There has been very little research conducted in the area of emotional labor and criminal case managers. However, there has been research conducted on service providers that work in the criminal justice field, such as police officers, 911 operators, correctional guards, attorneys, judges, and treatment counselors who perform emotional labor as part of their job duties of being a civil servant. These professions will be used in this literature review to help support and show similarities of emotional labor in this area of criminal justice.
Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) expanded on Hochschild‘s (1983) argument of emotional labor and defined emotional labor as the ―act of expressing socially desired emotions during service encounters‖ (p. 90). Their definition differs from
Hochschild‘s as it focuses on the behavior rather than on the emotions that underlie the behavior in compliance with the organizations display rules (Ashforth &
Humphrey, 1993). The manner in which an individual displays feelings has a major impact not only on the quality of service provided to the customer but also on the experience of emotion for the service provider and not feeling rules as argued by
Hochschild (1983). It is the actual compliance or behavior in adherence with the organization‘s display rules which is considered a formal job requirement that is being directly observed.
An individual can comply with the organization‘s display rules without having to manage feelings. Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) also argued that ―emotional labor may facilitate task effectiveness by regulating interaction and obviating interpersonal
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problems‖ (p. 89). Not all outcomes of emotional labor are necessarily dysfunctional and detrimental. Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) indicated that when employees perform emotional labor, this may help psychologically distance themselves from undesirable situations.
Morris and Feldman (1996) built upon the ideas of Ashforth and Humphrey
(1993); they presented a definition of emotional labor and a model of emotional labor as a multidimensional construct. Morris and Feldman (1996) defined emotional labor as ―the effort, planning and control needed to express organizationally desired emotion during interpersonal transactions‖ (p. 987). This view suggested that the expression of emotion has now become a market place commodity with a focus on expressive behavior instead of feeling as suggested by Hochschild (1983).
According to Morris and Feldman (1996), individuals base their understanding of emotions in the social environment in which emotions are experienced. Even if the organizationally desired emotion and felt emotion are congruent, effort will still need to be made by individuals that what is felt will be displayed in appropriate organizationally ways (Morris and Feldman, 1996).
Morris and Feldman (1996) conceptualized emotional labor into the following four dimensions: ―frequency of appropriate display, attentiveness to required display rules, variety of emotions required to be displayed, and emotional dissonance generated as the result of having to express organizationally desired emotions not genuinely felt‖ (p. 987). Frequency of emotional displays has been examined the most out of all the components of emotional labor with focus on the frequency of
33
interaction between clients and service providers (Morris & Feldman, 1996). It has been found that customers are more likely to do business with an organization that has employees that display the socially appropriate emotional displays, such as respect and trust (Morris and Feldman, 1996).
Attentiveness to the display rules required by the organization is the second dimension of emotional labor (Morris and Feldman, 1996. ―The more attentiveness to display rules required, the more psychological energy and physical effort the service job will demand from employees – and hence the more ‗labor‘ emotional displays will entail‖ (Morris and Feldman, 1996, p. 989). Attentiveness to the organization‘s display rules consists of both the intensity and duration of the emotional display.
The third dimension of emotional labor is the variety of emotions required to be displayed. The greater the variety of emotions displayed, the more emotional labor of the role occupants (Morris and Feldman, 1996). Organizations that require service providers to adjust the emotions that are expressed to align with situational contexts have to consciously monitor their behavior resulting in more psychological energy having to be expended in emotional labor (Morris and Feldman, 1996).
The final dimension referred to as emotional dissonance is defined as ―the conflict between genuinely felt emotions and emotions required to be displayed in organizations‖ (Morris & Feldman, 1996, p. 992). Previous researchers have considered emotional dissonance as a consequence of emotional labor due to the clashing of workers real feelings with the required emotional expression of the
34
organization‘s display rules (Morris & Feldman, 1996). However, Morris and
Feldman (1996) considered emotional dissonance not as a consequence but as the fourth dimension of the emotional labor construct. ―When mismatches between genuinely felt and organizationally required emotions exist, then, greater control, skill and attentive action will be needed‖ (Morris & Feldman, 1996, p. 992). Morris and
Feldman‘s (1996) multidimensional conceptualization of emotional labor which focuses on the level of planning, control and skill required to present an appropriate emotional display is a more comprehensive model than Hochschild‘s (1983) in which emotional labor may not be uniformly damaging to all employees.
Emotional Dissonance, Surface, and Deep Acting
Such strategies performed by employees to comply with the organizations‘ display rules result in emotional dissonance due to having to display emotions that are congruent with those of the organization. ―Maintaining a difference between feeling and feigning over the long run leads to strain‖ (Hochschild, 1983, p. 90). As a result, in-authenticity occurs, which, according to Hochschild (1983), is a direct consequence of emotional dissonance. ―As individuals who experience emotive dissonance are repeating acting contrary to their values and self-concepts, they are keenly aware that they are being untrue to themselves and others (Schaible and
Gecas, 2010).
Emotional dissonance may cause the employee to feel hypocritical
(Hochschild, 1983). Employees have been known to display ―fake‖ emotions and believe that such expression is part of the job. This is known as ―faking in good faith
35
(Rafaeli and Sutton, 1987, p. 32).‖ According to Rafaeli and Sutton (1987),
―Hochschild argued that faking in good faith is a threat to well-being because it causes estrangement between felt and expressed emotions‖ (p. 32). Such feelings have been associated with job burnout and job dissatisfaction (Hochschild, 1983).
Surface acting is a strategy performed by employees in order to comply with the emotional expectations of the organization. It has been interpreted as being insincere in nature due to the individual faking how they genuinely feel in order to conform to the organization‘s display rules (Mesmer-Magnus, DeChurch, Wax, &
Anderson, 2011. Researchers have defined surface acting as a ―response-focused strategy in which the individual effectively carries out the emotional labor process to display the organizationally desired emotion, even though the displayed emotion conflicts with the individual‘s authentic feelings‖ (Mesmer-Magnus, et al., 2011, p.
9). It has been referred to as ―faking in bad faith‖ (Chau, Dahling, Levy &
Diefendorff, 2009, p. 1151). Employees conform to the expectations of the organization; however, they do not change their feelings internally in order to be in congruence with what is required by the organization. As a result, emotional dissonance occurs, leading to emotional exhaustion. This has negative effects not only for the organization but for the employees as well.
Inauthentic displays occur as a result of surface acting; this causes physiological effect and greater internal tension that manifests itself as feeling emotionally drained (Morris & Feldman, 1997). In a study conducted by Judge,
Woolfe, and Hurst (2009), surface acting was found to positively relate to emotional
36
exhaustion. In Judge et al.‘s study (2009), 127 employees employed in customer service roles located in organizations throughout 25 states across the United States completed online surveys over a 7-day period to assess participants‘ deep and surface acting, job satisfaction, emotional exhaustions and moods. The study found surface acting positively related to emotional exhaustion and negatively related to job satisfaction. Deep acting was found to have lower positive effects and unrelated to job satisfaction (Judge et al., 2009). As a result, the state of emotional dissonance caused by the incongruity between surface acting and feeling is never reconciled
(Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2011).
However, Grandey (2003) found that engaging in deep acting was unrelated to emotional exhaustion. ―In deep acting we make feigning easy by making it unnecessary‖ (Hochschild, 1983, p. 33). According to Gross (1989), deep acting is also referred to antecedent-focused strategy, which involves the employee reassessing the source of the emotion (Grandey, 2003). Grandey (2003) found through her research that deep acting was more effective than surface acting for employees working with customers. Research has shown deep acting results in reduced emotional dissonance (Grandey, 2003). When low dissonance occurs, employees are less likely to feel emotionally exhausted and feel more positive about their work and, as a result, are less likely to engage in surface and deep acting (Grandey, 2003).
Research has shown that employees who do not suppress their emotions are healthier than those who engage in feigning their emotions (Geddes & Kruml, 2000).
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Hochschild (1983) proposed emotional dissonance as a concept comparable to
Festinger‘s (1957) Cognitive Dissonance Theory. ―Festinger proposed that pairs of cognitions that are relevant to one another can be either consonant or dissonant, in conflict with the other‖ (Pugh, Groth & Hennig-Thurau, 2011, p. 378). Cognitive dissonance is conceived as a negative affective state, and the attitude change is motivated by the desire to decrease the negative affect (Pugh et al., 2010). Dissonance arises when situations create an inconsistency between the self-concept and a behavior (Pugh, et al., 2011). It has also been proposed to come from behaviors that threaten moral integrity and self-worth (Pugh et al., 2010). When experiencing dissonance, individuals will feel anxious and frustrated and, therefore, motivated to seek out ways to change the behavior (Festinger, 1957).
Research has shown that employees who are required to act for an extended period of time begin to lose touch with their true emotions (Diefendorff & Gosserand,
2005). Maintaining a difference between feeling and feigning over the long run leads to strain. ―We try to reduce this strain by pulling the two closer together either by changing what we feel or by changing what we feign. When display is required by the job, it is usually feeling that has to change; and when conditions estrange us from our face, they sometimes estrange us from feeling as we do‖ (Hochschild, 1983, p.
90).
Numerous studies have been conducted with workers who report having to display emotions that are in conflict with their own feelings and, as a result, are more likely to experience emotional exhaustion. Emotional exhaustion is the feeling of
38
being overextended of one‘s emotional resources (Guy et al., 2008). Employees experiencing emotional exhaustion report feeling frustrated and drained (Guy et al.,
2008). Van Dijk and Brown (2006) found a positive relationship to exist between surface acting and emotional exhaustion. Zapf and Holtz (2006) also found a positive relationship to exist between emotional exhaustion and emotional dissonance. Glomb and Tews (2004) found, regardless of whether the emotions are positive, that employees‘ levels of emotional exhaustion are positively associated with faking or suppressing emotions.
Display Rules and Employee Strategies Involving Emotional Labor
―Display rules are standards of behavior that indicate not only which emotions are appropriate in a given situation, but also how those emotions should be conveyed or publicly expressed‖ (Morris & Feldman, 1996, p. 988). Management often sets forth guidelines in order to control their employees‘ emotions in order to comply with the job requirements as set forth by the organization. Research shows that when there is such control over employees‘ emotions, employees will adopt alternative methods in order to perform the emotion that is required by the organization (Ashford &
Humphrey, 1993; Hochschild, 1983; Morris & Feldman, 1997). According to Rafaeli and Sutton (1987), in professions where employees are expected to smile, they may benefit from feelings of happiness whereas those who have to display more negative expressions due to the nature of the job, such as found with funeral directors, should experience distress as a repercussion of performing emotional labor.
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Hochschild (1983) argued that service providers and customers share expectations about the appropriate emotions to be displayed during the service encounter. ―These expectations give rise to feeling rules or norms that specify the range, intensity, duration, and object of emotions that should be experienced‖
(Ashforth & Humphrey, 1995, p. 89). For example, in Hochschild‘s study (1983), flight attendants were expected to feel friendly and happy, and bill collectors were to maintain a more appropriate display of negative emotions. Expressions of emotions are standards as set by the organization that employees are expected to display and which ones are to remain hidden in the performance of service encounters
(Grandey, 2000). Such intrusion by organizations to control employees‘ interactions with customers may have an impact on the workers‘ identity (Grandey, 2000). When genuine emotions are inconsistent with required emotional displays, employees must engage in emotion regulation in order to suppress and fake their genuine emotions to produce the required emotional display (Grandey, 2000).
Research has indicated that employees engage in strategies to manage interactions that take place in service encounters in order to resist degradation and gain power on the job (Wharton, 2009). Such strategy was seen to take place in
Paules‘ (1991) examination how waitresses ―assert control and protect their sense of self in their interactions with customers‖ (Wharton, 2009, p. 150). In Paules‘ (1991) examination, there was little direct authority by managers over workers‘ interactions with customers. As a result of this absence of control, the interactions waitresses had with customers were directed by themselves. The waitresses were not negatively
40
affected by the stigmatization surrounding servitude in restaurant work, but instead
―viewed their ability to manage their emotions as a valuable skill that could be used to gain the upper hand in the balance of power with customers‖ (Wharton, 2009, p.
150).
In another study, conducted by Leidener (1993) involving fast food and insurance sales workers, the results were quite different. In Leidner‘s classic study of fast-food and insurance sales, service work was seen as a more standardized and routine process (Wharton, 2009). Leidner examined how employers in fast-food and insurance sales attempt to regulate how workers‘ interact with customers (Wharton,
2009). Managers were observed to standardize workers‘ interactions with customers
(Wharton, 2009). The process of making job services routine is not always possible in service work. Employers ―must believe that the quality of the interaction is important to the success of the enterprise, that workers are unable or unwilling to conduct the interactions appropriately on their own and that the tasks themselves are not too complex or context-dependent‖ (Wharton, 2009, p. 151). services routine is not always possible in service work. Employers ―must believe that the quality of the interaction is important to the success of the enterprise, that workers are unable or unwilling to conduct the interactions appropriately on their own and that the tasks themselves are not too complex or context-dependent‖ (Wharton, 2009, p.
151).
As a result of employees focusing on their physical display of emotions rather than changing of feelings, surface acting has been related to negative outcomes, such
41
as emotional exhaustion, personal in-authenticity, and burnout (Chau et al., 2009).
However, employees who engage in deep acting in which they change their actual felt emotions led to more positive outcomes such as personal in-authenticity, enhanced job satisfaction, and performance (Chau et al., 2009).
Identity has also been found to affect emotional labor. Social Identity Theory involves the perception of an individual belonging to social groups. Research has shown that employees who identify strongly with their organizational roles are found to feel more authentic when conforming to the organizations display rules (Ashforth and Humphrey, 1993). When individuals find themselves identifying with a certain group, they tend to assume the characteristics as their own and are more themselves when performing the job duties. However, self - stereotyping leads to depersonalization of the self as the individual views themselves as representing the group and not themselves (Ashforth and Humphrey, 1993).
Social support units at the workplace have been shown to be beneficial for employees as they are able to express their feelings in regard to emotional labor, therefore reducing emotional dissonance (Geddes and Kruml, 2000). In Hochschild‘s
(1983) study, when upset over a difficult situation, flight attendants were able to converse with their co-workers about the situation which helped them to return to their job duties in a pleasant and accommodating manner. Shuler and Sypher (2000), in a study conducted of 911 dispatchers, found workers were more able to share experiences, resulting in lowered stress levels, as a result of placement of workstations. The 911 dispatchers seemed to enjoy and even benefit from some of
42
the emotional interactions they had with callers (Shuler and Sypher, 2000). Unlike many customer service jobs that require employees to manufacture displays of positive emotion, 911 dispatchers achieved emotion neutrality (Shuler and Sypher,
2000).
Shuler and Sypher‘s study (2000) also found that 911 dispatchers use comic relief as a fix in situations involving emotional labor. ―Peer support provides an outlet for the frustrations and anguish that arise from emotion work‖ (Guy et al.,
2008, p. 36). Co-workers are able to empathize and understand each other‘s work demands in ways that family and friends cannot. ―From an organizational performance standpoint, supportive peer relations – especially the helping and interpersonal facilitation processes – generate performance outcomes that all take pride in‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 36).
In order to perform their jobs, 911 operators are required to have soft skills in order to relate to citizens in crisis (Guy et al., 2008). ―This includes the ability to listen, comprehend, retain, prioritize, make fast and accurate decisions, react quickly and calmly in emergencies, perform multiple duties simultaneously, and effectively communicate orally and in writing with co-workers, supervisors, and the public‖
(Guy et al., 2008, p. 27). Often, 911 operators are required at one moment to provide emotional support to callers in crisis and, at another, to furnish technical information for standard non-emergency calls (Guy et al., 2008). Coping strategies, such as taking time outs, is often undertaken for any work that involves high levels of emotional stress (Guy et al., 2008). For example, after a 911 operator takes a stressful call, he or
43
she will often leave the area and hand over his or her work station to a co-worker
(Guy et al., 2008). Some take walks or find a quiet place to be alone to help collect themselves for the next call (Guy et al., 2008).
According to Hochschild (1983), employees often engage in such strategies as surface acting and deep acting to comply with the organizations display rules. In surface acting, the individual‘s feelings remain inconsistent with the organization; however, they put on a façade, hiding their true feelings in order to meet the expectations of management resulting in a type of person role-conflict (Mesmer-
Magnus et al., 2011). In Hochschild‘s study (1983) involving flight attendants, a flight attendant discussed how she would prevent panic despite her own anxiety during a crisis:
Even though I‘m a very honest person, I have learned not to allow my face to mirror my alarm or my fright. I feel very protective of my passengers. Above all I don‘t want them to be frightened. If we were going down, if we were going to make a ditch in water, the chances of our surviving are slim, even though we [the flight attendants] know exactly what to do. But I think I would probably – and I think I can say this for most of my fellow flight attendants – be able to keep them from being too worried about it. I mean my voice might quiver a little during the announcements, but somehow I feel we could get them to believe…the best. (p. 107)
Deep acting has often been compared to method acting (Schaible and Gecas,
2010). The individual displays the appropriate emotions by changing how he or she truly feels in order to display the desired emotions (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2011).
This may involve training the imagination to invoke thoughts and images to induce
44
the associated emotion (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2011). Deep acting focuses on one‘s inner feelings, resulting in a ―behavioral change as an indirect effect‖ (Ashforth and
Humphrey, 1995, p. 93). In Hochschild‘s study (1983) involving flight attendant‘s, a flight attendant described how she tries to stop feeling resentful and angry toward an annoying passenger:
I may just talk to myself. ―Watch it. Don‘t let him get to you. Don‘t let him get to you. Don‘t let him get to you. Don‘t let him get to you.‖ And I‘ll talk to my partner and she‘ll say the same thing to me. After a while, the anger goes away [deep acting, self-prompting]. I try to remember that if he‘s drinking too much, he‘s probably scared of flying. I think to myself, ―he‘s like a little child.‖ Really, that‘s what he is. And when I see him that way; I don‘t get mad that he‘s yelling at me. He‘s like a child yelling at me then [deep acting, Method acting]. (p. 55) Research has shown that organizations benefit from employees who engage in deep acting over surface acting (Grandey, 2003). Deep acting has been found to have a positive influence on interactions with customers (Grandey, 2003).
Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) did not agree with Hochschild‘s (1983) assumption that the service provider had to either engage in some type of acting, such as surface or deep acting, in order to perform their job. They believed that a service agent had the capability of naturally feeling what is expected. ―Our point is that emotion may be felt and displayed with relatively little effortful prompting. Thus, we view this genuine experience and expression of expected emotion as a third means of accomplishing emotional labor‖ (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993, p. 94). As a result, genuine acting was added in addition to surface and deep acting to Hochschild‘s
45
(1983) research of emotional labor. When genuine emotions are aligned with requirements for emotive displays, then the employee is free to act in a manner that is consistent with his or her natural desires (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2011).
Changing one‘s inner feelings in order to create an emotional display is not an idea new to theories on emotion. Lazarus (1991) argued that cognitive appraisal, defined as ―an evaluation of the significance of knowledge about what is happening for our personal well-being‖ is a necessary condition for the emotion experience to exist (Tracy and Tracy, 1998, p. 354). Emotion is, therefore, considered a consequence of various cognitive activities (Lazarus, Coyne, and Folkman, 1984).
For example, whether the encounter is congruent or incongruent with the goal of the employee will determine the emotion experience, depending on how the person thinks about the situation (Tracy and Tracy, 1998).
Another approach to help service personnel to cope with demanding and negative customer encounters is known as verbal judo and was introduced in 1993 by
George J. Thompson and Jerry B. Jenkins (Kokko and Maki, 2009, p. 214). This approach has been used and tested on a limited basis in police training (Kokko and
Maki, 2009). Verbal judo relates to emotional labor as it involves service providers portraying a cheerful and pleasant display in order to deal with the most difficult and unfriendly customers, which can result in emotional dissonance (Kokko and Maki,
2009). It addresses the use of empathy and nonverbal communication in extremely demanding customer situations, resulting in the employee‘s suppressing any negative feelings (Kokko and Maki, 2009). Employees are coached to be conscience of their
46
facial gestures and tone of voice that is used during such encounters (Kokko and
Maki, 2009). ―Recent empirical research has confirmed that a service provider‘s positive emotional display can prompt a corresponding change in a consumer‘s affective state‖ (Kokko and Maki, 2009, p. 221).
Verbal Judo has three goals: ―develop mind-mouth harmony, enhancing professionalism, and increasing personal efficiency by increasing the performance level‖ (Kokko and Maki, 2009, p. 222). These goals focus on empathizing with the customer by choosing the right words wisely in order to redirect negativity of others to minimize stress and frustration.
In studying verbal judo, a qualitative study was conducted by Kokko and
Maki (2009) to determine how frontline personnel of a major passenger shipping company operating daily ferry traffic work with demanding customers. The study found that frontline service personnel felt that empathy is an important element in dealing with demanding customers (Kokko and Maki, 2009). The more experienced personnel felt it was hard to engage in empathy towards demanding customers as a result of developing habits and routines over time working with such customers
(Kokko and Maki, 2009). Due to this, they were willing not to change their developed behaviors. It was easier for personnel with less experience to empathize with the customer (Kokko and Maki, 2009). As a result, a high degree of emotional labor is needed with a difficult customer versus a non-difficult customer (Kokko and Maki,
2009).
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Burnout, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, and Vicarious Trauma
―Job Stress can be seen as the negative and emotion responses that occur when the requirements of the job do not match the abilities, resources and needs of the worker‖ (Mattison, 2012, p. 13). Such stress often leads to burnout, which is currently conceptualized as a ―psychological syndrome in response to chronic interpersonal stressors on the job‖ (Devilly, Wright, and Varker, 2009, p. 374).
Burnout has been the most studied consequence of emotional labor. ―Burnout is manifested as an overwhelming exhaustion and an incapacity to disengage from the job, and even sleep‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 105).
Burnout is closely related to emotional labor because of the parallel emphasis on front-line employee-customer exchanges as well as the management of emotions, and has been defined as an indication of the employees growing inability to adequately manage their emotions when interacting with clients. (Mesmer-Magnus, DeChurch, and Wax, 2012, p. 13-14) Burnout focuses not only on the need for regulating emotions in the workplace in alignment with the requirement of the job but also on the inability to successfully control emotional displays (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012). Three specific dimensions of burnout have been identified to exist as follows: depersonalization, reduced personal accomplishment, and emotional exhaustion (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012).
Employees who experience depersonalization can no longer effectively manage their emotions during personal interactions (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012). They often distance themselves from others emotionally feeling estranged resulting in viewing customers as objects rather than as individuals (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012).
