Final Reports

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Final Reports EU Election Expert Mission (EEM) to Colombia 2018 - Legislative Elections EUROPEAN UNION FINAL REPORTS Election Experts Mission (EEM) to COLOMBIA Legislative Elections - 11 March 2018 Election Experts Mission (EEM) to COLOMBIA Presidential elections - 27 May (first round) and 17 June 2018 (second round) Final Report 1 EU Election Expert Mission (EEM) to Colombia 2018 - Legislative Elections EUROPEAN UNION Election Experts Mission (EEM) to COLOMBIA Legislative Elections 11 March 2018 FINAL REPORT February/March 2018 Final Report 1 EU Election Expert Mission (EEM) to Colombia 2018 - Legislative Elections LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS COLOMBIA 11 MARCH 2018 FINAL REPORT EU Election Experts Mission (EU EEM) 7 February - 17 March 2018 The information and views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Final Report EU Election Expert Mission (EEM) to Colombia 2018 - Legislative Elections TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. SUMMARY ............................................................................................................................................ 1 2. BACKGROUND ...................................................................................................................................... 4 3. CONTEXT OF THE ELECTIONS ............................................................................................................... 4 3.1 The Peace Agreement and Congressional Elections ....................................................................... 4 3.2 Nominations .................................................................................................................................... 5 4. ELECTORAL SYSTEM .............................................................................................................................. 5 5. CAMPAIGN ........................................................................................................................................... 6 5.1 Electoral Violence ............................................................................................................................ 7 6. CAMPAIGN FUNDING ........................................................................................................................... 8 7. MEDIA ................................................................................................................................................. 11 7.1 Access to Media in Election Period…………………………………………………………………………………………. 11 7.2 The Role of Social Media…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..12 8. ELECTORAL CENSUS ............................................................................................................................ 13 9. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ................................................................................................................ 15 10. ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION ........................................................................................................... 16 11. PARTICIPATION OF VULNERABLE GROUPS......................................................................................... 19 11.1 Women’s Participation .................................................................................................................. 19 11.2 Participation of the Indigenous and Afro-descendant Population ............................................... 19 11.3 Participation of People with Disabilities ....................................................................................... 20 12 ELECTORAL REFORM .......................................................................................................................... 21 12.1 Electoral Reform Process .............................................................................................................. 21 13 ELECTION OBSERVATION .................................................................................................................... 22 14 ELECTION DAY .................................................................................................................................... 23 15 TRANSMISSION OF RESULTS and OFFICIAL COUNT............................................................................ 24 16 INTERPARTY CONSULTATIONS ........................................................................................................... 24 17 ELECTORAL APPEALS .......................................................................................................................... 26 17.1 Revocation of the registration of candidates ................................................................................ 26 17.2 Challenges to the Results of the Elections .................................................................................... 27 17.3 Electoral Crimes ............................................................................................................................ 27 18 RESULTS .............................................................................................................................................. 28 ANNEX 1 - RESULTS ......................................................................................................................................... 30 Final Report EU Election Expert Mission (EEM) to Colombia 2018 - Legislative Elections 1. SUMMARY • The congressional elections held on the 11th of March were of historical importance as they were the first elections held since the signing of the Peace Agreement in November 2016. The impact of the Agreement was felt in that elections could be held for the first time across the entire territory, without the obstacles that guerrilla groups such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) created in the past. Participation was close to 49% in both houses, among the highest over the past three decades. • The Agreement involved the conversion of the FARC into a party, its participation in the elections, and implied a guarantee of five seats in each of the houses of Congress, regardless of the result obtained. Other commitments of the Agreement, such as the adoption of an electoral reform and the creation of 16 electoral constituencies in conflict-affected areas, did not pass the legislative procedure. The tone of the campaign was marked by the controversy around the participation of the FARC and the generalised opposition to the corruption of the political system. • In general, candidates were able to carry out their campaign throughout the territory without major restrictions on their rights to assemble and move, despite serious incidents, especially the harassment of the FARC candidates and, to a lesser extent, of the other parties. The campaign showed that the structural violence suffered