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Reduced personal accomplishment can result in the lack of unity with the job causing an employee to doubt their ability to perform the work resulting in feeling unsatisfied in their performance (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012). Employees who engage in emotional labor to carry out work tasks utilizing the required emotional display may suffer from a reduced feeling of personal accomplishment due to perceiving their performance as inauthentic, therefore making them unable to take credit while engaging in emotional labor (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012).
The third dimension of burnout, referred to as emotional exhaustion, has been found to have a correlation with emotional labor. Emotional exhaustion is often displayed through expressions of anger and depression (Mesmer-Magnus et al.,
2012). The energy exerted during emotional labor has been researched to lead to emotional labor (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012). Emotional labor has also been reported to have a strong negative correlation with employee health (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012).
Mesmer-Magnus et al. (2012) found that employees who engage in surface acting resulting in emotional dissonance are associated with burnout, where employees who engage in deep acting are not predictive of burnout. The emotional energy needed to engage in feigning emotions in order to comply with the organizations display rules depletes an employee‘s emotional reserve, which creates stress and reduces his or her ability to cope with job stressors (Mesmer-Magnus et al.,
2012). Van Maanen and Kunda (1989) argued that further suppression of the self in
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order to be in congruence with organizational display rules can lead to such consequences as burnout and physical illness.
In a study conducted by Guy et al. (2008) of the Office of the Public
Guardian, Department of Correction and 911 call takers found a number of respondents cope with burnout while others have succumbed to it. ―When the workplace does not recognize the human side of work and the emotional labor required to effectively perform the work, then the risk of burnout grows, carrying with it a high price‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 119).
Parallel to burnout is growing research in the area of vicarious trauma. There are a variety of job professions, commonly referred to as the helping professions, affected by Post Traumatic Stress Disorder and vicarious trauma.
Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) was first defined as a disorder specific to wartime trauma (Jaffe and Schub, 2013). It has since evolved to describing psychological outcomes with a variety of events, such as life threatening accidents, sexual abuse, miscarriage, and natural disasters (Jaffe and Schub, 2013).
According to the American Psychological Association, persons are
diagnosed with PTSD if they meet all of the following criteria:
witnessing or experiencing at least one life-threatening or otherwise
traumatic event that had potential for physical harm and the person
responded with helplessness, fear, or horror; continued re-experiencing
(i.e. flashbacks or nightmares of the traumatic event) even though the
threat has been removed; experiencing hyper arousal (e.g., active
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startle response), insomnia, and irritability, emotional numbing with
mindful avoidance of all triggers (e.g. situations) that remind the
person of the traumatic event; distress or social dysfunction in daily
activities (e.g., work, school, social events); and persistence of all the
previous criteria for at least one month following the traumatic event
(Jaffe and Schub, 2013, p. 1).
It is believed those who witness traumatic stress in others over a prolonged period of time may develop symptoms similar to or associated with PTSD (Mattison,
2012). Individuals who have PTSD can have impaired work productivity and family and social relationships (Mattison, 2012). They also tend to miss more days of work and have higher rates of physical health problems (Mattison, 2012). If PTSD goes without being diagnosed, the most tragic outcome is suicide (Brown, 2003). For example, police officers are considered one of the helping professions exposed to high levels of stress. ―In New York City, about twice as many officers, about 300 annually die by their own hands as are killed in the line of duty‖ (Brown, 2003, p. 9).
Vicarious trauma is closely related to post-traumatic stress disorder; however, it affects those that have been emotionally affected by the trauma of another (Figley,
2011and Mattison, 2012). Vicarious trauma is defined as ―a transformation in the self of a trauma worker or helper that results from empathetic engagement with traumatized clients and their reports of traumatic experiences‖ (Mattison, 2012, p. 5).
Individuals may have feelings of sadness, fear, anger, grief, and anxiety (Mattison,
2012). They may also experience flashbacks, nightmares, and upsetting thoughts
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(Mattison, 2012). Behaviors as a result of vicarious trauma can include withdrawing socially, increased use of alcohol and/or drugs, loss of energy, agitation, restlessness, and rapid heartbeat (―National Institute of Mental Health,‖ 2010).
Vicarious trauma has also been associated with work-related trauma
(Mattison, 2012) and defined as part of compassion fatigue with burnout (Stamm,
2010). ―Compassion fatigue is described as the overall lessening of compassion for the human condition, and is used to identify the mental conditions of nurses, psychotherapists and caregivers‖ (Mattison, 2012, p. 6). The individual becomes exposed to another person‘s pain for a length of time, which allows them to feel the emotions of the trauma (Figley, 2011).
Vicarious trauma has been an area of study in a wide range of professions commonly referred to as the helping professions including police, first responders, and nurses. Criminal courtrooms are places where disturbing details are revealed making courtroom staff vulnerable to vicarious trauma leading to studies conducted involving courtroom personnel. Many incidents are relived in the courtroom and affect judges, jurors, and attorneys. Peter Jaffe in 2003 conducted a study of 105 judges involving the effects of vicarious trauma on judicial officers‘ exposure to courtroom proceedings. The symptoms from the stress of vicarious trauma were grouped into three categories: internal, external hostility, and unique trauma (Jaffe,
2003). The survey found that judges with 7 or more years of experience were found to score higher in external/hostility and internal factors than those with less time on the
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bench. Such research indicated the length of time a judicial officer has on the job can impact the level of stress caused by the work he or she does (Mattison, 2012).
Job Requirements for Courtroom Clerks
Mattison (2012) conducted a study on how vicarious trauma is an unaddressed issue for courtroom employees. Mattison‘s research focused on courtroom clerks who attend trials that consisted of graphic and/or disturbing material regarding felonies and domestic violence for Superior Courts located in the state of California.
Mattison‘s study also discussed the type of requirements needed for these positions and how human resource managers‘ address circumstances when courtroom clerks encounter graphic and/or disturbing material. Job requirements of entry level courtroom clerk positions were found to be basic in nature ranging from 1 year of clerical experience to 2 years‘ worth in a court or legal setting (Mattison, 2012).
According to Mattison (2012), the only court that provided a special requirement for applying for the position of courtroom clerk was the Superior Court of California,
County of Calaveras, as follows:
Tolerate exposure to: evidence and testimony that may be disturbing, such as photographs of murder scenes and victims; evidence that may include syringes, drugs, weapons and blood; defendant and witnesses who may potentially be verbally or physically abusive; allergens, such as perfumes and dust, and unpleasant odors, such as unwashed clothing, chemicals offered into evidence and unwashed people. (Mattison, 2012, p. 21)
The Superior Court of California, County of Calaveras, added this special requirement some time ago due to a clerk becoming upset from evidence that was
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presented at a hearing she was covering (Email Communication Pamela James).
However, adding this requirement has not had any effect in hiring or retention of staff
(P. James, Personal Communication, January 13, 2014).
Mattison (2012) also found interview questions that specifically asked the individual about his or her capability of working with cases involving the death penalty in Orange County, California, for the position of Capital Case Coordinator.
The position does not require the person to attend court hearings; however, it does require the person to review every capital case in detail to ensure accuracy (Mattison,
2012). Such review involves viewing exhibits such as photographs, paper, etc., that can be graphic and disturbing in nature (Mattison, 2012). Such information included in the requirements of the position of courtroom clerk, as well as training, helps to alert individuals that do not have much knowledge about the courts to decide if he or she is able to handle such items of evidence and exposure to unpleasant testimony
(Mattison, 2012).
Employee Assistance Programs and Training
Mattison (2012) also discovered that 18 out of the nineteen19 courts that responded to the survey have an Employee Assistance Program (EAP) through an outside provider. The goal of the EAP is to provide employees free of charge confidential counseling to help cope with life‘s challenges. About half of these courts, 9 out of the 19, had some form of procedure in place to help court staff after a critical workplace incident, a one-time traumatic event (Mattison, 2012). Two courts out of the 19 stated that their protocol is to contact their EAP provider after an
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employee has experienced a traumatic event (Mattison, 2012). Seven out of the 19 courts did not have a formal procedure in place; however, they had used outside counseling agencies in the past (Mattison, 2012). Out of these 7 courts, 5 would contact their EAP provider, while one reported using mediators and another contacting a local chaplain (Mattison, 2012). Six courts out of the 19 identified that they would refer an employee to their EAP provider if they were showing difficulties as a result of a particular case or exposure to disturbing evidence and/or testimony
(Mattison, 2012). However, this is only as a result of employees reporting to the supervisor that they are upset from the court proceeding; many to go unreported
(Mattison, 2012).
Mattison‘s (2012) research also found new hires are trained on rules, regulations, laws, and statutes through lecture-based training. Once this is completed, they receive ―on the job‖ training with more experienced courtroom clerks (Mattison,
2012). However, there is minimal training regarding the graphic material new clerks are exposed to (Mattison, 2012).
Research has shown that ―investing in an internal training program can provide the education and resources needed for employees, both old and new, to do their jobs to the best of their abilities and improve the productivity and success of your organization‖ (Sauer, 2006, p. 1). Properly trained employees are essential to the attainment of the goals and objectives of the organization. ―Training and development practices constitute one of the most important ways to assist personnel in gaining new knowledge and skills required to adhere to competitive
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standards‖ (Koster, Grip, and Fouarge, 2011, p. 2403). Training and development has been linked to reduction of employee turnover and increased job satisfaction (Koster et al., 2011). A number of studies have shown that when investing in the development of employees, job turnover decreases and job satisfaction is positively affected. (Koster et al. 2011and Georgellis & Lange, 2007). Such an area needed for training is vicarious trauma as it is unique as not everyone has the same factors.
Existing research has documented reoccurring themes of training, self-care, supervision, agency policies, and procedures to help prevent and/or treat vicarious trauma (Johnson, 2012). Johnson (2012) conducted a qualitative study to explore various agency strategies to reduce or prevent vicarious trauma. Five interviews were conducted with individuals who have survived trauma from different agencies to include inpatient mental health treatment facilities, outpatient mental health clinics, and crisis centers (Johnson, 2012). Due to the small number of participants in this study, the findings cannot be generalized and only suggestions can be made (Johnson,
2012).
Johnson (2012) found mixed results; some organizations employed very few strategies while others had multiple strategies. Johnson found that most agencies provided adequate benefits and training and encouraged employees to engage in self- care. Only two participants said that staff at their agencies are encouraged to discuss how they are impacted by their client‘s trauma (Johnson, 2012). Such findings failed to follow recommendations that organizations provide group discussions in regard to feelings and encounters of working with individuals who have experienced trauma.
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The theme of training also emerged from this study (Johnson, 2012). Four of the five participants revealed that their agencies provided them with specific training on the types of impact they will experience working with survivors of trauma
(Johnson, 2012). This is congruent with recommendations for the need of trauma- focused training and continuing education programs to increase awareness and the ability to identify symptoms of vicarious trauma. Employees should be supported by the organization, provided with adequate mental health coverage, and paid time off to address trauma issues (Johnson, 2012). Staff should also be encouraged to engage in self-care strategies through the establishment of a positive work environment with a strong sense of community (Johnson, 2012). It is critical for the well-being of organizations to help prevent staff from the impact of vicarious trauma.
Training staff of the components of emotional labor will help assist them with dealing with stressful encounters. Such training can be divided into three categories: orientation program, on-going training program, and a stress management program
(Hwa, Supinah, Japang, Rosie, and Nasah, 2010). In implementing training programs, behavior modeling training has been reported to be the most widely used training intervention that involves role playing, modeling, social reinforcement, and transfer of training (Hwa et al., 2010). In this type of training employees are first shown what is considered good emotion management techniques and then asked to role play as customer-employees. Employees are then provided with feedback and praise by their manager or trainer (Hwa et al., 2010).
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Orientation programs are a good way to target new employees in order to show the appropriate display rules for the organization (Hwa et al., 2010). The important part of this orientation is on performing good customer service (Hwa et al.,
2010). However, the organization also needs to be vigilant in addressing the negative effects of emotional labor and include this in the training (Hwa et al., 2010). Focus needs to also be on the employees‘ well-being with an opportunity for them to discuss what they are feeling to allow for a more effective way to manage their emotions
(Hwa et al., 2010). This type of employee-focus training has several benefits. First, the employees are aware that management acknowledges the emotional contribution they put into their jobs (Hwa et al., 2010). In return, this will enhance employee productivity and motivation. Second, it provides the employees with an outlet to vent their negative emotions as a result of performing the job (Hwa et al., 2010). Most importantly, it helps develop employees with the ability to handle their frustrations and anger (Hwa et al., 2010).
In addition to orientation programs, ongoing training should also be utilized
(Hwa et al., 2010). Such training should help employees learn how to perform deep acting instead of surface acting (Hwa et al., 2010). Deep acting has been reported to have consistent favorable outcomes with employees such as decreased emotional exhaustion and increased job satisfaction (Hwa et al., 2010). Integrating deep acting practices into training allows for emotional expressions to appear more genuine and spontaneous (Hwa et al., 2010). This training also allows the opportunity for employees to discuss their feelings and frustrations (Hwa et al., 2010).
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As a result of the stress involved in performing emotional labor, stress management programs should also be included to help employees cope with strain as a result of emotional labor (Hwa et al., 2010). ―Stress management programs should adopt emotion-focused coping rather than the problem-focused coping approach to deal with stressors‖ (Hwa et al., 2010, p. 31). Emotion-focused strategy allows the employees to address and alleviate their stressful feelings where problem-focused is the action taken directly with the source of the stress (Hwa et. al., 2010).
Kirkpatrick‘s 4-level model would prove to be a beneficial tool to measure the impact of such training (Smidt, Balandin, Sigafoos, and Reed, 2009). Training can be time consuming and costly, but it is important to not lose sight of the end result of a more efficiently run organization (Smidt et al., 2009). The establishment of professional development programs should include standards and guidelines to measure its impact upon the organization. Kirkpatrick‘s 4 level model included the following: the first level of evaluation, reaction, would allow employees to complete a post-course evaluation of their impressions of the program; the second level learning involved measuring the knowledge and skills an employee has learned; the third level behavior or performance involved assessing the employees‘ ability to use what they have learned in the actual workplace; and the fourth level, referred to as results, measured the impact of the training overall which includes both morale and the financial impacts upon the organization (Smidt et al., 2009). The implementation of such a model would help determine if the needs of the employees, judicial officers,
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and clients have been met as well as the goals as set forth by the professional development and/or training programs (Smidt et al., 2009).
As discussed previously, most of the courts that responded to the survey identified EAPs as a way to help employees cope with both life and work outside the job environment. However, only employees who reported to their supervisor that they were upset after a court proceeding would be referred to such resources.
Therefore, many court personnel who are subjected to traumatic and stressful material are not as likely to be offered help (Mattison, 2012).
It is best to initiate training as well as establish EAPs. Training of employees often involves teaching technical and cognitive work skills (Mattison, 2012).
According to a survey conducted by Guy et al., (2008), new employees are trained in the technical skills of the job but not in the emotional work. This is often due to disconnect between the traditional practices of human resources and public service jobs. Often, job descriptions describe the formal requirements of the job position while failing to capture the emotional labor aspect of the job (Guy et al., 2008). This can be detrimental for positions that involve the subject of caring for the well-being of others‘ needs. Remaining neutral and unfeeling can undermine public confidence.
―Effective caring requires a congruency between the situation, citizen‘s needs and the state‘s response (Guy et al., 2008, p. 11). An occupation often referred to as displaying neutrality and unfeeling is police officers.
Compounding the problems created by an unfocused approach to training is the general lack of cross training (Kotter, 1996). All too often, knowledge and ability
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to perform critical functions reside in a few select individuals. As a result, this leads to inadequate service to the public (Kotter, 1996). ―One of the many problems in complacent organizations is that rigidity and conservatism making learning difficult‖
(Kotter, 1996, p.48). Cross training allows employees to perform each other‘s assignments by training them to do multiple jobs. Although employees who are cross trained must be pulled from their normal jobs to be trained in other duties, thereby causing some loss of efficiency in the short term, it does have advantages. Slomp and
Molleman (2002) found the following:
…it creates a buffer that helps the team to deal more effectively with shifts in demand…Another advantage is the benefit in cases of fluctuation in supply of human resources caused by, for example, attrition, turnover, absenteeism or illness…Cross training implies that the number of skills each worker masters increases, which in turn creates opportunities for job rotation…Cross training will increase skill variety, which will motivate workers and possibly affect the quality of working life…cross training may improve the possibility of workers helping one another or sharing their workload (p. 1194).
Emotions in the Courtroom
The courtroom is usually a place filled with negative emotions. In criminal cases, defendants are angry with victims feeling distressed. Court users often feel intimidated, experiencing feelings of uncertainty and fear which can affect emotional displays (Anleu and Mack, 2003). Jury duty can be an extremely difficult experience, especially when deciding to deprive another person of his or her life. The Supreme
Court has acknowledged, ―Jury duty is usually unsought and sometimes resisted, and it may be as difficult for one juror suddenly to face the findings that can send another 61
human being to prison, as it is for another to hold out conscientiously for acquittal‖
(Pettys, 2007, p. 1637).
As a result of time former jurors spent on a case, some have reported experiencing physical illnesses and psychosocial difficulties (Pettys, 2007). When faced with seeing or hearing evidence that may invoke strong emotions, jurors ―may feel a need to express those emotions through their verdict – indeed, failing to find an adequate means of expressing those emotions might itself create a physiological feeling of discomfort‖ (Pettys, 2007, p. 1637). A study conducted by Bright (2008) involving mock jurors who were exposed to gruesome photographs found jurors felt angrier in regard to what happened to the victim. Such emotional reactions were not impacted by instructions of the presiding judge who warned them of the potential for bias taking place when emotion is used in decision making (Bright, 2008). ―Jurors exposed to gruesome evidence in criminal cases may be more likely to experience affective reactions to the evidence, and to make no attempt to counteract for any potential bias once they are instructed regarding the potential for prejudice (Bright,
2008, p. 202).
―The risk of extreme emotional suffering is especially a concern for jurors who must decide whether a defendant lives or dies‖ (Woolf, 2011, p. 6). As a result of exposure to graphic evidence and testimony, a juror‘s emotional turmoil may not end with the trial (Woolf, 2011). Often at the end of trials, post-trial debriefings are conducted to address juror stress and provide the opportunity to further discuss the experience (Woolf, 2011). Debriefing is described as a structured group discussion
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led by a debriefer, who helps jurors who have been exposed to a significant amount of stress re-adjust to some sense of normalcy (Woolf, 2011).
Donna Wunderlich (2008), in ―Improving the Jury Experience through Juror
Education in North Dakota,‖ examined the need and importance of pre-trial education for jurors. ―The American Bar Association recognizes that it is the responsibility of the court to provide prospective jurors with information of what is expected of them during the term of service and give them specific instructions once they are selected as jurors‖ (Woolf, 2011, p. 14). As a result of this standard, jurors are to be provided with the necessary information in regard to their service. Such information can help reduce stress and confusion. Wunderlich (2008) found in her study that there was an inconsistency and lack of information being provided to jurors upon their arrival for jury duty. As a result, Wunderlich (2008) recommended improving the juror experience as follows:
increase the information provided to prospective jurors prior to arrival at the courthouse and take steps to ensure that the information provided is helpful, make educational brochures and pamphlets available to jurors upon arrival at the courthouse, inquire as to the special needs of jurors prior to voir dire, establish a staff training program, establish and implement juror exit surveys, utilize ongoing surveys via mail of impaneled jurors to ensure clear instructions and identify areas for ongoing improvement, convene a focus group, enlist support of the judges to provide juror education at various stages of the trial, adapt the American Judicature Society Deliberations guide for use in North Dakota Courts and increase public education through community outreach efforts. (pp. 34-40)
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Providing pertinent information to jurors helps mitigate certain levels of stress, resulting in a more positive experience in the judicial process (Wunderlich, 2008).
Such recommendations for jurors may also be beneficial for the criminal case managers.
Cases have also shown that juror stress can be linked to the hearing of grisly evidence and the deliberation process. In a study conducted by Stanley Kaplan
(1985) on jury stress, he found jurors who sat on a murder case where evidence such as blood stained clothes and explicit photographs were handled by the jury resulted in four of the jurors fitting the criteria for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. A number of the jurors reported suffering from intense physiological reactions, such as headaches, nausea, heart palpitations, shakiness, and insomnia (Kaplan, 1985).
Another study conducted in 2005 by the Yukon Department of Justice evaluated the effectiveness of providing a debriefing session to alleviate juror stress as a result of service in murder trials (Woolf, 2011). The study found that jurors were overly pleased with the debriefing process, finding it beneficial and helpful (Woolf,
2011). A 1998 study conducted by the National Center for State Courts helped to determine sources of juror stress. Findings indicated few individuals experienced clinical stress due to the overall jury experience; however, one-third who sat on a trial resulted in some stress and over half thought other jurors experienced stress (Woolf,
2011).
Such results supported previous assumptions that jurors sitting on cases involving capital offenses and gruesome evidence report higher levels of stress. ―In
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general, the more severe the offense, and the longer the trial, the more jurors reported stress, and the more judges suspected stress‖ (Woolf, 2011, p. 13).
Jurors and Court Staff
Studies have also been conducted on both jurors and court room staff due to the similarities of both serving on trials resulting in exposure to graphic testimony and evidence. A qualitative study of stress involving high profile trials in the North
Dakota Court system among jurors and court staff was conducted by Carolyn Woolf
(2011). This study involved surveying jurors and employees to include court clerks, court recorders, and court reporters who sat on felony trials to determine the impact the trial experience had on them. Such trials were categorized as Class A or AA felony and included the following types of cases: Gross sexual imposition, continuous sexual abuse of a child, abuse or neglect of a child, murder, conspiracy to commit murder, attempted murder, accomplice to murder, and delivery of methamphetamine within 100 yards of a school and delivery of cocaine (Woolf,
2011).
Woolf‘s (2011) research found there is a significant impact on both jurors‘ and employees‘ emotional well-being as a result of serving on these type of felony type trials. The study also revealed a higher level of stress for employees and potential burnout. According to Woolf (2011):
The impact of high profile cases for an employee may well be more significant due to the amount of exposure to certain types of evidence and testimony, which on the other hand a juror may experience on a one time basis and have far less exposure to the evidence. (p. 46) 65
Court employees in North Dakota work on multiple trials, leading to compounded levels of stress and burnout. On an open-ended questionnaire an employee wrote:
I remember being mentally exhausted by the end of the trial. I believe I was encouraged by my boss to take a day off. In addition, after preparing the transcript, I was given the same opportunity to take a well-deserved vacation. (Wolfe, 2011, p. 45)
Employees also often experience a personal investment as a result of empathizing for the victims in a court trial as well as family members, jurors, and the defendant. An employee indicated: After I read the verdict in court, the defendant exploded and it took several officers to secure him. I had the bailiff immediately escort the jury out of the courtroom. When I got to the jury room, they were huddled like a basket of kittens. In a case such as this one, counseling should have been offered to jurors. (Wolfe, 2011, p. 46)
After such outbursts, with the jury being removed, the employee remained in the courtroom subject to the discussion at hand as well as to more details of the case being presented which may include graphic pictures, video and testimony. It was revealed that ―59% of employees indicated concern or discomfort with disturbing/grisly evidence being presented compared to 42% of jurors in this study‖
(Wolfe, 2011, p. 37). Such data acknowledged that high profile cases may have a significant impact on court employees.
The Courts and Criminal Trials
―Over the past twenty years, appellate courts have reexamined criminal convictions because spectators wore symbolic displays of emotion during the trial‖
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(Lind, 2008, p. 1149). Jurors are easily susceptible to factors such as empathy, sympathy, and compassion that can influence the handing down of their verdict.
Family, friends, and members of the public can also influence a jury both unintentionally or intentionally by sitting where they can be seen wearing expressive clothing such as buttons with the victim‘s picture, armbands, and color-coded ribbons
(Lind, 2008). The courts have handed down conflicting views on the issue of expressive clothing such as it erodes the defendant‘s right to a fair trial or any prejudice presented by a spectator‘s display can be remedied through judges‘ instructions to the jury (Lind, 2008).
The United States Supreme Court addressed the issue of if courtroom conditions infringe upon the right to a fair trial in Estelle v. Williams and Holbrook v.
Flynn (Lind, 2008). In Estelle v. Williams, the U.S. States Supreme Court addressed the issue of a defendant wearing prison garb instead of civilian clothes during his trial
(Lind, 2008). The defendant had asked to wear civilian clothing during his trial but was denied this request by the trial judge (Lind, 2008). He was later convicted of murder (Lind, 2008). ―The U.S. State Supreme Court determined that when a defendant is compelled to wear a prison uniform to trial, the constant reminder of the accuser‘s condition implicit in such distinctive, identifiable attire may affect a juror‘s judgment‖ (Lind, 2008, p. 1150). In Holbrook v. Flynn, the issue arose when defense counsel argued that the strong presence of uniformed officers in the front row of the public‘s section influenced the jury through the implication that the defendants were of bad character (Lind, 2008). ―The U.S. Supreme Court disagreed and held that the
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jury could reasonably draw a wide range of inferences from the officers, therefore, the presence of officers were not inherently prejudicial‖ (Lind, 2008, p. 1150).
The issue of symbolic items in the courtroom was found by the Ninth Circuit in Norris v. Risley to violate the Confrontation Clause of the Sixth Amendment to the constitution and that the symbolic displays of emotion ―constituted a statement,‖ not subject to cross –examination‖ (Lind, 2008, p. 1161). The Confrontation Clause serves to ensure the defendant the opportunity to cross examine the witnesses against them (Lind, 2008). When family members and friends make statements through their use of expressive items, such external testimony is free from the defendant‘s right of cross examination (Lind, 2008). ―The Ninth Circuit held the presence of spectators wearing buttons deprived the defendant a fair trial because the buttons allow[ed] extraneous, prejudicial considerations to permeate the proceedings without subjecting them to the safeguards of confrontation and cross-examination‖ (Lind, 2008, p.
1159). This exposes the jury to the spectator‘s viewpoint which may misrepresent the truth (Lind, 2008). ―When a defendant‘s right to confront evidence presented to the jury (in this case visual statements from spectators) is violated, there is no guarantee that evidence submitted to the jury is reliable or relevant‖ (Lind, 2008, p. 1160).
Due process requires that items expressive in nature be prohibited from the courtroom (Lind, 2008). ―In Sheppard v. Maxwell, the Supreme Court determined:
―Due process requires the accused receive a trial by an impartial jury free from outside influences‖ (Lind, 2008, p. 1161). If the judge or jury has the slightest
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temptation of rendering a verdict based not on the evidence provided, the Supreme
Court considers a denial of due process has taken place (Lind, 2008).
The U.S. Supreme Court has emphasized the importance of access to criminal trials and involvement of crime victims (Lind, 2008). In Payne v. Tennessee, Justices
Souter and Kennedy discussed the importance of victim‘s friends and family partaking in the judicial process (as cited in Lind, 2008):
Just as defendants appreciate the web of relationships and dependencies in which they live, they know their victims are not human islands, but individuals with parents or children, spouses, or friends or dependents. Thus, when a defendant chooses to kill, or to raise the risk of a victim‘s death, this choice necessarily relates to a whole human being and threatens an association of others, who may be distinctly hurt. (p. 1163)
The decisions handed down by the U.S. Supreme Court reflected the importance of victim involvement in the judicial process (Lind, 2008). However, highly emotional trials bring spectators who were close to the victim present who may exhibit emotional outburst such as crying or weeping (Lind, 2008). The
Supreme Court of California noted: ―Courts, cannot expect that families will always conform their behavior to the standards of trained professionals‖ (Lind, 2008, p.
1165).
Facial expressions of defendants have been found to affect juror decision making (MacLin, Downs, MacLin, & Caspers, 2009). A study was conducted on mock jurors who were provided a modified transcript from State of Colorado v.
Robert Sandoval (1982) involving the accused Sandoval stabbing a friend to death
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after a day of drinking at a Thanksgiving party (MacLin et al., 2009). The mock jury members were given photos of the defendant portraying facial emotions of anger or remorse (MacLin et al., 2009). The study found that facial expression had an impact on jurors‘ decision making (MacLin et al., 2009). ―The only time a verdict of not guilty was rendered was when participants saw the remorseful photo. A verdict of second degree murder was rendered when participants saw the angry photo‖ (MacLin et al., 2009, p. 3).
Such findings exhibit the importance of defendant facial expressions upon jurors‘ perception of the accused, which could introduce a source of bias in the decision making process (MacLin et al., 2009). According to MacLin et al. (2009), such research shows
biasing effects of information beyond the evidence may not be in the form of inadmissible evidence, pretrial publicity or due to juror misconduct. Rather, they may arise out of the expressions the defendant exhibits, and the attributions jurors make about those expressions. (p. 4)
It is important for criminal case managers to be mindful of their own non- verbal communication, such as body language, eye contact, facial expression, and gestures as they convey the unspoken language of their own feelings and emotions that can influence the watchful eye of the jury (―Texas Courts Online,‖ n.d.). As a result, courts have established judicial code of conduct rules for judges and clerks to maintain bias-free courtrooms by exhibiting dignity, patience, and courtesy to all parties (―Texas Courts Online,‖ n.d.).
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Emotional Labor and Criminal Justice Personnel
Most human service professionals work in the public service sector area.
Such work requires managing emotions in order to achieve organizational goals. One area of public service that is affected by emotional labor is the employees who work in the criminal justice field. Such jobs directly or indirectly affect the courts. The next section of this paper will discuss how magistrates, attorneys, paralegals, police officers, correctional guards, and 911 operators are affected by emotional labor.
Emotional labor and magistrates. Limited research has been conducted on the area of emotional labor and magistrates (Anleu and Mack, 2003). Anleu and
Mack (2003) examined emotional labor among magistrates in Australia. In order to perform their work, magistrates often have to regulate their own emotions as well as the emotions of others. The magistrates in Australia have similar duties as the ones in the United States which made this an applicable study to include in this research.
They are the first point of contact for a large number of court users (Anleu and Mack,
2003). Many defendants who enter the justice system at this point are often not represented by council and express a variety of emotions to include distress and anger. Magistrates sit alone in deciding cases without the option of a jury, and their decisions are appealable (Anleu and Mack, 2003).
Through a qualitative study conducted with over 40 magistrates in Australia,
Anleu and Mack (2003) found that magistrates are conscious of feeling rules and presentation of self. They express concern for the impression and experience the client will take away from the magistrate court (Anleu and Mack, 2003). There are a
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number of constraints for magistrates to effectively perform emotional labor. The number of cases magistrates see on a daily basis inhibits them from performing intensive emotional labor (Anleu and Mack, 2003). They must also perform their job in accordance with the law and evidence presented without engaging in emotional labor and remain vigilant of ethical principles as they pertain to judicial conduct
(Anleu and Mack, 2003).
Emotional labor and attorneys. The legal system in the United States invokes an adversary process to resolve disputes. Each side of the dispute has a right to present its case in accordance with the rules of evidence. Lawyers are charged with representing their party‘s position and have been shown to be prone to emotional distress (Juergens, 2005). The work done by lawyers is often seen as requiring less emotion than other professions. However, ―the emotional work is at least as taxing as the cerebral, because lawyers deal with the effects of law on peoples‘ lives‖
(Juergens, 2005, p. 413). Lawyers often deal with difficult personal problems of their clients that involve high levels of emotion and anxiety. Clients who are already upset and angry will often direct their pain towards the attorney hired to represent them
(Cogan, 2012). Often lawyers try to persuade clients who may be reluctant in reaching a negotiated settlement; this entails managing their emotions (Anleu and
Mack, 2003). Through interaction with witnesses, clients, judges, and jurors, lawyers engage in emotional labor (Anleu and Mack, 2003).
Another area of the legal system in which emotional labor is performed is by immigration solicitors and barristers in the United Kingdom (Westaby, 2010).
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Immigration solicitors work within the field of asylum law (Westaby, 2010). They are expected to deal directly with clients to include adults and/or children from a broad range of cultural backgrounds who are claiming refugee protected status in the United
Kingdom (Westaby, 2010). Such clients are fearful of persecution if returned to their country of origin. They may have already been tortured, raped, assaulted, or physically threatened (Westaby, 2010).
A case study approach was used by Westaby (2010) focusing on immigration solicitors. It was found that immigration solicitors engage in highly specialized emotional labor (Westaby, 2010). They must establish mutual trust and confidence with the client by engaging in deep acting or genuine emotional responses in order to produce emotional displays of empathy (Westaby, 2010). Such displays of emotion concerned the immigration solicitors of becoming too emotionally attached to their client (Westaby, 2010). In order to protect themselves from emotional attachment, they would focus on the legal aspects of the case in order to become detached
(Westaby, 2010). However, less experienced immigration solicitors found it difficult to find the right balance of emotional display, resulting in depression, decreasing task efficiency, and burnout (Westaby, 2010).
Harris (2002) conducted an exploratory study of barristers involving the origins, nature, and consequences of emotional labor. Harris found that barristers routinely display expected emotions according to the needs and expectations of their audience (Harris, 2002). When the interaction was private, barristers were found to engage in surface acting (Harris, 2002). In public, barristers were found to employ
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both surface and deep acting in an effort to generate emotions (Harris, 2002). ―This is consistent with the theory of Morris and Feldman (1996) who note that emotional labor varies according to the intensity and duration of emotional displays‖ (Harris,
2002, p. 577).
In research conducted by Juergens (2005) on the importance of emotion in law teaching, she noted:
In three decades of law work that for many, the deliberate silencing of emotion leads to muteness of emotion. As one‘s own ability to express feelings declines, it seems to follow that the ability to hear other people‘s feelings atrophies too. (p. 417)
Lawyers are trained to respond to the external facts of the situation, often overlooking the client‘s inner experience (Juergens, 2005). Attorneys need to use emotion with reason to sustain an effective law practice (Juergens, 2005). With clients already in a highly emotional state, it is easy for them to misconstrue the attorney-client relationship that the lawyer has greater influence than they actually do which leads to frustration and disappointment and possible resentment towards the attorney
(Juergens, 2005). In order to deal with angry clients and assessing the possible risk of harm in relation to a specific client, it is important for attorney‘s to understand the client‘s psychological state and encourage open communication for discussion to get to the root of the problem (Cogan, 2012).
Emotional labor and paralegals. Emotional labor has also been studied and found to exist with paralegals in law firms through an ethnographic study conducted by Pierce (1995). Pierce‘s research (1995) also revealed different challenges that 74
women and men face in performing the interactional requirements of the job. The profession of paralegal is mostly a female occupation which shapes the requirements of the job to include the types of emotional labor they are expected to perform
(Wharton, 2009). Paralegals are responsible not only for completing legal research but also for providing emotional support for the lawyers they work for, resulting in emotional labor (Pierce, 1995). When trial lawyers become upset, losing their temper, paralegals are expected to remain calm and be comforting (Pierce, 1995).
Such requirements of emotional display are not present in their job description; however, such expression of deference is an expectation in the interactions between a paralegal and attorney (Wharton, 2009). Pierce (1995) argued that women‘s portraying such an emotional role reproduces their subordinate position in the hierarchy of the law firm. However, men who perform the same paralegal job are often not held by the same norms (Pierce, 1995). They may suppress their emotions; however, they do not have to engage in caring, consoling behavior (Pierce,
1995).
Lively (2002), in contrast to Pierce‘s (1995) study, ―examined the emotional labor performed by paralegals working in small consumer-oriented law firms who have increased levels of client contact‖ (p. 199). Paralegals working in small consumer-oriented law firms are often the first point of contact as they are responsible for screening potential clients and handling the majority of client interactions (Lively, 2002). This is unlike the paralegals in Pierce‘s (1995) study of
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paralegals working in midsize to large law firms specializing in corporate or commercial interests with limited client contact.
This study allowed for a broader analysis as paralegals are not typically classified as interactive service workers (Lively, 2002). Consumer-oriented paralegals deal with numerous interruptions throughout the day in which they manage not only their own emotions but also the negative emotions of the clients having to seek legal counsel. As a result, they are more likely to engage in emotional labor for the benefits of clients and less likely to engage in emotional labor with the attorneys.
On a daily basis, they deal with the emotional state of clients, explain legal procedures, and act as an emotional buffer for the benefit of both attorneys and clients. Lively (2002) found consumer-oriented paralegals to describe their relationships with attorneys more positive in nature as a result of fewer interactions with the attorneys.
Emotional labor and police officers. Police officers, through training, are discouraged from connecting emotionally with victims as it can disrupt an investigation (Goodrum and Stafford, 2003). A qualitative study conducted by
Goodrum and Stafford (2003) examined criminal justice workers, specifically prosecutors‘, detectives‘, and victim service counselors‘ management of their own and bereaved victims‘ sadness, specifically victims who have lost a loved one to murder (2003). The study investigated how criminal justice workers feel about the encounters they have with bereaved victims (Goodrum and Stafford, 2003).
Organizations establish both formal and informal rules regarding the expression of
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emotions. After a careful examination, Goodrum and Stafford (2003) found that criminal justice workers felt bad not only for the bereaved victims but also for themselves. They felt that they were not able to alleviate the victims‘ sadness and realized from past experiences that their work or assistance failed to provide much comfort (Goodrum and Stafford, 2003). Specifically, detectives assigned to investigate cases did not like encountering bereaved victims (Goodrum and Stafford,
2003). They felt disheartened if they were not able to solve the case. Such encounters challenge the emotionally detached self (Goodrum and Stafford, 2003).
In adding to the emotional labor research, it is important to also take into account the effect of suppressing discrete emotions (Gelderen, van Bakker, Konijn, and Demerouti, 2011). A qualitative study conducted of criminal investigation officers from a Criminal Investigations Department in the Netherlands by Gelderen et al., 2011) investigated what negative emotions were most commonly suppressed in performing their job duties. These investigators dealt with situations that involved traumatic circumstances, such as injured and murdered victims, drug cases, severe crime scenes, and other crimes against humanity (Gelderon et al., 2011). ―The investigators were asked to describe a critical work incident where they had to suppress their actually felt emotions while at work‖ (Gelderon et al, 2011, p.
523).The study (Gelderon et al., 2011) found the negative emotions of anger, abhorrence, which means severe loathing for a situation or person, and sadness were suppressed the most by criminal investigators. It was also reported that they had to
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suppress the feelings of sadness and abhorrence on a regular basis as part of their emotional labor (Gelderon et al., 2011).
In following up on these results, Gelderon et al. (2011) also investigated how suppression of negative emotions affected criminal investigators. They found a mediating relationship to exist involving emotional dissonance between emotional job demands and burnout (Gelderon et al., 2011). This validated earlier findings of emotional labor research in which emotional dissonance is positively related to burnout (Grandey, 2000 and Kruml and Geddes, 2000).
This study was also important as it revealed that different suppressed emotions may have different effects on exhaustion (Gelderon et al., 2011). For example, anger and sadness appeared not to mediate the relationship between exhaustion and job demands; however, the suppression of abhorrence did (Gelderon, et al., 2011). Also, the suppression of abhorrence and anger were positively related to exhaustion at the end of the work day, however sadness was not (Gelderon, et al.,
2011). For emotional dissonance to increase employee exhaustion, the specific felt emotion may play an important role (Gelderon et al., 2011). ―Accordingly, it means emotional job demands that evoke situations of having to suppress (negative) emotions may not necessarily be detrimental to the police officers‘ well-being, depending on the emotion that has to be suppressed‖ (Gelderon, et al., 2011, p. 532).
Emotional labor and correctional staff. Limited research has been conducted examining the effect of emotional dissonance and stress on correctional staff (Tweksbury and Higgins, 2006). Correctional staff members partake in face to
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face contact with inmates on a daily basis in order to provide services such as security, classification, administration, or treatment (Tweksbury and Higgins, 2006).
Of these services, providing transportation of inmates to and from the courthouse for court hearings is also required (Tweksbury and Higgins, 2006). Once at the courthouse, the correctional staff member is required to remain with the inmate in the courtroom during the court hearing (Tweksbury and Higgins, 2006). ―In these exchanges, inmates‘ perceptions of the quality and suitability of service delivery may depend on the emotion (or lack of emotion) expressed by the correctional staff‖
(Tweksbury and Higgins, 2006, p. 290). Such expression of emotions during these exchanges can make the difference between a calm or hostile situation. ―Therefore, to ensure calm intervention with inmates, correctional staff members may be inclined to control their emotional displays‖ (Tweksbury and Higgins, 2006, p. 291). This is extremely important in facilities that are overcrowded with fewer staff due to budgetary cuts as found in a study of correctional guards employed by the Illinois
Department of Corrections conducted by Guy et al., (2008).
The Illinois corrections facility at the end of 2003 was found to be 38.2% over its rated capacity (Guy, et al., 2008). Such an environment can be extremely dangerous for correctional guards. In conducting interviews and focus groups, emotion work was found to be practiced on a daily basis by both correctional guards and wardens (Guy, et al., 2008). The following is an excerpt from a warden characterizing his work:
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I think my job is dealing with people every day…I think that it[emotional labor] does [relate] a lot with [my job]. I think it does. A lot with everyone‘s emotional labor, but I don‘t think you really –you don‘t come into a prison setting and think that. I don‘t think anyone does …I think that [I‘m engaging in emotional labor] every single second of my day…I think the toughest part about my job is you have 1,900 inmates, and you have 400 staff. You know, you gotta go out and talk to those inmates. (Guy et al., 2008, p. 51)
This statement characterizes that the work done by correctional staff involves emotion work and lives also depend on it (Guy, et al., 2008). Such emotion work has led to burnout among correctional staff. In conducting interviews with correctional staff, Guy et al., (2008) found that the culmination of dangerous working conditions, lack of support from the public, and management has contributed to a tremendous amount of emotional demands on these workers. In the following vignette, Guy et al.
(2008) described how a correctional officer discussed the daily grinding pressure that never lets up:
Our jobs are far more difficult emotionally because you have to overcome your own feelings and their feelings and try to make something happen at the same time…One thing I do really stress for myself is not flying off the handle, but remaining calm and that takes a great deal sometimes out of me. Sometimes I go home at night and I‘m just exhausted because I‘ve had to be professional when I sometimes would like very much not to be…All that tension just goes right into you. And it‘s like you carry it around with you. Because I‘m not allowed to shout, scream, yell, carry on like a fool, it just kinda goes around with you. (p. 30)
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Cutbacks resulting in staff doing more with less remains the mantra of administrative reforms in public sector agencies (Guy, et al., 2008). Public distrust and cynicism of government create challenges for public sector works. As a result, public servant agents, such as correctional guards, bear the brunt of budget cuts and insistent service demands (Guy et al., 2008).
In Hochschild‘s (1983) research on emotional labor, she argued that correctional work did not fit the concept of emotional labor (Tweksbury and Higgins,
2006). However, emotional dissonance, which is an important component of emotional labor involving the conflict between genuinely felt emotions and those required (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987), was shown to cause stress according to the study conducted by Tweksbury and Higgins (1987) upon correctional staff at two medium prisons in Kentucky. This research study was important as it differentiated itself from prior studies through the examination of the manifestation of stress as a result of emotional dissonance in correctional staff members. As a result, feelings of emotional dissonance were found to possibly cause harm upon correctional staff members‘ psychological or physical well-being (Tweksbury and Higgins, 2006).
Emotional labor and 911 operators. The job position of a 911 operator is a naturally emotional job that requires call takers to handle their own feelings while having to manage others (Tracy and Tracy, 1998). Many callers are angry and irritated, failing to provide necessary information and answering questions. As a result, call takers experience a broad range of emotions ranging from disgust, irritation, powerlessness, anxiety, sadness, and amusement (Tracy and Tracy, 1998).
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A qualitative study was conducted by Tracy and Tracy that consisted of participant observation, document analysis, and informal interviews to determine how feelings are regulated, expressed, and understood by 911 call takers in a large city emergency communications center (1998). Questions focused on techniques 911 call takers use to deal with angry or hysterical callers, how they manage their own emotions, and what aspects of the job seem to be stressful (Tracy and Tracy, 1998).
The study determined that as a result of the job position of a 911 call taker being exclusively based on telephone communication, call takers are able to remain helpful and empathetic to the caller while displaying emotions through nonverbal expressions of disgust, irritation, or amusement to co-workers. ―When facial expression, gestures and posture can be separated from tone of voice and message content, intriguing combinations of emotional suppression and emotional display are possible‖ (Tracy and Tracy, 1998, p. 408).
On the issue of stress, call takers did not consider their job ―that stressful‖
(Tracy and Tracy, 1998, p. 408). This can be attributed to the physical work environment that was designed to allow the call taker to talk, joke, and share call experiences with their fellow call takers (Tracy and Tracy, 1998).
The work of 911 call takers and how they manage their emotions was also of interest to Guy et al., (2008). A study conducted of 911 call takers in Tallahassee,
Florida, found both positive and negative outcomes to exist from emotion work (Guy, et al., 2008). The intrinsic value of being a 911 call taker and the opportunity to help others was found to represent a powerful motivator for many of the call takers (Guy,
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et al., 2008). ―Engagement with the job is captured by the bounded enthusiasm a 911 call taker feels toward her job‖ (Guy, et al., 2008, p. 28):
I ask myself [why I keep coming back here] many times. I don‘t know. It‘s interesting. It really is interesting. And you know I hate to use the word fun – but it‘s nice. It‘s interesting talking to different people. You meet all kinds of people on the phone. People from everywhere – all walks of life, all colors, all everything and it is interesting, you know? And every once in a while you get that call and you think, I don‘t know if I can do this again… you go back to this crazy, up and down thing you have. (Guy et al., 2008, pp. 28-29)
Some referred to being a 911 operator as a dream job that had a sense of professional and personal accomplishment. However, there are others who experience emotional exhaustion and burnout. As displayed in the following vignette, a 911 call taker explained:
I had the shooting at the hospital…It was nuts. We‘ve had several others. But you‘re talking about how do you get to that level? It‘s like a callous. It‘s that callous that allows you to continue. It‘s not necessarily training. It‘s the experience. It‘s the exposure. It‘s the deadening. My callousness is honestly to the point where I‘ve had to work on having, showing real emotion again. (Guy et al., 2008, p. 31)
Such hardening of emotions contributes to employees being indifferent to the adrenalin highs that accompany this type of emotional work. Guy et al. (2008) also found that peer support helps provide an outlet from frustration and anger as a result of emotion work. Being familiar with the demands of the job allows co-workers to
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understand and empathize with each other in ways that family and friends cannot
(Guy, et al., 2008).
Scholars have treated any emotion displayed in the workplace that is directed at clients or consumers as emotional labor. Hochschild (1983), however, focused the definition of emotional labor as to create a public display that is sold for a wage.
Even though 911 call takers are not visually seen, they are still making an effort in creating a caring and calm tone of voice. Therefore, the ―emotion labor is in the service of another goal rather than the primary product itself‖ (Tracy and Tracy,
1998, p. 407).
Summary of Criminal Justice Professionals and Emotional Labor
Research involving criminal justice professionals and emotional labor has been limited. Such professionals working in the criminal justice system engage in emotional work and skills daily in order to perform their jobs effectively as previously discussed. ―Interactions with the public are required in most jobs, especially as a customer focus is emphasized‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 118). Magistrates, police officers, and lawyers must create an air of authority while, at the same time, be conscious of their emotional displays and remain vigilant of their ethical responsibilities. Correctional staff must also maintain an air of authority but also be mindful of their emotional displays in order to maintain a calm environment as lives may depend on it. ―Operators at 911 call centers must create a sense of calm in order to obtain the information that they need to help callers in crisis situations‖ (Guy et al.,
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2008, p. 82). Paralegals must build trust, be calming, and comforting to both clients and attorneys.
In these professions, emotional labor and interpersonal skills are at the heart of service delivery. ―Emotion work produces benefits including a heightened sense of personal and professional accomplishments, a more productive interpersonal exchange, and a facility to achieve workplace goals‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 119).
However, workers may also feel stress and burnout due to the ability of experiencing both positive and negative outcomes at the same time. One moment a worker may feel invigorated from a successful work experience; however, at the same time, that worker can also feel emotionally exhausted and depersonalization. Such feelings create a dual emotional relationship with one‘s job that may explain why criminal justice workers remain in these occupations. Coping strategies, such as peer support and deep and surface acting may not only help them get by but also provide their own rewards in performing their job duties (Guy et al., 2008).
Job Satisfaction and Turnover
Job satisfaction is defined as a positive or pleasurable emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one‘s job or experience (Saari and Judge, 2004).
Analyzing job satisfaction entails using the Theory of Work Adjustment, which emphasizes the dynamic interaction between employees and their work environment
(Guy et al., 2008). Theory of Work adjustment explains that the more closely an individual‘s abilities coincide with the requirements of the organization, the more likely he or she will perform the job well and perceived as satisfactory by the
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employer (Guy, et al., 2008). This is also similar in regard to the more closely the rewards of the job or organization correlate to the values that the individual is seeking to satisfy through his or her job duties, the more likely the work will be perceived as satisfying (Dawes, 1994).
Research in work adjustment has revealed two important concepts: congruence and self-realization. Congruence implies a ―harmonious relationship between individual and environment‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 114). Self-realization often results in people remaining longer, as it ―refers to the capacity to develop one‘s own talents, resources, meanings, and social relations‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 114). If the performance of emotional labor by employees provides meaning and satisfaction, then taking notice is crucial for performance awards (Guy, et al., 2008).
Job satisfaction has also been said to be an average emotional state that involves good or bad experiences at work (Jiang, Jiang, & Park, 2013). Job satisfaction is closely related to what motivates and does not motivate employees
(Locke, 1976). Employee motivation can be a difficult concept to define due to all the factors involved as discussed in this quote by Stone (2005):
…the product of many interesting factors such as the culture of the organization, management‘s leadership style, the structure of the organization, job design, and HR policies and practices. The employee‘s personality, skills, knowledge, abilities and attitudes all pay a part. (p. 412) As a result of the link between employee motivation and job satisfaction, there are motivation theories that have been studied. One such theory is Herzberg‘s two- factory theory. According to Herzberg, the factors that result in job satisfaction are
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different than the ones involved in job dissatisfaction (Hellriegal and Slocum, 2011).
The factors that can lead to job satisfaction involve how it relates to the actual job itself or the outcomes the employee receives from performing the job (Hellriegal and
Slocum, 2011).
These factors are referred to as motivation factors and are based on characteristics that employees find intrinsically rewarded. Intrinsic rewards are directly associated with the job duties (Hellriegal and Slocum, 2011). They include factors such as challenging work, responsibility, and opportunities that involve using one‘s abilities and skills (Hellriegal and Slocum, 2011). Herzberg suggested that when these motivators are present, they create job satisfaction (Hellriegal and
Slocum, 2011). However, it does not necessarily mean if these motivators are not present, job dissatisfaction will result. The factors that lead to job dissatisfaction are referred to as hygiene factors (Hellriegal and Slocum, 2011). Hygiene factors refer to aspects of the job that employees perceive as extrinsically rewarding (Hellriegal and
Slocum, 2011). Such rewards include pay, promotions, and benefits and are provided by the organization to motivate task performance (Hellriegal and Slocum, 2011).
When hygiene factors are not present, dissatisfaction with the job can occur.
However, when hygiene factors are present, this does not necessarily lead to job satisfaction.
In accordance with Herzberg‘s two-factor theory, Wright and Davis (2003) found four job characteristics that can have an impact on job satisfaction include job routines, job goal specificity, feedback, and human resource development. In a study
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conducted of emotional labor strategies‘ influence on job satisfaction and how job characteristics moderate these influences, individuals who worked in nine large supermarkets in three cities in Mainland China were examined (Jiang. et al., 2013).
They found surface acting to have a negative effect on job satisfaction; however, deep acting to have a positive effect (Jiang, et al., 2013). These findings suggest the employees who partake in surface acting have to suppress their true emotions in order to comply with the organizational display rules, all resulting in a lower level of job satisfaction (Jiang, et al., 2013). However, employees who partake in deep acting are able to maintain a consistency between their emotions and the organization‘s display rules, and this helps in improving their level of job satisfaction (Jiang, et al., 2013).
They may also experience less emotional exhaustion than those employees using surface acting (Jiang et al., 2013).
It was also found that job characteristics moderated the relationship between job satisfaction and emotional labor (Jiang, et al., 2013). A lower level of job routines may be helpful in increasing job satisfaction among employees who use surface acting and is opposite for those using deep acting (Jiang, et al., 2013). In a situation of low job autonomy, employees who use surface acting techniques were found to be more dissatisfied with their jobs than those who engage in deep acting
(Jiang, et al., 2013). Employees who preferred surface acting were more likely to have higher job satisfaction when their position required a low level of skill diversity
(Jiang, et al., 2013). However, it appears that the level of skill diversity does not impact job satisfaction of employees who prefer using deep acting (Jiang et al., 2013).
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Job autonomy and involvement have been found to be important predictors of satisfaction in workers whose jobs require emotional labor (Wharton, 1993, 1999).
Such control over their work and emotional expressions becomes an important factor in determining the given outcome (Morris and Feldman, 1996). Individuals who have high job control would have the possibility to decide whether or not to follow the organization‘s display rule. Such individuals who are high in control may be able to adapt their personality and individual style to the display rule, thereby lessoning the effects of emotional dissonance (Morris and Feldman, 1996).
Research has shown that emotions are positively correlated to job performance (Sue-Chan and Latham, 2004). In a 1999 study conducted by Pugliesi involving employees of a university, she found that ―Emotional labor is at least as important a source of job stress as are job conditions more frequently examined in studies of work stress‖ (p. 146). Her study found decreased job satisfaction and increased psychological distress. ―Parkinson (1991) also found that deceptive impression management a form of self-focused emotional labor in which genuine feelings are masked, was detrimental to job satisfaction‖ (as cited in Pugliesi, 1999, p.
147).
Studies have also focused on emotional labor and its effect on turnover intentions (Grandey, 2003). Satisfied and engaged employees are more vested in their work when their natural feelings are more consistent with the organization‘s display rules (Grandey, 2003). Workers often vary in their response to goal incentives. Job satisfaction has been found to be a contributing factor to employees‘ intention to
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leave their jobs (Grandey, 2003). Research has found that most perspectives of turnover and emotional labor have placed it as the final outcome in which an employee decides to take steps to secure employment elsewhere as a result of developing negative perceptions of the job (Grandey, 2003). Such intentions actually shape actual turnover. Previous studies have linked emotional labor to turnover intentions and not the actual end result of turnover. For example, Zerbe (2000) and
Abraham (1998) showed that emotional dissonance resulted in an increase in turnover intentions. Chau et al. (2009) conducted a study to test the potential indirect effects of emotional labor on actual turnover and if surface and deep acting have effects on turnover. Their study found that surface acting had a positive, indirect effect on turnover intentions as well as an indirect effect on actual turnover (Chau et al., 2009).
Deep acting was also found to have a negative, indirect effect on turnover through lowered turnover intentions (Chau et al., 2009). Consistent with prior theory
(Brotheridge and Grandey, 2002 and Brotheridge and Lee, 2002), the results provided evidence that the emotional labor strategies accepted by employees have different effects on turnover. The research also indicated that the emotional labor process influences turnover decisions over time (Chau et al., (2009).
Positive Studies Involving Emotional Labor
Studies on emotional labor in a variety of occupations have shown mixed results as to the consequences of emotional labor being uniformly negative and emphasizing harmful effects for workers. Emotional labor has been shown to exhibit positive consequences. ―Wharton (1993, 1999) found that workers in jobs that require
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higher levels of emotional labor reported higher levels of job satisfaction than those in other occupations‖ (as cited in Pugliesi, 1999, p. 130). She also found that workers with greater job autonomy have fewer negative effects of emotional labor
(Pugliesi, 1999; Wharton, 1993, 1999).
Another study by Adelman (1995) found that employees who performed emotional labor showed increased job satisfaction as a result of job conditions such as autonomy. ―When workers strongly identify with the occupational role or organizational imperatives regarding emotion management, performance of emotional labor that produced desired outcomes could increase job satisfaction‖ (Pugliesi, 1999, p. 131). Such evidence can be found in studies that examine job involvement. ―In her study of service workers, Wharton (1993, 1999) found that job involvement and emotional labor increased job satisfaction‖ (Pugliesi, 1999, p. 131). Erickson and
Wharton (1997) also found that when workers exhibit high levels of job involvement and public contact, positive feelings about the job are enhanced and feelings of in authenticity is diminished. Findings have also showed that individuals who experience low dissonance are less likely to become emotionally exhausted and experience more job engagement (Kruml, 1999). Kruml‘s 1999 research supported
Hochschild‘s (1983) findings that older workers are more skilled at performing emotion management and typically less emotionally exhausted. Older workers may be able to perform more surface acting with fewer adverse effects. According to
Kruml and Geddes (2000):
Older workers seem to do more surface and active deep acting, and therefore
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more dissonance and exert more effort. Hochschild appears to be correct in her claim that older workers are more adept at all forms of emotion management. However, one would expect older workers to experience more emotional exhaustion since they experience more dissonance, but this is not the case. Older workers also are typically less emotionally exhausted. This may mean that older workers can do more surface acting with fewer detrimental effects. Hochschild claimed that workers who can successfully use all forms of acting are the healthiest workers of all, a claim that appears to be consistent with older workers. (p. 186)
Guy et al. (2008) also reported that older workers report less burnout than their younger counterparts due to coping mechanisms such as experience, learning how to cope with emotionally charged situations, and enjoyment for the type of work they are performing.
A qualitative study conducted on detectives by Stenress and Kleinman (1989) suggested that emotional labor can be satisfying and not alienating. Detectives‘ encounters with crime victims found two conditions that may help in making emotional labor more bearable: organizational shields provided by the organization and status shields provided by prestige (Stenress & Kleinman, 1989). Organizational shields involve one worker using another as a buffer between themselves and the public (Goodrum & Stafford, 2003). Status shields providing prestige involving occupations, such as judges and doctors that protect them from others‘ emotional assaults. Such occupations have acquired the ability to answer only to themselves rather than be accountable to others (Stenress and Kleinman, 1989). ―This affective
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neutral stance keeps professionals from feeling put upon by clients‘ threats or emotional displays‖ (Stenress and Kleinman, 1989, p. 449).
By developing a presence of authority, people feel intimidated by professional to complain to them face to face, therefore limiting the amount of emotional labor a professional will have to engage in (Stenress & Kleinman, 1989). Those without shields can discover ways to make their jobs more enjoyable by convincing themselves that the emotions of their clients are phony (Stenress & Kleinman, 1989).
As shown in this study by Stenress & Kleinman (1989), detectives felt that criminals faked emotions in order to protect themselves from arrest. Detectives, however, wanted to solve crimes and turned their emotional trying encounters with criminals into a valuable and enjoyable intellectual resource (Stenress & Kleinman, 1989). ―By reforming their emotional labor as mental work, they transformed their encounters into fun (Stenress & Kleinman, 1989). Therefore, workers will make emotional labor enjoyable if they redefine their work as relevant to the task they value the most‖
(Stenress & Kleinman, 1989, p. 450).
Summary
This chapter presented a review of the literature regarding the theories involving emotional labor, the related constructs, strategies used by individuals in performing emotional labor, and consequences of emotional labor. Emotional labor can be found in all types of work. It is work that requires the engagement and suppression of the employee‘s emotions in order to get the job done. ―Emotion work is as individual as cognitive work. It is a skill and is subject to individual differences‖
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(Guy et al., 2008, p. 6). It encompasses a dynamic relationship between worker and citizen or between co-workers. A number of constructs have been developed to describe the dimensions to emotional labor.
Skills needed to perform emotion work have been mostly discounted and not recognized as being necessary to perform jobs. In order to perform job roles in accordance with the organizations display rules, the employee must use skills similar to those of a method actor. Workers must shape their behavior in order to evoke a desired response. Such shaping of behavior is required in both positive and negative interactions and involves surface and deep acting. A variety of studies have shown that surface acting is positively related to emotional exhaustion (Brotheridge &
Grandey, 2002) where deep acting was not related to emotional exhaustion (Grandey,
2003).
The literature has also shown that emotional labor can have both positive and negative effects on the employee. Employees can experience increased job satisfaction and self-preservation by maintaining emotional distance through engaging in strategies such as surface and deep acting. However, such feigning of emotion in order to comply with the display rules signifies conflicting emotions between job demands and one‘s personal state. Such conflicting roles of emotion can result in emotional dissonance and lead to burnout and confusion over one‘s true feelings and emotional exhaustion. Research has shown that employees who do not suppress their emotions are healthier than those who engage in feigning their emotions (Geddes & Kruml, 2000).
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Support networks, job descriptions, training, job autonomy, and rewards are factors that can help offset the consequences of emotional labor. Research conducted by Mattison (2012) found the Superior Court of California, County of Calavaras, included a special requirement in its job description of court clerks detailing exposure to graphic evidence and testimony. Mattison (2012) also found training to be an issue with newly hired court clerks receiving minimal training regarding graphic material and testimony. This is often due to the disconnect between the traditional practices of human resources and public service jobs. Research has shown that ―investing in an internal training program can provide the education and resources needed for employees, both old and new, to do their jobs to the best of their abilities and improve the productivity and success of your organization‖ (Sauer, 2006, p. 1). Such training has been linked to increased job satisfaction and reduction in employee turnover.
Job autonomy has also been found to be an important predictor of satisfaction in workers whose jobs require emotional labor (Wharton, 1993, 1999). Erickson and
Wharton (1997) found that when workers exhibit high levels of job involvement and public contact, positive feelings about the job are enhanced and feelings of in authenticity is diminished. Organizations must also be mindful of recognizing employees‘ emotional work demands.
It is important for public service companies to strategize and use what they have to create rewards for recognizing employees such as flexibility in work schedules, work from home options, and being more autonomous in their approach to work (Southern, 2013). Compensation and benefits have been difficult for public
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sector organizations to manage as a result of limited budgets that are often tasked with doing more for less. Performance evaluations often rely on the daily exchanges between the state and citizen (Guy et al., 2008). Quality of service is critical as each employee affects not only the public but fellow co-workers as well.
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Chapter III
Research Methodology
Jobs involving emotional labor are among the fastest growing in today‘s economy. According to the Bureau of Labor statistics for the year 2014, employment in local government has experienced more growth since 1984 than either the federal or state level combined. This increase is expected to continue. ―All projected growth in the U.S. economy for the next decade occurs in the service – providing sector‖
(Guy et al., 2008, p. 169). Local government, as well as state employment, encompasses the greatest number of employment in the service sector. Specifically, employment as paralegals, attorneys, correctional officers, dispatchers, and social workers have continued to grow and are projected to continue to grow over the next decade at a fast rate (Guy et al., 2008). With legislative enactments such as three strike laws resulting in prison overcrowding generating new job growth, such growth has not kept up with demands. ―Evidence of increasing demands in the face of budget cuts and hiring freezes provides an interesting context within which to examine employment trends over time. Occupations in government that require significant degrees of emotional labor have grown‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 171). As a result, emotional labor has become a critical component to public service.
There is no commonly understood definition for the term emotion work (Guy et al., 2008). Due to this, a mixed methods approach with a cross sectional design was used to obtain results for this study. The purpose of this study is to determine at what level emotional labor exists among criminal case managers as well as how it impacts
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job satisfaction and contributes to burnout. Existing training is also examined to determine if criminal case managers are adequately prepared to cope with the emotionally charged hearings they experience in the courtroom. Data was gathered from the criminal case managers at one moment in time based upon the GNM
Emotional Labor Survey (Guy, et al., 2008). This design allowed for identification of varying levels of emotional labor, job satisfaction, and burnout among the employees.
The issue of training was also examined.
The qualitative data includes interviews of criminal case managers to understand their perception of emotion work and to determine what themes appear related to their experiences from the courtroom. The interview questions focused on learning how criminal case managers manage their emotions while serving on highly emotional cases. The themes of the questions revolved around the kind of emotions performed to comply with the display rules, job satisfaction, and feelings of emotional dissonance and exhaustion.
The research questions that guided this study were:
1. What level of emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in
Superior Court?
2. How does emotional labor affect job satisfaction among criminal case
managers in Superior Court?
3. Does the act of performing emotional labor among criminal case managers
contribute to burnout?
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4. Does existing training within Superior Court adequately prepare criminal
case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom?
5. What are criminal case managers‘ perceptions of the emotional aspect of
their job?
This chapter provides a discussion of both the quantitative and qualitative research design and will review the specifics of the study to include the research design, participants, sampling strategy, instrumentation, and procedures. The instruments used to analyze the data are presented followed by validity and ethical concerns for this study. A summary will conclude this chapter.
Research Design
A mixed methods design was considered appropriate for this study due to the need of a deeper understanding of the subject matter. ―The purpose of mixed methods research is to build on the synergy and strength that exists between quantitative and qualitative research methods to understand a phenomenon more fully than is possible using either quantitative or qualitative methods alone‖ (Gay, Mills and Airasian,
2009, p. 462). The advantage of combining both methods is to provide better answers to the research questions, therefore drawing robust conclusions. Making better and more dependable conclusions is possible when the combined use of the methods reinforces and completes each method, thereby reducing the deficiencies and weaknesses of each (Tashakkori and Teddlie, 2003). ―Mixed methods research provides strengths that offset the weaknesses of both quantitative and qualitative research‖ (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2007, p. 9). This method of research is more
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practical as it allows the researcher to use all possible methods to address a research problem (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2007):
It is also ―practical‖ because individuals tend to solve problems using both numbers and words, they combine inductive and deductive thinking, and they (e.g., therapists) employ skills in observing people as well as recording behavior. It is then natural, then, for individuals to employ mixed methods research as the preferred mode of understanding the world. (p. 10)
This study was carried out at one point in time, with both quantitative data and qualitative data collected during this same time period. ―In the QUAN-QUAL model, quantitative and qualitative data are equally weighted and are collected concurrently throughout the same study – the date are not collected in separate studies or distinct phases‖ (Gay et al., 2009, p. 463). Using this model allowed the researcher to equally value concurrently quantitative and qualitative data to determine if they reveal similar findings. This author needed to understand the criminal case managers‘ perceptions and experiences in more detail.
Quantitative Design
A cross sectional analysis examined the results from criminal case managers‘ responses to the GNM Emotional Labor Survey. A cross sectional design was selected in order to provide a snapshot of how emotional labor affects criminal case managers at a single point in time. ―Cross sectional designs are effective for providing a snapshot of the current behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs in a population.
This design also has the advantage of providing data relatively quickly‖ (Gay et al.,
2009, p. 176).
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This approach was used to gather data from one point in time rather than over various stages. This design allowed for analysis of the level of emotional labor, job satisfaction, and burnout among criminal case managers taking place during one point at time. It also provided analysis into the variable of training and emotional labor.
Choosing the cross sectional design is ideal for descriptive statistics; however, it is not limited to such (de Vaus, 2001). Cross sectional designs also allow the researcher to use various methods of data collection, including surveys and interviews which will be used in this study.
Participants
The participants for this study were criminal case managers employed full time in Superior Court statewide. The participants were chosen because of their experience attending criminal court hearings. Sampling of this group was done in a random manner. Random sampling is known as one of the most popular sampling strategies used in quantitative research. According to Teddlie and Yu (2007):
A simple random sample is one in which each unit (e.g. persons, cases) in the accessible population has an equal chance of being included in the sample, and the probability of a unit being selected is not affected by the selection of other units from the accessible population (i.e., the selections are made independently. (p. 79)
For the purposes of this research, a random sampling selection of criminal case managers who attended criminal court proceedings was included in this study. To eliminate sampling bias, all criminal case managers in the study had attended court proceedings. Total count of criminal case managers for this study was 34.
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Superior Court has a courthouse located in each of the three counties in the state of Delaware as follows: New Castle, Kent, and Sussex. The New Castle County
Courthouse is located in the city of Wilmington, housed in a modernized recently built courthouse. The Kent County Courthouse is located in Dover, the capital of
Delaware, in a historic building that has been recently modernized. The Sussex
County Courthouse is located in Georgetown and is housed in a historic building renovated in 2006 (―Delaware State Courts,‖ n.d.). The participants selected were employed within all three locations of Superior Court in Delaware. This included 19 employees from New Castle County, 6 from Kent County, and 9 from Sussex County
Superior Court. Of the participants, 32 were female and 2 were male.
In 2012, the criminal case filings for New Castle County were 4,242; Kent
County, 1,683; and Sussex County 2,261, totaling 8,186. Criminal cases that were disposed of in 2012 for New Castle County were 4,217; Kent County, 1,769; and
Sussex County 2,137, totaling 8,123 cases disposed (―Delaware State Courts,‖ 2012).
Instrumentation
The GNM Emotional Labor Questionnaire created by Guy, Newman, and
Mastracci (2008) was used in this study (See Appendix A). To investigate the nature of emotion work, an exploratory factor analysis of survey data was undertaken to ensure that the questionnaire used in this study provided reliable data. It was previously tested and found valid and reliable. The researcher obtained permission to use this instrument. Seven survey items were charted to each of the factors: burnout, emotion work, emotional labor/deep acting, emotional labor/surface acting, job
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satisfaction, pride in job, and waste of time in order to determine the extent of emotional labor, dissonance, burnout, and job satisfaction (Guy et al., 2008).
The GNM Emotional Labor Questionnaire was tested in the spring of 2005 for reliability and validity through a 66-item pilot questionnaire by 29 students at the
Florida State University enrolled in public administration courses (Guy et al., 2008).
After they completed the survey, the students were asked to report questions that were unclear or difficult to answer. As a result of their comments, questions were either reworded or deleted. ―Factor analysis of the pilot results produced four factors: burnout (Cronbach‘s alpha = .771, emotional labor (Cronbach‘s alpha = .846), job satisfaction (Cronbach‘s alpha =.820, and pride in job (Cronbach‘s alpha =.839)‖
(Guy et al., 2008, p. 197).
―Cronbach‘s alpha estimates internal consistency reliability by determining how all items on a test relate to all other test items and to the total test‖ (Gay et al.,
2009, p. 161). As a result of using Cronbach‘s alpha, each of the factors that developed as a result of the data shows high internal reliability; therefore, the factors are above the necessary threshold for paper and pencil inventories of psychological constructs (Guy et al., 2008). As a result of this data, the questionnaire was confirmed to be reliable and provide valid data as to the extent of emotional labor, dissonance, burnout, and job satisfaction.
Data Collection
An electronic survey was distributed to all full-time criminal case managers in
Superior Court in all three counties—New Castle, Kent, and Sussex. Survey Monkey
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was used in order to gather the information needed for this study (―Survey Monkey‖, n.d.). Descriptive statistics were used to report levels of emotional labor, job satisfaction, burnout, and training. Pearson‘s product-moment correlation (bivariate) was used to indicate if any correlations exist (―Laerd Statistics‖, n.d.). Two tests for normality were also run: the Shapiro-Wilk test and the Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) test
(―Laerd Statistics‖, n.d.). As a result of the small sample size, the data from the
Shapiro-Wilk test was used to determine if the data was normally distributed (―Laerd
Statistics,‖ n.d.).
Participation of criminal case managers in this study was voluntary with all participants receiving anonymity. There was no compensation or incentives provided for their participation. An email was sent to the criminal case managers‘ staff email account. The email included a letter of consent for their voluntary participation and a link to access the survey.
The electronic survey was delivered to each full time criminal case manager of Superior Court. In order to focus criminal case managers‘ attention on the subject of emotion work, a cover letter was included to give them a better idea of emotional labor. Each participant was given 2 weeks to complete the survey. Follow up emails were sent after 1 week reminding criminal case managers and asking them to complete the survey. Surveys received after the 2-week timeframe were not included in this study.
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Data Analysis
SPSS, a predictive analytics software, was used to analyze the data once it was received (‖SPSS Software‖, n.d.) Descriptive statistics was used to develop meaning of the data for this study. The descriptive analysis included analyzing frequencies of fixed variables and cross tabulations. Cross tabulation involves calculating the number of times a value occurred when categorized by one or more dimensions. Frequencies calculated the number of times a value occurred (Salkind,
2004).
In analyzing the level of emotional labor that existed among criminal case managers in Superior Court as well as job satisfaction, burnout, and training, descriptive statistics were used. Data obtained from the survey included demographic information as well as information obtained from the responses to identify the level of emotional labor, job satisfaction, burnout, and training to exist. As a result, the researcher attempted to determine causal inferences from the data.
The following variables were used in the data analysis:
Emotional labor index: Dependent variable. ―It is based on correlations among six survey items: 17, 22, 23, 26, 29, and 30. It is generated as a standardized scale variable with a mean of 0 and a variance of 1‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 203). ―Independent variables were measured on a seven-point Likert scale with the highest-valued responses indicating the strongest degree of agreement; years of experience is measured as the number of years‖ (Guy et al., 2008, p. 203).
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Emotional labor, job satisfaction, burnout, and training: Dependent variable. These factors were analyzed to determine if any relationship existed with the independent variables as selected by the participants using the 7-point Likert scale or from a pre-selected menu. The list of dependent and independent variables are listed in Table 1 below.
Table 1
Dependent and Independent Variables
Dependent variable Survey items
Burnout 19, 31, 32, 33, 34
Emotion work 17, 22, 23, 26, 29, 30
Emotional labor/deep acting 15, 20, 24, 47, 48
Emotional labor/surface acting 18, 21, 25, 27, 28, 46
Job satisfaction 5, 9, 10, 11, 13
Pride in Work 2, 3, 10, 11, 13
Waste of Time 35, 36, 38, 44
Note. Adapted from ―Emotional Labor: Putting the Service in Public Service,‖ by Mary E. Guy, Meredith A. Newman and Sharon H Mastracci, Armonk, New York, p. 217. Interview responses: Dependent variable. This data was collected through semi-structured interviews and analyzed to add to the patterns identified from the quantitative data.
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Qualitative Design
In order to gain a fuller understanding of the quantitative data results, qualitative data was gathered. This part of the study followed a case study design because it involved investigating the emotions experienced by criminal case managers and the effects of emotional labor in performing their work duties. A case study allows the researcher to take a more in-depth analysis of a bounded system. ―A case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident‖ (Yin, 2009, p. 18). A bounded system involves the unit of analysis to be studied such as an individual, group, program, or community (Merriam,
2009). Stake (2006) explained:
A case is a noun, a thing, an entity; it is seldom a verb, a participle, a functioning. Schools may be our cases-real things that are easy to visualize….Training modules may be our cases – amorphous and abstract, but still things, whereas ―training‖ is not. Nurses may be our cases; we usually do not define ―nursing activity‖ as the case. ―Managing,‖ ―becoming effective,‖ ―giving birth,‖ and ―voting‖ are examples of functioning, not entities we are likely to identify as cases. For our cases, we may select ―managers,‖ ―production sites,‖ ―labor and delivery rooms,‖ or training sessions for voters.‖ With these cases we find opportunities to examine functioning, but the functioning is not the case. (p. 1)
By using a case study design, the researcher was able to interpret more fully the parameters of this topic. Case studies allow for a unique analysis and are different
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from other research knowledge in four important ways. According to Stake (1981), a case study is
More concrete as it resonates with our own experience because it is more vivid, concrete, and sensory than abstract. More contextual – our experiences are rooted in context, as is knowledge in case studies. This knowledge is distinguishable from the abstract, formal knowledge derived from other research designs. More developed by reader interpretations – readers bring to a case study their own experience and understanding, which lead to generalizations when new data for the case are added to old data. Based more on reference populations determined by the reader – in generalizing as described above, readers have some population in mind. Thus, unlike traditional research, the reader participates in extending generalization to reference populations. (pp. 35-36)
Utilizing case study research allowed for a richer description of the emotional labor phenomenon as it applied to criminal case managers. The data obtained through case study research added to the analysis of the data obtained on the level of emotional level, job satisfaction, burnout, and training obtained from the GNM
Emotional Labor Questionnaire. Semi-structured interviews were conducted using the list of 18 pre-determined interview questions from Guy et al.‘s Table 1.1. (2008).
Semi-structured interviews allow researchers to begin by asking participants questions that have been determined ahead of time (Merriam, 2009). This allows everyone to respond to a particular question or statement and enables the researcher to explore topics that may be brought to the surface during the interview (Merriam,
2009). 108
Semi-structured interviews were conducted with six criminal case managers from the various court locations throughout the state of Delaware. Due to the researcher‘s dual role as both an employee in the Court and researcher, it was important to identify my position and not share any pre-conceived notions regarding the outcome of the study with the interviewees.
Purposeful sampling was used in selecting the six criminal case managers to interview for this study. ―Purposeful sampling is based on the assumption that the investigator wants to discover, understand, and gain insight and therefore must select a sample from which the most can be learned‖ (Merriam, 2009, p. 77). Six criminal case managers met the criteria for this study. Each interviewee received an informed consent form and was told of his/her voluntary role in the study. All of the interviews occurred in a conference room at the designated court location. Each interview lasted between 45 to 60 minutes. The interviews were digitally recorded with the permission of the interviewee and were transcribed verbatim into written text format. The informed consent form and the list of interview questions can be found in Appendix
A.
Bias and Limitations of Interviews
In conducting interviews, it is important for the researcher to be unbiased and avoid misleading the participants during the interview. Leading questions should be avoided as they may reveal a bias or an assumption from the researcher that may not be held by the interviewee (Merriam, 2009). Interviews are used to understand the
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participant‘s knowledge, opinions, experiences, feelings, and beliefs on the area of investigation (Merriam, 2009).
Conducting semi-structured interviews with pre-determined questions carries both risks and benefits. Respondents may feel embarrassed by certain questions and that their privacy has been invaded (Merriam, 2009). In-depth interviewing could create anger, frustration, sadness, and/or bring to the surface painful memories which can result in long-term effects upon the respondent. However, it can also improve the condition of respondents (Merriam, 2009).
Participants
Interviews were conducted with criminal case managers who volunteered for this study from Superior Court in all three counties located in the state of Delaware.
The criminal case managers were employed not less than a year and had attended criminal court proceedings. All six of the criminal case managers who participated in the interviews were female. Pseudonyms were used in the place of their actual names.
Instrumentation
Semi-structured standardized interviews of all participating criminal case managers were conducted after compiling the data from the GNM Emotional Labor
Questionnaire. ―The main purpose of an interview is to obtain a special kind of information. The researcher wants to find out what is in and on someone else‘s mind"
(Merriam, 2009, p. 88). The interview protocol included a list of questions (see
Appendix B) that provided understanding of how criminal case managers perceived the emotional labor aspect of their job. The questions were field tested by Guy et al.
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(2008) in their study of emotional labor work that comprised of data obtained from a state agency, a city police department, and an urban county office to ensure understandability and flow of the interview.
Data Collection and Management
The interviews were audiotaped using a digital audio recorder and then transferred to a computer for secure storage. The audiotapes were then transcribed verbatim using Express Scribe software to assist in the process (―NCH Software‖, n.d.). This software allowed for a variety of audio playback speeds to be chosen in order to allow for a more accurate transcription of the interview. The data obtained from the interview was then sorted into different coded classifications. An internet software referred to as Dedoose was used in order to assist in assigning various codes to the transcripts (―Dedoose‖, n.d.). After the coding process was completed, the data was then sorted and analyzed.
Data Analysis
The data from the interviews was first organized into a useable form in order to draw meaning from the information. The data transcribed from the interviews were then coded using open and axial coding. Coding involves the process of sorting and describing each segment of text (Glesne and Peshkin, 1992). Open coding is a form of coding in which the research is open to any interpretation. Axial coding or analytical coding is coding that comes from reflection and interpretation on meaning (Merriam,
2009).
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In order to determine both the similarities and differences in the data, a constant comparative data analysis was conducted to compare each segment of data with another (Merriam, 2009). This identified any patterns and created themes for analysis. The data was then interpreted based on the researcher‘s knowledge and then on the conclusions obtained from the quantitative research (Merriam, 2009).
Threats to Validity
Internal and external validity are important in developing research designs.
All research designs should be both internally and externally valid. De Vaus (2001) stated:
Internal validity is the extent to which the structure of a research design enables us to draw unambiguous conclusions from our results. The way in which the study is setup (e.g. tracking changes over time, making comparisons between comparable groups) can eliminate alternative explanations for our findings. The more the structure of the study eliminates these alternative interpretations, the stronger the internal validity of the study. (p. 28)
Factors that threaten the internal validity of a study due to time elements include history maturation, instrument decay, statistical regression, mortality, and testing effects (de Vaus, 2001). According to deVaus (2001), using a cross-sectional design, these factors do not cause a problem.
The main threats to the internal validity of cross-sectional designs stem from two resources: problems in establishing cause without a time dimension; and problems at the level of meaning. Problems at the level of cause are, of course, an issue with any design but cross-sectional designs are particularly prone to problems at this level. (p. 177)
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In this study, internal validity was affected due to difficulties in identifying cause without a time dimension (de Vaus, 2001). It was not certain whether the differences found in identifying casual variables were due to a relationship found between the variables. This study took into consideration extraneous variables that could influence the result.
Qualitative case studies are limited to the sensitivity and integrity of the researcher. ―The researcher is the primary instrument of data collection and analysis‖
(Merriam, 2009, p. 52). It is imperative that researchers have confidence in the investigation and results. Lincoln and Guba (2000) underscore the point by asking whether a study‘s findings are ―sufficiently authentic…that I may trust myself in acting on their implications?‖ (p. 178). Regardless of the type of research, validity is a concern and can be approached in the way the data were collected and analyzed.
―The qualitative study provides the reader with a depiction in enough detail to show that the author‘s conclusions ‗make sense‖ (Firestone, 1987, p. 19).
Understanding is the primary rationale for the qualitative investigation
(Merriam, 2009). Qualitative research has strategies for establishing the trustworthiness and authenticity of the study. One such well-known strategy is triangulation that can help limit internal validity threats by using multiple methods of data collection. ―Triangulation using multiple sources of data means comparing and cross-checking data collected through observation at different times or in different places, or interview data collected from people with different perspectives or from follow-up interviews with the same people‖ (Merriam, 2009, p. 216). Reflexivity can
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also be used to limit internal validity. Reflexivity is the ―process of reflecting critically on the self as a researcher, the ‗human as instrument‘‖ (Lincoln and Guba,
2000, p. 183). It is important for the researcher to explain any biases and assumptions regarding the researcher‘s expectations that may influence the results of the study
(Merriam, 2009).
―External validity refers to the extent to which results from a study can be generalized beyond the particular study‖ (de Vaus, 2001, p. 29). In qualitative research, generalizing can be challenging due to the small sample size. ―In qualitative research, a single case or small, nonrandom, purposeful sample is selected precisely because the researcher wishes to understand the particular in depth, not to find out what is generally true of the many‖ (Merriam, 2009, p. 224). Reader generalizability involves the extent to which the findings can be applied to other situations as decided by the people in those situations (Merriam, 2009). It is up to the researcher to
―provide enough detailed description of the study‘s context to enable readers to compare the ―fit‖ with their situations‖ (Merriam, 2009, p. 226).
This differs from quantitative research that can be generalized to larger populations where the strength of qualitative research relies on the details provided in the study and how it can be applied to similar situations. Findings from this research can be applied to other courts and court personnel that share similar characteristics of this study. However, due to the small sample size and sampling method, this study may prove difficult to replicate in other courts.
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Ethical Considerations
The ethical concerns for this study are anonymity, confidentiality, informed consent of the participants in this study, and bias of the researcher. The researcher followed the Human Subjects Review Committee Protocol for Wilmington University detailing the use of information in this study and the participants involved. Before the study began, approval was obtained from this committee. The researcher successfully completed the web-based course entitled, ―Protecting Human Research Participants from the National Institute of Health (NIH)‖ on December 6, 2008 (Protecting
Human Research Participants‖, n.d.).
The cross-sectional design that was used in this study does not require tracking of participants, which helps ensure anonymity. There was no need to keep names or match responses with names. The opening statement of the questionnaire informed all participants that the responses would be kept fully confidential. The participants remained anonymous to all, including the researcher.
In my dual role as researcher and paralegal at the Court, it is important for me to clarify my role and perspective in this study. My motivation for conducting this study came from my previous experience of being a criminal case manager where I sat in on highly emotional trials and sentencing hearings that included murder first cases in which offenders were sentenced to the death penalty. In my position as paralegal, I still work with the criminal case managers who attend these highly emotional trials and, as a result, had concerns over their well-being. In my roles as researcher, I had questions that needed answers. As Merriam (2009) stated:
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Ethical considerations regarding the researcher‘s relationships to participants are becoming a major source of discussion and debate in qualitative research, especially with the growing interest in critical, participatory, feminist, and postmodern research. When the research is highly collaborative, participatory, or political, ethical issues become more prominent. (p. 230)
In an effort to conduct my research without bias adversely affecting the results, I drew on Patton‘s (2002) three essential components: the credibility of the researcher, rigorous methods, and a fundamental appreciation of qualitative inquiry.
Professional integrity, intellectual rigor, and methodological competence are essential in establishing trust that the study was conducted ethically and with integrity
(Merriam, 2009). Since the researcher is the primary instrument in collecting the data for the study, the data is filtered through theoretical biases as to decide what is important and should be included. Therefore, opportunities exist for excluding data that contradict the researcher‘s views.
Summary
This chapter presented the research design that was used to conduct this mixed-methods research study. A cross-sectional quantitative research study was chosen to collect data at one point in time to explore levels of emotional labor, impact on job satisfaction, and burnout. The existence of training was also explored among criminal case managers. Descriptive statistics were used in this study in order to identify causal inferences based on the relationships between the independent and dependent variables. Semi-structured standardized interviews were conducted as a case study analysis for the qualitative portion of this study. The information obtained
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from the survey was analyzed against the data obtained from the interviews. By using multiple methods of data, common themes were investigated in order to provide information to answer the five research questions that guide this study. This chapter also discussed the variables, the threats to validity, and any ethical considerations of this study.
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Chapter IV
Results
The primary purpose of this mixed methods study was to determine if emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in Superior Court and how it affects job satisfaction. Data was collected using the GNM Emotional Labor Survey
(Guy et al., 2008). Qualitative methods were further used to investigate if existing training adequately prepares criminal case managers for emotional labor experienced in the courtroom and the perceptions they have about the emotional aspect of their job. The framework for this study included five research questions:
1. What level of emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in
Superior Court?
2. How does emotional labor affect job satisfaction among criminal case
managers in Superior Court?
3. Does the act of performing emotional labor among criminal case managers
contribute to burnout?
4. Does existing training within Superior Court adequately prepare criminal case
managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom?
5. What are criminal case manager‘s perceptions of the emotional aspect of the
job?
Data was collected from criminal case manager‘s using the survey instrument that identified the level of emotional labor, level of job satisfaction, level of burnout and existence of training among criminal case managers. The data was analyzed to
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statistically demonstrate through a cross data analysis the existence of correlations.
Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data.
Qualitative data was collected through semi-structured interviews of six criminal case managers that were employed not less than a year and had attended criminal court proceedings. The questions for the interviews focused on how existing training adequately prepares criminal case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom and their perceptions of the emotional aspect of the job that they are performing.
Demographics of Study Participants
All full-time criminal case managers were emailed the survey to their state email addresses. The survey was available for two weeks. After that time, the link was no longer available. A reminder email was sent to all of them seven days later along with the survey link. The survey was sent to a total of 42 people (N=42) for a response rate of 81%. The 34 respondents will now be known as the population (N) for reporting purposes.
Of the participants, two (5.8%) of them were male, 32 (94%) were female as shown below in Table 2.
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Table 2
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Gender
Gender Type N=34 Percent
Female 32 94
Male 2 5.8
Total 34 99.8
In regard to ethnicity, of the participants 29 (85%) reported being white, 3
(8.8%) reported being African American and 1 (2.9%) reported being Hispanic as shown below in Table 3.
Table 3
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Ethnicity
Ethnicity Type N-34 Percent
White 29 85
African American 3 8.8
Hispanic 1 2.9
Other 1 2.9
Total 34 99.6
Participants‘ ages reported to range between 24 to 65 years of age. The bimodal is 43 and 44 years of age as shown below in Table 4.
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Table 4
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Age
Age Years N-34 Percent
20-29 5 15
30-39 10 29
40-49 11 32
50-59 5 15
60 and over 3 9
In regard to participants‘ education level, 8 (23.5%) have a high school diploma or G.E.D, 9 (26.5%) reported to having an associate‘s degree, and 6 (17%) reported having a bachelor‘s degree as shown below in Table 5.
Table 5
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Education Level Education Type N-34 Percent level High school graduate or 8 23.5 G.E.D. Technical training 1 2.9 Some college 6 17.7 2-year associate degree 9 26.5 Bachelor‘s degree 6 17.7 Some graduate school 2 5.9 Master‘s degree 1 2.9 Doctorate degree 1 2.9 Total 34 100
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In regard to participants‘ marital status, 14 (41%) reported being married with
8 (23.5%) reported as being single as shown below in Table 61e.
Table 6
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Marital Status
Marital Status Type N-34 Percent
Married 14 41
Divorced 4 11.8
Single 8 23.5
Significant other 17.7
Widower 5.89
Total 34 100
In regard to participants‘ demographics for child care status, 12 participants
(35%) reported that they do have child or dependent care after work with 22 (65%) not having child care or dependent care after work as shown below in Table 1f.
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Table 7
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for Child Care/Dependent Care
Children or Dependent Care Condition N-34 Percent
Yes 12 35
No 22 65
Total 34 100
In regard to participants‘ salary range, 22 (67%) reported that they earn between $30,000 and $39,999 per year, 7 (21%) earn between $20,000 and $29,999 per year, and 4 (12%) earn between $40,000 and $49,999 per year as shown below in
Table 8.
Table 8
Descriptive Statistics: Salary Range
Salary Range Amount N-33 Percent
$20,000 - $29,999 7 21
$30,000-$39,999 22 66.7
$40,000-$49,999 4 12
Total 33 99.7
Note: N-33 as one did not respond to this question
In regard to participants‘ time employed with the courts, 3 (9%) reported being employed less than 1 year, 16 (47%) reported being employed from 1 to 9
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years, and 15 (44%) reported being employed 10 or more years as shown below in
Table 9.
Table 9
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics time employed with the Courts
Years Employed w/Court Length of Time N-34 Percent
less than 1 year 3 9
1-9 years 16 47
10 or more years 15 44
Total 34 100
In regard to participants‘ demographics for having previously worked in a similar job, 10 (29%) of the participants have worked in a similar type of job prior, and 24 (71%) reported as not working in a similar job prior as shown below in Table
10.
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Table 10
Descriptive Statistics: Participant Demographics for previously worked in a similar job
Worked in Similar Job Condition N-34 Percent
Yes 10 29
No 24 71
Total 34 100
Research Question Number 1: What level of emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in Superior Court?
Finding. The results of the survey found that there was evidence that the participants‘ job functions require them to engage in emotion work at the court. The levels of emotional labor vary among the criminal case managers as presented in this study.
Data analysis. Descriptive statistics drawn from the results of the survey were used to report the levels of emotional labor found to exist among criminal case managers at the court. Information gathered from the GNM Emotional Labor Survey included data on demographics as well as responses identifying the degree of emotional labor. The GNM Survey consisted of 48 Likert-scale questions. The GNM
Survey consisted of two sections. The first part asked questions on emotional labor, job satisfaction, burnout, and motivation. The second part of the survey contained questions to produce demographic data of the criminal case managers participating in
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the survey; an area in which they could place any comments on anything else they would like to tell the researcher was also included.
In analyzing the level of emotional labor, factors obtained from the following survey items were used: 17, 22, 23, 26, 29 and 30. The results of the statistics showed that emotion work is part of all the criminal case managers‘ job duties.
Partaking in emotion work requires criminal case managers to perform the act of emotional labor.
Table 11 displays mean scores and standard deviation of emotion work by criminal case managers. Scores above 3.5 indicate that emotion work is required at least some of the time by criminal case managers. Question 23 is of particular interest as it pertains explicitly to the criminal case manager‘s work dealing with emotionally charged issues as a critical dimension of the job with a mean score of 5 and standard deviation of 1.58.
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Table 11
Emotion Work
Survey N Mean SD Questions Question 17 34 4.15 1.69 requires display different emotions when interacting with others Question 22 33 4.12 1.65 requires me to guide people through sensitive and/or emotional issues Question 23 34 5 1.58 work involves dealing with emotionally charged issues as a critical dimension of the job
Question 26 34 3.15 1.74 requires that I manage the emotions of others Question 29 34 4.85 1.26 in my work, I am good at dealing with emotional issues Question 30 34 3.29 1.49 requires me to provide comfort to people who are in crisis
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Table 12 displays the total mean score, standard deviation, skewness, and kurtosis as a result of combining all factors in the analysis of emotional labor included in survey items 17, 22, 23, 26, 29 and 30. As indicated in Table 12, a total mean score of 4.12 was found with a standard deviation of 1.11. The scores are in the range from 3 through 5. The skewness is .089 with a standard error of .409, and the kurtosis is -.858 with a standards error of .798. This represents a distribution of scores that is not statistically different from a normal distribution. There is not a significant level of skewness and kurtosis present to pose any threat to the departure from normality in the data. Such data represents positive feedback from criminal case managers indicating the overall presence of emotion work in the job functions that they perform.
Table 12
Total Emotion Work
Survey questions N Mean SD Variance Skewness Kurtosis Range
17, 22, 23, 26, 29 & 30 33 4.12 1.11 1.22 .089 -.858 4.17
St. Error St. Error
.409 .798
Table 13 displays level of surface acting for criminal case managers. Surface acting involves feigning of emotions to comply with the display rules of the job resulting in the exertion of emotional labor. As shown in Table 13, criminal case
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managers report a mean score of 4.93 in surface acting with a standard deviation of
1.02. A score above 3.5 indicates that criminal case managers are engaging in surface acting at least some of the time. The skewness is -.310 with a standard error of .403 and the kurtosis is -.497 with a standard error of .788. This represents a distribution of scores that are negatively skewed but within normal range. There is not a significant level of skewness and kurtosis present to pose any threat to the departure from normality in the data. Such data represents positive feedback from criminal case managers indicating the overall presence of surface acting when performing their job duties.
Table 13
Surface Acting and Criminal Case Managers
Survey questions N Mean SD Variance Skewness Kurtosis Range
18, 21, 25, 27, 28 & 46 34 4.93 1.02 1.03 -.310 -.497 4.00
St. Error St. Error
.403 .788
Table 14 displays level of deep acting for criminal case managers. Deep acting involves the act of bringing the required emotions and one‘s true feelings into alignment (Guy et al., 2008). As shown in Table 14, criminal case managers report a mean score of 4.02 in deep acting with a standard deviation of .94. A score above 3.5 129
indicates that criminal case managers are engaging in deep acting at least some of the time. The skewness is -.112 with a standard error of .403, and the kurtosis is -.451 with a standard error of .788. This represents a distribution of scores that are negatively skewed but within normal range. There is not a significant level of skewness and kurtosis present to pose any threat to the departure from normality in the data. Such data represents positive feedback from criminal case managers indicating the overall presence of deep acting when performing their job duties.
Table 14
Deep Acting and Criminal Case Managers
Survey questions N Mean SD Variance Skewness Kurtosis Range
15, 20, 24, 47 & 48 34 4.02 .94 .884 -.112 -.451 3.80
St. Error St. Error
.403 .788
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Research Question Number 2: How does emotional labor affect job satisfaction among criminal case managers in Superior Court?
Finding. The results of the survey found that there was evidence that emotional labor affected job satisfaction among criminal case managers.
Data analysis. Descriptive statistics drawn from the results of the survey were used to report the levels of job satisfaction among criminal case managers in
Superior Court. Factors obtained from the following survey items were used: 5, 9,
10, 11, and 13. Scores above 3.5 indicate that job satisfaction is important to criminal case managers. Table 15 displays mean scores and standard deviation of job satisfaction among criminal case managers. Particularly interesting are questions 5 and 11, which indicate relatively high mean scores.
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Table 15
Job Satisfaction
Survey questions N Mean SD
Question 5 My performance appraisal accurately reflects how 33 5.15 1.73 effective I am in my job
Question 9 My work is satisfying 34 4.62 1.28
Question 10 My job provides career development opportunities 34 3.12 1.28
Question 11 34 5.38 1.63
There is a lot of variety in the kinds of things I do
Question 13 34 4.9 1.88
I keep learning new things in my position
Table 16 displays the total mean score, standard deviation, skewness, and kurtosis as a result of combining all factors in the analysis of emotional labor and job satisfaction in survey items 5, 9, 10, 11 and 13. As indicated in Table 16, a total mean score of 4.61 was found with a standard deviation of 1.11. The skewness is -
2.60 with a standard error of .409, and the kurtosis is -.722 with a standards error of
.798. This represents a distribution of scores that are negatively skewed but within normal range. There is not a significant level of skewness and kurtosis present to pose any threat to the departure from normality in the data. Such data indicates an overall presence of job satisfaction in the emotional labor performed by criminal case managers.
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Table 16
Total Job Satisfaction
Survey questions N Mean SD Variance Skewness Kurtosis Range
5, 9, 10, 11 & 13 33 4.61 1.11 1.226 -.260 -.722 4.20
St. Error St. Error
.409 .798
A Pearson‘s product-moment correlation (bivariate) was run to assess the relationship between emotion work and job satisfaction. The closer the coefficient is to 1.00 results in showing a greater relationship between the variables. A statistical analysis can indicate if correlations are either positive or negative. A direct correlation will indicate that when the variable x increases, the variable y will increase. This is also the same if the variable x decreases, y decreases. A negative correlation indicates that when the variable x increases, the variable x decreases or when the variable y increases, the variable x decreases.
Preliminary analysis showed the relationship to be linear with both variables normally distributed as assessed by Shapiro-Wilk Test (p>.05). Two tests for normality were run: the Shapiro-Wilk test and the Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a). As a result of the small sample size, the data from the Shapiro-Wilk test was used to determine if the data was normally distributed. The Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) test is used for much larger datasets (―Laerd Statistics,‖ n.d.). The results from the Shapiro-
Wilk test can be found in Table 17 labeled as the Tests of Normality. The Shapiro-
Wilk test is significant at the p<.05 level. If the assumption of normality has been 133
violated, the ―Sig‖ value will indicate a value of less than .05. If it has not been violated, the ―Sig‖ value will be greater than .05) ((―Laerd Statistics,‖ n.d.).
Table 17
Tests of Normality
Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) Shipiro-Wilk
Statistic df Sig. Statistic Df Sig.
Emotion work .092 32 .200* .968 32 .438
Job satisfaction .088 32 .200* .972 32 .559
* This is a lower bound of the true significance a. Lilliefors Significance Correction
There was no correlation found between emotion work and job satisfaction, r
=.229, n=32, p=.208 that can be found in Table 18.
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Table 18
Pearson Correlation Emotion Work and Job Satisfaction
Emotion job satisfaction
Emotion Pearson Correlation 1 .229
Sig. (2-tailed) .208
N 33 32
Job Satisfaction Pearson Correlation .229 1
Sig. (2-tailed) .208
N 32 33
Research Question Number 3: Does the act of performing emotional labor among criminal case managers contribute to burnout?
Finding. It was found that criminal case managers are experiencing burnout as a result of the work that they do in performing emotional labor.
Data analysis. In order to determine this, descriptive statistics was utilized to summarize the findings. In analyzing the level of burnout among criminal case managers in Superior Court, factors obtained from the following survey items were used: 19, 31, 32, 33 and 34. The level of burnout among criminal case managers in
Superior Court were determined through descriptive statistics obtained from the results of the survey. The results of the statistics showed that job burnout affects criminal case managers. Scores above 3.5 indicate that burnout is present in the emotion work that criminal case managers perform. Table 19 displays mean scores 135
and standard deviation of burnout among criminal case managers. Particularly interesting are questions 32 and 33, which indicate relatively high mean scores that criminal case managers leave work feeling tired and run down and emotionally exhausted.
Table 19 Job Burnout
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Survey N Mean SD Questions Question 19 34 3.21 1.57 Working directly with people puts a lot of stress on me Question 31 I 34 3.94 2.04 worry that this job is hardening me emotionally Question 32 I 34 4.56 1.78 leave work feeling tired and run down Question 33 I 34 4.35 1.82 leave work feeling emotionally exhausted
Question 34 34 4.01 1.82 I feel ―used up‖ at the end of the workday
Table 20 displays the total mean score, standard deviation, skewness, and kurtosis as a result of combining all factors in the analysis of burnout in survey items 137
19, 31, 32, 33 and 34. As indicated in Table 20, a total mean score of 4.02 and standard deviation of 1.56. The skewness is .172 with a standard error of .403, and the kurtosis is -.790 with a standards error of .788. The distribution of scores is not statistically different from a normal distribution. There is not a significant level of skewness and kurtosis present to pose any threat to the departure from normality in the data. Such data indicates positive feedback from the criminal case managers that burnout is shown to exist in the emotional labor that they perform.
Table 20
Total Job Burnout When Performing Emotional Labor
Survey N Mean SD Variance Skewness Kurtosis Range
Questions
19, 31, 32, 33 34 4.02 1.56 2.430 .172 -.790 5.60 and 34
St. Error St. Error
.403 .788
A Pearson‘s product-moment correlation (bivariate) was run to assess the relationship between emotion work and burnout. The closer the coefficient is to 1.00 results in showing a greater relationship between the variables. Preliminary analysis showed the relationship to be linier with both variables normally distributed as assessed by Shapiro-Wilk Test (p>.05). Two tests for normality were run, the
Shapiro-Wilk test and the Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a). As a result of the small sample
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size, the data from the Shapiro-Wilk test was used to determine if the data was normally distributed. The Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) test is used for much larger datasets (―Laerd Statistics,‖ n.d.). The results from the Shapiro-Wilk test can be found in Table 21 labeled as the Tests of Normality. The Shapiro-Wilk test is significant at the p<.05 level. If the assumption of normality has been violated, the
―Sig‖ value will indicate a value of less than .05. If it has not been violated, the ―Sig‖ value will be greater than .05) (―Laerd Statistics,‖ n.d.).
Table 21
Tests of Normality
Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) Shipiro-Wilk
Statistic df Sig. Statistic df Sig.
Emotion Work .090 33 .200* .966 33 .379
Burnout .068 33 .200* .969 33 .463
* This is a lower bound of the true significance a. Lilliefors Significance Correction
There was a strong positive correlation found between emotion work and burnout, r =.423, n=33, p=.014, that can be found in Table 22. As a result, increases in emotion work were correlated with increases in job burnout.
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Table 22
Pearson Correlation Emotion Work and Burnout
Emotion Burnout
Emotion Pearson 1 .423*
Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed) .014
N 33 33
Burnout Pearson .423* 1
Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed) .014
N 33 34
*Correlation is significant at the .005 level (2-tailed).
Research Question Number 4: Does existing training within Superior Court adequately prepare criminal case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom?
Finding. In analyzing this question, both quantitative and qualitative data was used. For this section, the quantitative will be discussed. The quantitative data indicated that the training that the criminal case managers had received adequately prepared them to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom.
Data analysis. In order to determine this, descriptive statistics were utilized to summarize the findings. In analyzing the level of training among criminal case managers in Superior Court, factors obtained from the following survey item was 140
used: 14. The level of training among criminal case managers in Superior Court was determined through descriptive statistics obtained from the results of the survey and will further be analyzed in the qualitative portion of this research. Table 23 displays the mean score of 4.15 and standard deviation score of 1.97 for criminal case managers. The skewness is -.318 with a standard error of .403, and the kurtosis is -
1.36 with a standards error of .788. The distribution of scores was shown to be negatively skewed but within normal range. There is not a significant level of skewness and kurtosis present to pose any threat to the departure from normality in the data. The results of the statistics showed that criminal case managers felt they were adequately trained in the preparation of coping with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom.
Table 23
Training
Survey N Mean SD Variance Skewness Kurtosis Range
Question
14 34 4.15 1.97 3.89 -.318 -1.36 6.00
St. Error St. Error
.403 .788
A Pearson‘s product-moment correlation (bivariate) was run to assess the relationship between emotion work and training. The closer the coefficient is to 1.00 results in showing a greater relationship between the variables. Preliminary analysis
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showed that not all variables were normally distributed as assessed by Shapiro-Wilk
Test (p>.05) as shown in Table 24. Two tests for normality were run: the Shapiro-
Wilk test and the Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a). As a result of the small sample size, the data from the Shapiro-Wilk test was used to determine if the data was normally distributed. The Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) test is used for much larger datasets
((―Laerd Statistics,‖ n.d.). The Shapiro-Wilk test is significant at the p<.05 level. If the assumption of normality has been violated, the ―Sig‖ value will indicate a value of less than .05. If it has not been violated, the ―Sig‖ value will be greater than .05
((―Laerd Statistics,‖ n.d.). Even though the variables were shown not to be normally distributed, a Pearson correlation was run anyway to see if a relationship exists.
Table 24
Tests of Normality
Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) Shipiro-Wilk
Statistic Df Sig. Statistic df Sig.
Emotion Work .090 33 .200* .966 33 .379
Training .197 33 .002 .881 33 .002
(Question 14)
* This is a lower bound of the true significance a. Lilliefors Significance Correction
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There was a strong negative correlation found between emotion work and training r =-3.44, n=33, p=.050, that can be found in Table 25. As a result, increases in emotion work were correlated with job training.
Table 25
Pearson Correlation Emotion Work and Training
Emotion Burnout
Emotion Pearson 1 -3.44*
Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed) .050
N 33 33
Training Pearson -3.44* 1
(Question 14) Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed) .050
N 33 34
*Correlation is significant at the .005 level (2-tailed).
Qualitative Results
The qualitative portion of this study was conducted to add more meaning to the quantitative data. The qualitative data was collected, transcribed, coded, and analyzed after the review of the quantitative data. Both Quantitative and Qualitative data was conducted to answer the fourth research question:
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Does existing training within Superior Court adequately prepare
criminal case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in
the courtroom?
The fifth research question was addressed by qualitative data only:
What are criminal case managers‘ perceptions of the emotional aspect
of the job?
A case study design was conducted to gain an in-depth analysis of the impact of emotional labor upon criminal case managers in Superior Court. Interviews were conducted with six criminal case managers who attend court and have been employed for more than 1 year to gain an understanding of their perception of emotion work. In order to fully understand the information from the interviews, the information was coded for analysis. After coding the transcribed interviews, themes were found among all of the respondents. These themes were selected due to the amount of data that was received in each category and discussed individually in this section. Five themes were discovered that revealed that emotional labor is present in the work of criminal case managers: training, peer support, feeling drained, keeping calm, job satisfaction, and desensitization. Such themes were also identified to exist in the literature review and will be discussed below.
Training. All participants indicated that there was not a formalized training program for criminal case managers. The only formalized training that currently exists is specialized courses in the areas of supervision and leadership for managers and supervisors conducted by the Office of Management and Budget. In the office,
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less experienced criminal case managers are paired up with more experienced individuals often referred to as a ―buddy system.‖ With such a system, it is not uncommon for a new criminal case manager to have five or six different people training him or her. This type of training has also been identified in the literature.
According to research previously conducted by Mattison (2012) involving courtroom clerks, new employees are trained on laws and rules through lecture-based training; however, once this is completed, they receive on the job training with more experienced courtroom clerks with little to no training regarding the graphic material they will come into contact with in the courtroom.
There have also been some instances in which a high rate of turnover has been reported in which there are a small number of senior criminal court clerks available to help with training new employees. Many of these senior employees themselves may only have been employed with the office for a short period of time as shown in this excerpt:
It seems now we are so busy it is hard to even train new people coming in. There is not a lot of time for anything. It is on the job training. No formalized training. What makes it difficult is you have so many new people that you are constantly training. That senior person may only be someone that has been there for eight months. They also have their own work to do and they are in court every day. All the participants agreed the training process has been ―learn as you go and from making mistakes.‖ Few have been fortunate to find a criminal case manager who has been in the position for a long period of time that can provide guidance in performing the job. Often, knowledge and ability to perform critical job functions 145
reside in a few select individuals. One of the biggest challenges of the job stated from one of the criminal case managers who had been in the position for 5 years is still having questions in performing some parts of the job as shown in this excerpt:
I would say sometimes always learning something new so I still ask questions. I have been in the job going on five years and there are certain things that I have forgotten, sometimes just remembering that or being that there are 13 or 14 judges. Each judge has a different way of doing things so if you are going to court especially for a trial you have some judges who like when you swear the jury, they want you to read the juror‘s names back, some don‘t care. Trying to remember what each judge likes is a challenge sometimes. They are all different, different personalities that in itself can be a challenge.
Another criminal case manager was satisfied with the on the job training as shown in this excerpt:
I think training has been great, we have excellent back up as far as a supervisor and a manager that are able to assist us and help us understand or teaching us how to do the case work. Once I started, I went to court with different case managers to learn the aspect of each hearing and what is required. It lasted two months then I was given small trials and hearings like restitution and suppressions before moving into the heavier hearings and trials. Good training has also been shown to be a rewarding part of performing the job as shown in this excerpt:
I‘d say when my co-workers or the employees under me are acknowledged as doing a good job in the courtroom, that they did well and that we have trained them right. They have been asking the right questions and we have been giving the right answers.
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This was also found with another criminal case manager, ―I think just doing my job in general, knowing what I‘m doing, coming into work if something is assigned to me and my supervisor asks me to do something I already know how to do.‖
Another criminal case manager who is also a supervisor found the lack of training and understanding of new procedures stressors for both herself and her employees.
My employees and I get new procedures implemented and they don‘t understand them or you can say an attorney wants them to do something that is not regular. As a result too many hands in the pot and that kind of aggravates them. There is a lot going on in the courtroom, you can have ten things going on at once and let‘s say the clerk forgets to do one thing it can be a huge ordeal. You know they get stressed out about it and come running to me. This person is thinking this is a big deal and my stressors are fixing the same problems over and over again. This individual also found one of the biggest challenges of the job is training new criminal case managers on procedures that have been taught previously as follows:
It‘s hard to deal with people when you‘re teaching them the same thing over and over again and they still don‘t grasp it and nothing will be done about it. I try to change my tactic on how I train them, have them look at it a different way or break it down into pieces. Instead of handling five things at once I have them handle one thing to grasp. Other than that if they can‘t grasp that and make the same mistakes we give it to someone else. I‘m not saying it‘s the person‘s intellect that they can‘t grasp it, they don‘t care and they will not be written up. Then you‘re like what can I do.
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One of the participants also commented on the lack of a career ladder and low pay scale as follows:
It sucks there is no career ladder someone has to die or retire before I can move up. Its fine in the beginning to move up from a Judicial Case Manager I to a Judicial Case Manager II but it gets old with minute pay. The pay scales are very low. Once you get into higher management positions it‘s hard to move about. The literature has revealed that reduced personal accomplishment can result in the lack of unity with the job causing employees to doubt that they possess the ability to perform the work. Employees feeling unsatisfied with their performance results in low job satisfaction (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012). Research has shown that
―Training and development practices constitute one of the most important ways to assist personnel in gaining new knowledge and skills required to adhere to competitive standards‖ (Koster, Grip & Fourage, 2011, p. 2403). Training and development have been connected to increased job satisfaction and reduction of employee turnover.
Peer support. All the participants discussed the importance of collaboration among each other to help cope with the emotionally charged experiences that arise from the work that they do. The criminal case managers indicated the support they received from their work-based relationships helped make work worthwhile. They understand the work demands placed on them and their co-workers. As a result, they are able to empathize with their co-workers in a way their family or friends on the outside cannot. The criminal case managers feel that being able to talk about what
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took place in the courtroom among themselves helped release the tensions that they were feeling. This is also correlated with the literature as according to Geddes and
Kruml (2000), social support units at the workplace have been shown to be beneficial for employees. Employees are able to express their feelings in regard to emotional labor, therefore reducing the effects of emotional dissonance.
The criminal case managers also indicated that what takes place in the courtroom is not a funny manner; however, being able to laugh and talk among each other helps to relieve any tension they were feeling. This can be seen in the following excerpt:
I am not a big joker, I tend to take my job seriously and we do laugh at certain situations that happen but when it comes down to it what is going on here is not a funny matter. We do laugh a lot here and thank god. I guess that is what relieves some tension. Another criminal case manager also discussed the importance of peer support as follows:
We do make jokes sometimes, it does help. It means we can have fun even though we deal with stressful situations. It does help relieve any tensions that you have. We can talk among each other. We all get along really good and that helps. If anyone needs help with anything we are always willing to help the next person out. Another participant indicated the importance of partaking in social time outside of work with co-workers. Once a month, she tries to arrange time for everyone as a group to leave the office and go out together after work. This provides everyone with the opportunity to get to know each other better, talk about things, and
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provide much needed support away from the office. She feels this is important in building relationships among each other in order to help cope with the work that they do.
The literature has shown that one‘s identity affects emotional labor. When individuals find themselves identifying with a certain group, they tend to assume the characteristics as their own and, therefore, are more themselves when performing their job functions (Ashforth and Humphrey, 1993). This can lead to the employee feeling more authentic and able to identify more with the organizational when complying with the display rules. However, research has also revealed that self- stereotyping can lead to depersonalization of the self as the individual views himself or herself as representing the group rather than themselves (Ashforth & Humphrey,
1993).
Feeling drained. All the participants indicated each day brings about new challenges and something different. As a result, most days leaves them feeling exhausted by the end of the day. Such evidence of feeling exhausted has also been identified in the literature. According to Mesmer-Magnus et. al. (2012), emotional exhaustion has been associated with emotional labor and has been reported to have a strong negative correlation with employee health.
In Superior Court, there are different court proceedings held each day depending on the judges‘ schedules and the status of the case. As a result of handling different case issues and inadequate training, criminal case managers found it to be quite draining by the end of the day as a result of resolving issues in processing cases,
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keeping up with their assigned job duties, and the emotional aspect of covering trials and hearings. Van Maanen and Kinda (1989) argued that further suppression of the self in order to be incongruence with organizational display rules can lead to burnout and physical illness. One criminal case manager discussed that she found it to be draining not to show emotions in the courtroom as discussed in this excerpt:
You‘re not supposed to show any emotions but at times, there have been times when everyone including the judges has been caught up in emotions. It can be hard, you have to tough it out and leave it in the courtroom but it can be really hard. In some cases, the intensity and stress from the courtroom also is found to leave the criminal case manager feeling drained as follows:
Because of the level of the charges and the outcome for the people going away it bears grief on both sides. If you‘re the victim, the victim‘s family or the defendant you look at their family. This criminal case manager discussed how she felt so tired at the end of the day all she wanted to do is go to bed and sleep:
Sometimes I get so tired and I come home and all I want to do is go to bed and go to sleep. Sometimes the day can be very strenuous. You have a lot of different things that you do throughout the day. Sometimes the job can really wear you out. I am at work and I am so tired and once I leave here I am tired.
In some cases, it is not always the emotional aspect of the trials and hearings but the people that the criminal case manager comes into contact with in performing the job. This criminal case manager discusses that it is often the people she deals with that leaves her feeling drained and wiped out by the end of the day:
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I do often feel wiped out and I think it‘s not necessarily the topic but the group of people we are dealing with, the person over the phone, no one that comes in our office wants to be there. Whether it‘s the civil side, criminal side or jurors no wants to be there and everyone is disgruntled when they walk in either a victim, defendant, witness, no ones to be there and it‘s draining. Because you still have to maintain this level of professionalism and provide customer service despite their actions of showing that their not pleased being in the office. Same thing with jurors. Jurors do not want to be there and prior to selecting a jury you have to deal with disgruntled people from the public that do not want to be there so it does wipe you out mentally and emotionally.
Remaining calm. The nature of the work that criminal case managers perform requires them to maintain a professional demeanor regardless of how they feel on the inside. As discussed in the literature, management often sets forth guidelines in order to control their employees‘ emotions in order to comply with the requirements of the job. Such control over employee‘s emotions has been studied, and researchers found that employees will adopt alternative methods in order to perform the emotion that is required by the organization (Ashford & Humphrey, 1993; Hochschild, 1983; Morris
& Feldman, 1997).
In analyzing the interviews, all of the criminal case managers commented on the need to remain calm in addressing the stresses they encounter each day in performing their job duties. Criminal case managers often partake in multi-tasking as a result of the various court proceedings that they cover. Often, after covering a court hearing or trial, they may immediately be sent up for another type of hearing due to staff shortages as a result of vacation, illness, or open positions not yet filled. As a
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result, they are often faced with trying to finish the paperwork on one case while being interrupted to help or cover another court hearing. Therefore, they often feel overwhelmed and stressed in performing their job duties as discussed in this excerpt:
Sometimes, if I am trying to get something done and somebody comes with a question or maybe Corrections has a question on a sentence order, I am trying to do more than one thing at a time. It can be stressful so I try to manage my stress as best as I possibly can. If I am doing a project right now as soon as I am done that project I will go onto the next thing that needs to be handled. I try to put everything in its place so I don‘t get overwhelmed. Because it can be easy to get overwhelmed sometimes. So I try to deal with one particular task at a time kinda helps with me managing my emotions and not being stressed. So just trying to be calm, trying to do the best I can at that moment really helps.
There are often times when judges need something done right away, and the criminal case manager must perform the task and remain calm. ―A calm emotion is needed because a Judge for example that comes down and needs something modified right away to get a defendant released. You need to be calm and proceed in what they want you to do.‖ This same criminal case manager further discussed the need to be able to have some type of control over your emotions and remaining calm in performing the job. ―I don‘t know if there is preparation and I think its everyday you just go with the flow. You have to be able to calm yourself and have some type of control over your emotions.‖
A criminal case manager also discussed the need to manage emotions in the courtroom by keeping emotions intact, remaining calm, and displaying no emotions.
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I think I am really good at keeping my emotions intact especially when it comes to doing trials, you have to. You have a variety of different cases you have to keep your emotions intact. You may hear things that are upsetting but you can‘t really display that because the jury is there and you don‘t want to cause a mistrial because of your expression. So dealing with that I am able to keep my emotions intact and not let my emotions get the best of me.
Research has shown when genuine emotions are inconsistent with required emotional displays, employees must engage in emotion regulation in order to suppress what they are truly feeling to produce the required emotional display (Grandey, 2000).
Strategies performed by employees to comply with the organizations display rules have resulted in emotional dissonance. According to Hochschild (1983),
―Maintaining a difference between feeling and feigning over the long run leads to strain‖ (p. 90).
Job satisfaction. In performing their job, criminal case managers reported that the positive aspects in the work that they do that provides a counterbalance to the negative aspects. All of the criminal case managers discussed how there are rewarding parts of their job, such as acknowledgment and positive feedback by management and judges for a job well done. The length of time on the job and being a part of helping people all contribute to positive feelings for the job as discussed in this excerpt:
I think the most rewarding part would be when someone has gotten the run around and has been calling and calling various places to resolve issues and they have not been able to and you answered the phone and you took the one step to further to resolve the issue. That is rewarding. Now I remember the
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very first time I ever got a call back from a person who lost their right to vote back in 2000. And that they literally called me when I got their charges resolved, they were in the system that they were convicted as a felony and it was really a misdemeanor. I was able to straighten that out and restore their right to vote and that‘s rewarding.
Such positive feeling when helping others as part of the job has also been identified in the literature. Erickson and Wharton (1997) found that when workers exhibit high levels of job involvement and public contact, positive feelings about the job are enhanced and feelings of in authenticity is diminished. This criminal case manager reflected on that positive feedback from judges and the trust instilled on her by them to perform her job is rewarding.
I guess I have Judges that say I do a great job, or judges ask me to look stuff up and they take my word for it, I have a good rapport and that makes me feel good and they trust me that I know what I am talking about .
Research has also found that workers with greater job autonomy have fewer negative effects of emotional labor (Pugliesi, 1999; Wharton, 1993, 1999). The length of time on the job and seeing the results of cases provide job satisfaction as discussed by this criminal case manager. ―I like what I do, I like that I have been working in the criminal division for a long period of time so I think I like knowing justice can be served.‖
However, criminal case managers reported that the pay scales are low for what they do with minimal to no raises. As a result, benefits, such as medical, vacation time, and sick time, are an incentive that help keep criminal case managers
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performing the job. However, as a result of staff shortages and heavy case loads, some benefits have been lost as discussed by this criminal case manager.
I guess insurance is the most rewarding part of my job. I can‘t say vacation because I lost 5 vacation days last year. I was so busy I could not even take my vacation. No one does my job. So when I am not here my job doesn‘t get done. I keep trying to train someone but we are so shorthanded all the time or busy. It seems like when we get fully staffed it only lasts two weeks. Unfortunately, with the state, they are going out to private industries to make more money than here and insurance and bonuses.
As shown in the excerpts, criminal case managers, due to the lack of extrinsic rewards, find rewards intrinsically in regard to the responsibility of the work that they perform. Herzberg suggested that when such motivators are present, they create job satisfaction (Hellriegal & Slocum, 2012).
Desensitization. As a result of the job the criminal case managers perform, three of the six criminal case managers feel they have become desensitized in handling the emotional aspect of the job. They have become numb, ignore the emotional testimony presented at trials, and have created emotional barriers that they sometimes carry home with them. Many times they withdraw, shutting themselves down emotionally as the following two respondents explained:
A trial, the emotional aspect of that trial, I do not listen to every aspect of the testimony if I know it‘s a rape case, a child abuse case, I just listen to the key things so that I am not, I do not emerge myself into the actual testimony. I sort of probably, I really don‘t deal with the emotional aspect as in sort of put a wall up, I put a wall up and try not to deal, not let it penetrate the wall to get to me. 156
I think I just kinda like tune things out, like I‘ll be in trial I will hear what‘s going on but I won‘t. I try to keep myself busy with other work that I do, docketing, sentence orders, asop orders that need to go back to the Judges to sign or docket them. I try to keep myself busy so that I am listening to the trial but that I am not so engulfed in the trial, what‘s going on that it causes a problem.
Length of time on the job has also shown to be a contributing factor in becoming desensitized as discussed by this criminal case manager.
Going to court I have been doing this for a long time and I have kinda become desensitized to everything, but I remember when I first started and knowing how many crimes were going on up here it was kinda hard it was like you lived in this world asking what is wrong with these people. Now it doesn‘t bother me. I am desensitized. Here comes another one.
In order to cope with the emotional aspect of the job, sometimes it requires the criminal case manager to take a break and decompress. ―Sometimes you have to walk away from the office, and go out front to get some fresh air, go file your paperwork, keep your mind off of things.‖
Sometimes, the job has resulted in the criminal case manager putting on an emotional type of armor in order to deal with the emotional aspect required as discussed in this excerpt:
It puts me on edge at home. I sort of bring my emotional barrier home. I think I am hardened to emotions and circumstances due to the job. I sort of keep that wall up and have sort of grown hardened to some type of situations that some people would be appalled by. Individuals in the type of positions with 157
felony court really need to be strong emotionally in order to be able to cope with everything we see and feel on a daily basis.
Desensitization has also been identified in the literature. According to
Mesmer-Magnus et al. (2012), employees who experience depersonalization can no longer effectively manage their emotions during personal encounters. They often distance themselves from others emotionally viewing customers as objects rather than as individuals.
The GNM Emotional Labor Survey contained an open-ended question asking participants if there is anything else they would like to tell me to please do so (Guy et al., 2008). Four responses were obtained and coded for analysis. The following themes emerged: training and job satisfaction. These two themes were also identified during the qualitative analysis and in the literature. As discussed in the interviews, inadequate training was shown to be a factor in performing the job and also is discussed in the following two comments:
I feel that I am capable of doing a great job here but a lot of my stresses are direct results of improper training. I started here believing with the amount of things to learn that I would receive one on one training for a good period of time before being expected to handle things on my own. I received about two weeks of hands on and now is mostly having to constantly bug someone about how to do something and I can tell they are frustrated with answering my questions. It‘s hard to learn or want to work at a place where you don‘t know our job and people seem to not be interested in helping you learn.
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It is very difficult to have a sense of ―normalcy‖ in this job. Most jobs have many, many steps. Some duties are done once and then may not be done again for months. Training is extremely difficult due to the fact that a particular task could take many, many different paths. The pay doesn‘t seem up to par for the responsibility associated with the job.
Job satisfaction was also identified as an identifiable theme from the comments. This criminal case manager felt that if she was appreciated for the work she does, it would make a difference in how she felt in performing her job. ―If I felt appreciated for the work I do, then I would feel much happier about my job and like I make a difference.‖ It was also reflected in the comments that there is no career ladder in this job. Such a comment was also discussed by a criminal case manager in an interview on the non-existence of a career ladder.
Summary
This chapter summarized the findings from both the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the research study. The quantitative results showed that emotion work and emotional labor exist among the criminal case managers. The data showed emotional labor in the form of surface and deep acting is exerted among criminal case managers in Superior Court. Findings also showed that there was evidence that emotional labor affected job satisfaction among criminal case managers. High levels of burnout were found to exist among criminal case managers in performing emotional labor. The quantitative results for training showed a positive relationship between training and emotion work with criminal case managers,
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indicating that the training they had received inadequately prepared them to cope with the emotional labor experienced in the courtroom.
The qualitative results were categorized into six reoccurring themes: a) training, b) peer support, c) feeling drained, d) keeping calm, e) job satisfaction, and f) desensitization.
First of all, the interviewees stated that there was no formalized training
program that exists for criminal case managers in Superior Court.
Training was done through a buddy system where criminal case manages
were paired up with more experienced individuals, often involving five or
six different people conducting the training leading to confusing and
uncertainty on how to perform the job.
Also reported were high rates of turnover where a senior employee may
have only been employed with the office for a short period of time and
found himself/herself still uncertain of the job and having to train new
employees. All the participants agreed the training process has been learn as
you go and from making mistakes.
Second, the importance of peer support was found to be a significant part
of criminal case managers‘ ability to perform the job. All the participants
discussed the importance of collaboration among each other that, in turn,
helps them cope with the emotionally charged experiences that arise from
the work that they perform. All the participants indicated that the support
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they receive from the work-based relationships they have built helped
make the work that they perform worthwhile.
Third, criminal case managers reported that the work they perform often
leaves them feeling drained by the end of the day. Handling various court
proceedings on a daily basis with little to no down time in between cases,
inadequate training, and the emotional aspect of covering different trials
and hearings resulted in criminal case managers feeling stressed and
exhausted.
Fourth, criminal case managers felt that it was important to maintain a
professional demeanor and remain calm, regardless of how they felt on the
inside in order to perform their job duties both in the courtroom and
outside of the courtroom. Often criminal case managers find themselves
covering numerous hearings on a daily basis and unable to complete
paperwork on cases they had finished.
Fifth, criminal case managers reported positive aspects in the work that
they perform that counterbalances the negative aspects. They indicated
that there were rewarding parts of the job, such as positive feedback and
acknowledgement for performing the job well.
Lastly, as a result of the job the criminal case managers perform, the
feeling of being desensitized was reported. Criminal case managers
reported being numb, ignoring emotional testimony, and creating
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emotional barriers that sometimes are carried home in dealing with the
emotional aspect of their job.
Chapter V will present a summary of the entire study, limitations, and recommendations for further study.
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Chapter V
Discussion, Implications, Limitations, and Conclusion
Research on emotional labor has been an area of much research in which researchers have provided ―empirical evidence that emotional labor is a central part of everyday work life for many employees‖ (Chau et al., 2009, p. 1151). Emotional labor refers to as ―the management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display and is intended to produce a particular state of mind in others‖
(Guy et al., 2008, p. 6). Emotional labor is regulated by the employer in accordance with the organization‘s display rules and is ―an essential dynamic in public delivery‖
(Hsieh et al., 2011).
Service providers that work in the criminal justice field such as police officers, correctional guards, 911 operators, judges, attorneys, and treatment counselors all perform emotional labor as part of their job duties of being a civil servant. However, there has been little to no evidence involving the impact of emotional labor among criminal case managers. Criminal case managers are exposed to highly emotional criminal cases on a daily basis. They are often called upon to cover various hearings with little to no time to decompress. The lack of appropriate mental preparation and inconsistent training can result in poor job performance and emotional dissonance. Emotional dissonance causes long term negative consequences such as burn out, exhaustion, stress, and lower job satisfaction
(Wharton, 1999).
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This study focused on criminal case managers who are responsible for courtroom administrative matters in all cases being heard. The primary purpose of this mixed methods study was to determine if emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in Superior Court and how it affects job satisfaction and burnout.
Qualitative methods were further used to investigate if existing training adequately prepares criminal case managers for emotional labor experienced in the courtroom and the perceptions they have about the emotional aspect of their job.
Summary of Research Findings
The following section will summarize the findings for each research question.
Research Question 1: What level of emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in Superior Court? Emotion work was found to be part of each criminal case manager‘s job function. The levels of emotional labor were found to vary among the criminal case managers. Particularly interesting was the responses from criminal case managers as to their job functions of dealing with emotionally charged issues as a critical dimension of the work that they perform. Thirty-four criminal case managers responded to this question with a relatively high mean score of 5. Specifically, using Likert-scale questions from never to always, the following responses were collected: 1 never, 1 rarely, 4 once in a while, 7 sometimes, 5 often,
10 usually and 6 always. The majority of the responses were in the range from sometimes to always, indicating that criminal case managers are aware of the emotional issues involved in the work that they perform.
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There has been very little research conducted in the area of emotional labor and criminal case managers. However, some research has been conducted involving criminal justice personnel and emotional labor. Those employed in criminal justice professions are often exposed to situations that carry significant emotional undercurrents (Goodrum & Stafford, 2003).
Another area that displayed a relatively high mean score asked criminal case managers if they are good at dealing with emotional issues in the work that they do.
Thirty-four criminal case managers responded to this question with a relatively high mean score of 4.85. Specifically, using Likert-scale questions from never to always the following responses were collected: 1 never, 2 once in a while, 11 sometimes, 8 often, 10 usually and 2 always. The majority of the responses were in the range from sometimes to usually indicating that criminal case managers perceive themselves as being good at handling emotional issues in the work that they do.
This supports Ashforth and Humphrey‘s (1993) definition of emotional labor as the ―act of expressing socially desired emotions during service encounters‖ (p. 90).
This definition focuses on the behavior rather than the emotions that are needed to be in compliance with the organization‘s display rules (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993).
Criminal case managers are able to comply with the organization‘s display rules without having to manage feelings. ―Ashforth and Humphrey also argue that emotional labor facilitate task effectiveness by regulating interaction and obviating interpersonal problems‖ (Ashforth and Humphrey, 1993, p. 89). When employees
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perform emotional labor, this may help psychologically distance themselves from undesirable situations.
It was also found that criminal case managers engage in strategies to comply with the organization‘s display rules. However, such strategies can result in emotional dissonance due to having to display emotions that are congruent with those of the
Court. When emotion work is part of an employee‘s job role, individuals engage in emotional labor through either surface or deep acting. When employees engage in deep acting, they are actually changing their felt emotions to match the organizations‘ display rules. Organizations prefer employees who engage in the method of deep acting over surface acting. By engaging in deep acting, employees come across as being sincere and genuine in performing their job. However, employees who engage in deep acting may lose touch with their true felt emotions over time.
Employees who engage in the method of surface acting involve faking their true emotions. As part of an organization‘s display rules, the employee may be required to be sincere and friendly; however, he or she may not feel this way. Acting in a different manner than how the employee feels may appear insincere.
Surface acting often involves negative consequences, such as low job satisfaction and burnout (Hochschild, 1983). It also leads to emotional dissonance which is the conflict the employee feels between his or her true feelings and what emotions he or she is expected to display in his or her job role. In a study conducted by Judge, Woolfe, and Hurst, surface acting was found to be positively related to emotional exhaustion as cited in (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002).
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It was found that the levels of surface and deep acting vary among the criminal case managers. Engaging in the method of surface acting was reported to have the highest level among criminal case managers. As a result, emotional dissonance is likely to develop leading to emotional exhaustion. Deep acting was found to be present, but criminal case managers did not engage in deep acting as much as surface acting. Grandey (2003) found that deep acting was more effective than surface acting. Research has also shown that employees who do not suppress their emotions are healthier than those who engage in feigning their emotions
(Geddes & Kruml, 2000).
Research Question 2: How does emotional labor affect job satisfaction among criminal case managers in Superior Court? The study found that there was evidence that emotional labor affected job satisfaction among criminal case managers in performing their job functions. An interesting area that displayed a relatively high mean score asked criminal case managers if their performance appraisal accurately reflects how effective they are at performing their job. Thirty-three criminal case managers responded to this question with a relatively high mean score of 5.15.
Specifically, using Likert-scale questions from never to always the following responses were collected: 5 rarely, 1 once in a while, 5 sometimes, 3 often, 11 usually and 8 always. The majority of the responses were in the range from usually to always indicating that criminal case managers feel that their performance appraisal accurately reflects how effective they are in performing their job. In conducting research, the researcher found that performance reviews are conducted annually based
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on the specific job duties performed by the criminal case manager; however, such reviews lack any language regarding the emotional aspect of the job (―The State of
Delaware Employee Performance Plan,‖ 2013).
In the qualitative data portion of the study, a criminal case manager commented on the non-existence of a career ladder and low pay scales. State of
Delaware employees have been affected by hiring and pay freezes that have lasted years due to budgetary constraints. This has led to positions being left vacant with employees feeling overworked and under compensated. A lack of personal accomplishment leaves employees feeling unsatisfied with their work performance and results in low job satisfaction (Mesmer-Magnus et al., 2012).
Another area that displayed a relatively high mean score asked criminal case managers if there is a lot of variety in the kinds of things that they do. Thirty-four criminal case managers responded to this question with a relatively high mean score of 5.38. Specifically, using Likert-scale questions from never to always, the following responses were collected: 2 rarely, 4 once in a while, 3 sometimes, 8 often,
4 usually and 13 always. The majority of the responses were in the range from often to always indicating criminal case managers feel that there is a variety of tasks involved in performing their job duties.
In the qualitative portion, the criminal case managers reported positive aspects in the work they perform providing a counterbalance to the negative aspects. Such intrinsic rewards, such as acknowledgement and positive feedback from management and judges, help create job satisfaction. Job involvement and autonomy has been
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found to be an important predictor in job satisfaction with employees whose jobs require emotional labor (Wharton, 1993, 1999). Employees who are in high control may be able to adapt their personality and style to the organization‘s display rules, thereby lessoning the effects of emotional dissonance (Wharton, 1993, 1999)
Research Question 3: Does the act of performing emotional labor among criminal case managers contribute to burnout? The study found that as a result of the emotion work that criminal case managers perform, they are experiencing burnout. A strong positive correlation was found to exist between emotion work and burnout. An interesting are that reported a relatively high mean score asked if criminal case managers leave work feeling tired and run down. Thirty-four criminal case managers responded to this question with a relatively high mean score of 4.56.
Specifically, using Likert-scale questions from never to always, the following responses were collected: 1 never, 4 rarely, 4 once in a while, 10 sometimes, 3 often,
5 usually and 7 always. The majority of the responses were in the range from sometimes to always indicating that criminal case managers leave work feeling tired and run down.
Another area that displayed a relatively high mean score asked if criminal case managers leave work feeling emotionally exhausted. Thirty-four criminal case managers responded to this question with a relatively high mean score of 4.
Specifically using Likert-scale questions from never to always, the following response were collected: 3 never, 2 rarely, 4 once in a while, 13 sometimes, 1 often, 5 usually and 6 always. The majority of the responses were in the range from
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sometimes to always indicating that criminal case managers also leave work feeling emotionally exhausted.
Numerous studies have been conducted with workers who report having to
display emotions that are in conflict with their own feelings and, as a result,
are more likely to experience emotional exhaustion. Employees experiencing
exhaustion report feeling frustrated and drained (Guy et al., 2008). Such
stress often leads to burnout. A dimension of burnout identified as
depersonalization was found to exist among criminal case managers during
the qualitative portion of the study. It was found that criminal case managers
often distance themselves from others emotionally feeling estranged resulting
in viewing customers as objects rather than as individuals (Mesmer-Magnus et
al., 2012).
Research Question 4: Does existing training within Superior Court adequately prepare criminal case managers to cope with emotional labor experienced in the courtroom? Mixed results were found in answering this question using both quantitative and qualitative research methods. Quantitative data received from the GNM Emotional Labor Survey indicated that the training the criminal case managers received had adequately prepared them to cope with the emotional labor that they experienced in the courtroom. However, after analyzing the interview data in the qualitative portion, it was evident that a formalized training program does not currently exist for criminal case managers. All of the participants in the qualitative study indicated training to be a learn as you go process in which most knowledge is
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obtained from making mistakes. It was explained by the criminal case managers that a buddy system is used in which less experienced criminal case managers are paired up with more experienced individuals. Often new criminal case managers receive training from five or six different individuals, resulting in confusion and lack of consistency on how to properly perform their job functions in accordance with court rules and procedures.
This type of training was also previously identified by Mattison (2012), who studied courtroom clerks in California. Mattison found new employees are trained on laws and rules through lecture-based training; however, when completed, new courtroom clerks receive on the job training by more experienced courtroom clerks.
There is little to no training done in regard to the graphic material they will come into contact with in the courtroom.
A problem of turnover among criminal case managers was also reported.
Often, criminal case managers employed for only a short period of time find themselves in the role as a senior employee now responsible for training new employees. Specifically, within the past 5 years in New Castle County, the criminal department that is responsible for covering trials has lost 10 employees (C. Redmond, personal communication, September 9, 2013). Normally, the criminal department is staffed with 12 full time positions. Such a loss in employees equates to two positions or 1.66% per year.
It was also reported by a criminal case manager that one of the biggest challenges of the job is still having questions in performing certain key functions of
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the position that he or she was never fully trained in. As a result, this makes the case manager feel stressed and nervous in performing job duties. Such an informal and unstructured approach to training often leaves new criminal case managers confused and lacking consistency with the correct way to perform certain job functions in accordance with court rules and procedures.
Research Question 5: What are criminal case manager’s perceptions of the emotional aspect of the job? Qualitative analysis was conducted to determine how criminal case managers perceive the emotional aspect of performing their job functions. Five themes were discovered that revealed that emotional labor is present in the job duties performed by criminal case managers: training, peer support, feeling drained, keeping calm, job satisfaction, and desensitization. Through interviews, criminal case managers discussed how the intensity and stress experienced from covering courtroom hearings often leaves them feeling drained. Feeling drained was also identified as a common theme among criminal case managers. They understood as part of their job function that they are not supposed to show any emotions, but, at times, this can be difficult. Often, they hear or see things that are upsetting, but due to the presence of a jury, witnesses, family members, the public, attorneys, and the judge, they keep their emotions intact.
Some of the criminal case managers reported that they had become desensitized in handling the emotional aspect of the job. Many times, they withdraw, shutting themselves down emotionally in order to cope with the emotion work. Van
Maanen and Kinda (1989) argued that suppression of the self in order to comply with
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the organizational display rules can lead to physical illness and burnout. It was also reported by one of the criminal case managers that sometimes it is not always the emotional aspect of the trial and hearings, but the people they come into contact with in performing the job. Hochschild (1983) argued that service providers and customers share expectations about the appropriate emotions to be displayed during the service encounter. ―These expectations give rise to feeling rules or norms that specify the range, intensity, duration, and object of emotions that should be experienced‖ (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1995, p. 89).
As a result, the criminal case managers discussed the importance of peer support among each other to help cope with the emotionally charged issues they experience. Peer support was also identified as a theme during the qualitative portion of the study. The criminal case managers reported that the support they receive from their co-workers helped make work worthwhile. They understand the work demands placed on them and, as a result, are able to empathize with their co-workers. Social support units have been found to be beneficial for employees (Geddes & Kruml,
2000). Criminal case managers are able to express their feelings in regard to emotional labor, therefore reducing the effects of emotional dissonance. They also reflected that positive feedback from management and judges provides job satisfaction and helps lessen the negative aspects of the job.
The theme of remaining calm, as well as maintaining a professional demeanor, regardless of their personal feelings, was also identified by the criminal case managers. Criminal case managers are expected to perform their job duties as
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public servants with respect and courtesy for the public and carry out all properly issued rules as governed by the judicial branch personnel rules, including the Code of
Conduct. Criminal case managers often partake in multi-tasking as a result of the various court proceedings that they cover with little to no break in between hearings.
As a result, they often feel overwhelmed and stressed and engage in strategies of surface and deep acting in order to modify their behavior to be compliant with the organizations display rules.
Implications for Practice
This study extends our knowledge on the emotional demands required for criminal case managers. The findings support that emotional labor is present in the work that criminal case managers perform. However, this phenomenon has not yet been formally introduced to criminal case managers or incorporated into their daily work duties. This research raises a number of questions regarding the recruitment, hiring, and training of criminal case managers regarding the role emotional labor has in performing their job duties.
The demands of emotion work should be monitored by human resources as well as management. As of this study, job postings for criminal case managers are generic and fail to specify any type of emotional management involved in the position. Interview questions are also mostly generic, with the topic of attending criminal trials that may involve highly charged emotions mentioned in passing; however, graphic nature and content of such proceedings and the potential impact is
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largely ignored. Recognizing the existence of emotion work would allow human resource personnel and managers to recruit and retain criminal case managers.
Research conducted by Mattison (2012) found a court with the special requirement to tolerate exposure to graphic evidence for the position of courtroom clerk in Superior Court of California, County of Calavares. This requirement was added due to a clerk becoming upset from evidence that was presented at a hearing she was covering. Mattison (2012) also found in the County of Orange in the State of
California for the position of Capital Case Coordinator, interview questions that specifically asked the individual about his or her capability of working with cases involving the death penalty. Such information included in the job requirements and again as part of the interview questions for the position of criminal case manager would help alert individuals that do not have much knowledge about the courts to decide if they are able to handle such items of evidence and exposure to unpleasant testimony.
As reported, formalized training of criminal case managers regarding emotional labor should be conducted in order to increase job satisfaction, reduce employee turnover, and lessen the negative effects of criminal case managers engaging in such strategies as surface acting. Properly trained employees are essential to the attainment of the goals and objectives of the organization. Training criminal case managers will help assist them with dealing with stressful encounters.
Such training can be divided into three categories: orientation program, on-going training program, and a stress management program (Hwa et al., 2010).
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Orientation programs should be used for new criminal case managers in order to make them aware of the appropriate display rules for the Court. Performing good customer service should be included with also addressing the negative effects of emotional labor. Focus needs to be on the well-being of the criminal case managers with the ability for them to discuss what they are feeling to allow for finding an effective way to manage their emotions.
Ongoing training programs with criminal case managers should also be utilized to help them learn how to perform deep acting instead of surface acting.
Integrating the practices of deep acting would allow for emotional expressions to appear more genuine. This training could also allow criminal case managers the opportunity to discuss their feelings and frustrations (Hwa et. al., 2010). Programs should also include trauma-focused training and continuing education programs to increase awareness and the ability to identify symptoms of vicarious trauma.
Stress management programs should also be implemented to help criminal case managers cope with the strain as a result of performing emotional labor. Stress management programs should include an emotion focused coping component rather than a problem focused coping approach to deal with emotional stressors (Hwa et. al.,
2010).
Cross training should also be implemented. Cross training would allow for case managers who are not specifically assigned to cover criminal trials and hearings to be able to perform these specialized tasks. All too often, knowledge and ability to perform critical key job duties reside in a few select employees. As a result, this
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leads to inadequate public service. Criminal case managers who are cross trained become more valuable by mastering a variety of skills which will, in turn, motivate them to help one another, thereby providing much needed peer support in regard to the demands placed upon them in the emotional work they perform.
Kirkpatrick‘s 4-level model should be used to measure the impact of training for criminal case managers. Kirkpatrick‘s 4-level model includes reaction, learning, behavior, and results (Kirkpatrick, 1996). The first level, reaction, measures how well the employees that were trained reacted to the training. This is important as it helps to understand how well the training was received and identify areas that need improvement and further development. The second level measures what the employees have learned (Kirkpatrick, 1996). This allows the trainer to identify what areas their knowledge has increased and what areas need further development for future training sessions. The third level is behavior that identifies how the employees are applying what they have learned (Kirkpatrick, 1996). The final and fourth level, results allows the trainer to analyze the final outcomes of the training (Kirkpatrick,
1996).
The establishment of formalized training programs should include standards and guidelines to measure their impact upon the court. The first level of
Kirkpatrick‘s 4 level model, referred to as reaction, will allow criminal case managers to complete a post-course evaluation of their impressions of the training program.
The second level will involve measuring the knowledge and skills the criminal case manager has learned from the training program. The third level, referred to as
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behavior or performance, will allow the criminal case manager‘s supervisor to assess the employees‘ ability to use what they have learned in performing their job duties; for example, engaging in strategies such as genuine acting and deep acting instead of surface acting. The fourth level, results, will measure the impact the training had overall on the criminal case manager‘s emotional well-being and morale. By using
Kirkpatrick‘s 4-level model, management can assess if the emotional needs of the criminal case managers have been met as well as the organizational goals established by the training programs.
The courts should also provide and make accessible an Employee Assistance
Program (EAP) to provide criminal case managers with free, confidential counseling to help cope with experiencing a traumatic event. Currently, for State of Delaware employees, an EAP exists that provides help for employees to cope with both life and work outside the job environment. This program is confidential per the Federal
Privacy Act of 1988, paid for by the State of Delaware and offered 24 hours a day,
365 days per year. Employees receive an assessment and up to five counseling sessions per issue. If additional counseling is needed, human management services will coordinate care with a participating healthcare provider (―State of Delaware
Employee Assistance Program,‖ n.d.).
One of the services that the EAP provides is a critical incident stress management program where managers and supervisors are encouraged to reach out if a critical incident takes place in the workplace. It further outlines such incidents as sudden death of an employee, a criminal act, or other issues that may create a
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stressful work environment that a human management service provider could help diffuse (―State of Delaware Employee Assistance Program,‖ n.d.).
Research conducted by Mattison (2012) involving Superior Courts in the State of California found 18 of the 19 courts who responded to the survey currently have an
EAP program through an outside provider. The purpose of these EAP programs is to provide employees with a way of coping with life‘s challenges by offering confidential counseling at no cost (Mattison, 2012). Nine out of the 19 courts indicated they have a procedure in place to assist court staff after being involved in a critical work incident (Mattison, 2012). Two of the 19 courts indicted that their procedure is to contact their designated EAP provider after a critical workplace incident has taken place (Mattison, 2012). Seven courts indicated that they do not have a formal procedure in place; however, they had used an outside agency to help an employee with an internal incident (Mattison, 2012). Six courts indicated that if an employee was having problems as a result of a particular case involving disturbing evidence and/or testimony, they would refer the employee to their EAP provider
(Mattison, 2012).
With the possibility of violence being a reality for those who work in the courthouse, it is important for management in the court system to check on the emotional well-being of staff. An EAP should be specifically designed as an internal program in the courts for criminal case managers exposed to disturbing evidence and/ or testimony resulting in negative effects on their health and well-being. As a result,
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managers should make the existence of this resource readily available for criminal case managers.
It is best to initiate training for human resource personnel, managers, supervisors, and criminal case managers to recognize the importance of emotional labor and the consequences it poses to the court. This will also help create awareness and support from management. Previous literature has shown that only if employees reported to their supervisor that they were upset after a court proceeding would they then be referred to an EAP. As a result, many court employees who have been subjected to traumatic and stressful material are not likely to be offered help
(Mattison, 2012). Criminal case managers should be provided with adequate mental health coverage and paid time off to address trauma issues (Johnson, 2012).
Directions for Future Research
The current study sheds lights on future research opportunities regarding the influence of emotional labor in public sector organizations such as the Courts:
Conduct further research to determine if a larger sample of criminal case
managers inside Delaware involving all of the courts would have an
impact on the survey results involving the level of emotional labor among
criminal case managers, its effect on job satisfaction, and if performing
emotional labor contributes to burnout.
Expand the research scope to include not just criminal case managers but
all court employees to determine the existence of emotional labor and its
effect on job satisfaction and if performing emotional labor contributes to
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burnout that would need to identify specific job functions within the court
in order to determine the amount of emotion work.
Conduct a separate study inside Delaware to identify the existence of any
formalized training programs in the area of emotion work for court
employees.
Conduct research involving criminal court employees and stress as a result
of vicarious trauma in the State of Delaware. Criminal courtrooms are
places where disturbing details are revealed, making criminal case
managers vulnerable to the effects of vicarious trauma.
Limitations
The study was confined to one court in the state of Delaware which may have limited the results. A small sample size was analyzed which yielded marginal data.
More conclusive data could be obtained if the study had included personnel from all the courts in the state of Delaware. The study was also limited to criminal case managers in Superior Court. Expanding the scope of the study to include all court personnel, not just in Superior Court but the other Courts in the state of Delaware, would have expanded the results and yielded more data.
As a result of the limitation of the study involving Superior Court in the State of Delaware, there was not another state to compare the data with. Expanding the scope of the study to similar courts outside the state of Delaware would yield more data that could be compared and generalized to other courts.
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The subjectivity of the researcher also posed as a limitation to this study. The researcher remains employed with Superior Court and had previous experience as a criminal case manager. In conducting research, the presence of the researcher can have an effect upon the participant. As a researcher, it is important to be aware of any type of bias that may affect the study. Bias can occur in both data collection and data analysis. It is important for the researcher to explain any biases and assumptions regarding the researcher‘s expectations that may influence the results of the study
(Merriam, 2009).
In analyzing the data, the researcher made every effort to remain non-biased and minimize any subjectivity by recognizing any assumptions presented in both data collection and data analysis. In an effort to conduct my research without bias adversely affecting the results, I drew on Patton‘s (2002) three essential components: the credibility of the researcher, rigorous methods, and a fundamental appreciation of qualitative inquiry as cited in Merriam (2009). Since the researcher is the primary instrument in collecting the data for the study, the data is filtered through theoretical biases as to deciding what is important and should be included. Therefore, opportunities exist for excluding data that contradicts the researcher‘s views.
Conclusion
This study found that emotional labor exists among criminal case managers in
Superior Court. Criminal case managers are aware of the emotion work they perform and engage in strategies to comply with the organization‘s display rules. Data gathered supports findings that surface acting and deep acting strategies are
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undertaken by criminal case managers when performing their job duties. Job satisfaction was found to be present in the emotional labor performed by criminal case managers with their reporting positive aspects in the work that they perform providing a counterbalance to the negative aspects. However, a strong positive correlation was found between emotion work performed by criminal case managers and burnout. It was also found that a formalized training program that would mitigate negative effects of exhaustion and burnout involving emotional labor does not currently exist for criminal case managers.
Emotional labor should be taken seriously in the work performed by criminal case managers. It is skilled work that takes a number of different strategies in order to display the appropriate behavior as required by the organization. Emotional labor has found to affect job satisfaction and produce burnout due to employees‘ expressing emotions not actually felt. Emotional labor should not be ignored but understood in order to develop job descriptions, interview questions, training and development, and retention strategies that address this phenomenon and fully comprehend the complete job requirement.
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Appendix A
GNM Emotional Labor Questionnaire
(Guy et al., 2008)
The purpose of this survey is to learn about the demands and characteristics of jobs
that require employees to work in intense situations. There are no right or wrong
answers; that which is important is your own personal experience on the job. Please
be candid with your responses; they will be kept fully confidential.
For each of the following statements, indicate how often each occurs by circling the
number based on the following scale:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Once In a Never Rarely Sometimes Often Usually Always While
Never Always
1. I perform my job independently of supervision. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
2. My job is interesting. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
3. I am proud of the work I do. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
4. I make my own decisions about how to do my work. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
5. My performance appraisal accurately reflects how effective I am in my job. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
202
6. My supervisor asks for my opinion on matters of concern. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
7. I am doing something worthwhile in my job. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
8. My work is challenging. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
9. My work is satisfying. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
10. My job provides career development opportunities. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
11. There is a lot of a variety in the kinds of things I do. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
12. To be effective, I must be creative in my work. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
13. I keep learning new things in my position. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
14. My training prepared me to do my job well. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
15. I am good at getting people to calm down. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
16. I prefer working with people. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
17. My job requires that I display many different emotions when interacting with 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 others.
18. My job requires me to be ―artificially‖ or ―professionally‖ friendly to clients, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 callers, citizens, etc.
19. Working directly with people puts a lot of stress on me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
20. I help co-workers feel better about themselves. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
21. I cover or manage my own feelings so as to appear pleasant at work. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
22. My work requires me to guide people through sensitive and/or emotional 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 issues.
23. My work involves dealing with emotionally charged issues as a critical 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 dimension of the job.
203
24. I try to actually feel the emotions that I must display. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
25. My job requires that I pretend to have emotions that I do not really feel. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
26. My job requires that I manage the emotions of others. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
27. My job requires that I hide my true feelings about a situation. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
28. My work requires me to deal with unfriendly people. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
29. In my work, I am good at dealing with emotional issues. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
30. My work requires me to provide comfort to people who are in crisis. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
31. I worry that this job is hardening me emotionally. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
32. I leave work feeling tired and run down. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
33. I leave work feeling emotionally exhausted. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
34. I feel ―used up‖ at the end of the workday. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
35. I leave work feeling optimistic. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
36. I leave work feeling energized. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
37. I think about getting a different job. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
38. I feel like my work is a waste of time and energy. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
To unwind after a tough day, I confide in my:
39. Co-workers 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
40. Friends 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
41. Family 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
42. Others (please specify): 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
43. To cope with work stress, I engage in sports and/or hobbies. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
44. I feel like my work makes a difference. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
204
45. My work gives me a sense of personal accomplishment. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
46. My job requires that I am nice to people no matter how they treat me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
47. I attempt to keep the peace by calming clashes between co-workers. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
48. I help co-workers deal with stresses and difficulties at work. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
49. Are ______Male ______Female
you
50. Are
you:
American Indian
African American
Asian or Pacific Islander
Hispanic
White, not of Hispanic Origin
Other (Please
Specify)
51. How old are
you?
205
52. What is your educational level? Indicate the highest level completed.
Less than high school
High school graduate or G.E.D.
Technical training or apprenticeship after high school
Some college
2-year associate degree
Graduated from college
Some graduate school
Master‘s degree
Law degree (J.D., LL.B.)
Doctorate degree (Ph.D., M.D., Ed. D., etc.
Other (Please
Specify)
53. How long have you been working in your current job?
Less than 1 year
1 year or more, but less than 2 years
2 years or more, but less than 3 years
3 years or more, but less than 4 years
4 years or more, but less than 5 years
5 years or more, but less than 6 years
206
6 years or more, but less than 7 years
7 years or more, but less than 8 years
8 years or more, but less than 9 years
9 years or more, but less than 10 years
10 years or more
54a. Have you worked in a similar type job prior to Yes No this one?
54b. If ―Yes‖, for how long?
55. In which area do you work? Check all that apply?
Trial Case Manager
Sentencing Case Manager
Other, please specify ______
56. What is your marital status?
Married
Divorced
Single
Not married, but with a significant other
207
Widow/er
57. Do you have childcare or dependent care Yes No responsibilities after work?
58. My salary is:
Under $20,000
$20,000-$29,999
$30,000-$39,999
$40,000-$49,999
More than $50,000
.
Thank you very much for your participation.
If there is anything else you would like to tell me, please do so in the space provided
below:
208
Appendix B
Interview Questions
1. Tell me about a typical day at your job.
2. Tell me about the work that you do.
3. Tell me about the things you do to build relationships.
4. Do you need to engage in emotion management – which means managing
your own emotions as well as ―calming‖ the emotions of others?
5. What do you perceive as stressors during the day?
6. What kinds of emotions are required to adequately address or handle those
stresses?
7. How do you deal with the emotional aspect of the job?
8. How do you prepare for the stresses of your job?
9. What kind of training have you had to perform your job?
10. Every occupation has its own humor – in the form of ―sick jokes‖ – and this
serves as a release for tensions. Is this a means for you to release tension?
11. Do you often feel ―wiped out‖ at the end of the day? Why?
12. How do you unwind from a tough day?
13. What is the biggest challenge of the job?
14. What do you find the most rewarding part of our job?
15. Do job stresses affect your personal life?
16. Do you have a term for dealing with the emotional distress that you observe in
your work?
209
17. Is there anything that we left out that you would like to tell me?
210