by the country did not definitively end with the signing of the Agreement. The ELN attacks and the increase in the number of murders of social leaders were worrisome. The tone of the campaign was considered to be very harsh by most parties. The Procuracy revealed widespread non- compliance with campaign rules. • The media covered the electoral campaign in a legal framework that offered extensive guarantees, despite significant vulnerabilities that affect the sector, such as threats to the physical integrity of journalists (which were significantly reduced after the signing of the Peace Agreement), sexual harassment to women journalists, alleged pressures from different instances of the State, aggressions of the public force and a non-transparent allocation of state advertising. It was especially worrying the role of social media was especially worrying, considering the lack of effective tools against the fake news it spreads. • The management of campaign funding is considered to be a potential source of corruption in the political system, given the abundance of resources linked to illegal activities and corporate interests. The law provides reasonable legal instruments to face these problems. The resolutions of the National Electoral Council (CNE) represented an advance, due to the mandatory use of public telematic means, for parties and candidates to report their accounting movements and update them throughout the campaign. However, the lack of transparency in the accounts deprived Colombians of the opportunity to monitor the campaign funds. The control and supervision mechanisms applied proved to be insufficient to fight against illegal funding and non-compliance with campaign ceilings. • The reliability of the census, estimated at over 36 million voters, was not a primary concern for the parties, despite the fact that it contains an undetermined number of people who have died or emigrated, and that it does not include almost 800,000 unregistered people. Although the Peace Agreement calls for the promotion of registration campaigns that prioritise the most marginalised areas, especially areas affected Final Report 1 EU Election Expert Mission (EEM) to Colombia 2018 - Legislative Elections by conflict, these campaigns have not been carried out. Another problem of the census is the existence of almost two million citizens who have not been assigned a polling station based on their residence, which could have affected their participation. • The Congress is made up of 108 senators and 175 members of the House of Representatives, elected through a proportional system in which parties can contest with closed or open lists. In Colombia, open lists are questioned because they are understood
Recommended publications
  • IFES Faqs on Elections in Colombia
    Elections in Colombia 2018 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Americas International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org May 14, 2018 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 When will the newly elected government take office? ................................................................................ 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How many candidates are registered for the May 27 elections? ................................................................. 1 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 1 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 2 What is the structure of the government? ................................................................................................... 2 Are there any quotas in place? ..................................................................................................................... 3 What is the
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Colombia: 2014 Presidential Elections
    Elections in Colombia: 2014 Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions Latin America and the Caribbean International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW | Fifth Floor | Washington, D.C. 20006 | www.IFES.org May 23, 2014 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How many candidates are registered for the May 25 elections? ................................................................. 1 Who are the candidates running for President?........................................................................................... 1 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 3 What is the structure of the government? ................................................................................................... 3 What is the gender balance within the candidate list? ................................................................................ 3 What is the election management body? What are its powers? ................................................................. 3 How many polling
    [Show full text]
  • Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
    Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Colombian Political Actors and the Challenge of Peacebuilding
    nº 20 - APRIL 2014 COLOMBIA AFTER VIOLENT CONFLICT IN DEPTH Colombian political actors and the challenge of peacebuilding Rafael Grasa President of the International Catalan Institute for Peace The following reflections are based on two paradoxical observations. On the one hand, a structural tendency exists in Colombia toward the intergenerational reproduction of political violence, which is linked to a system of governance that reproduces and amplifies inequality, with a key role for political and territorial elites (in the capitals and the regions). This tendency, in addition, is closely tied to the dysfunctional or- ganisation of Colombian society. Authors such as James Robinson have accurately suggested that Colombia’s problems, beginning with the violence, are rooted in the perpetuation of an anachronistic system of indirect governance characteristic of Eu- rope’s imperial powers. Remember, urban elites, in our case in Bogota, delegate the effective functioning of rural and peripheral areas to local elites through a system of mutually beneficial reciprocity. It is a broad and generous delegation: whoever wants to can govern and have representation in the Congress in exchange for a quid pro quo that guarantees their political support and acceptance without challenge for the general rules of the game of the national and capital elites. It results in a combination of an essentially strong centralism and the “de-localisation” of the management of the territories. This manner of governing the country, according to Robinson’s thesis, is the cause of almost all Colombia’s problems, and generates the chaos and illegality that exacerbates other problems. Beyond the academic debate over why such a chao- tic and dysfunctional system has been perpetuated and become stable, it is clear that the political system, and in particular, the party system, is based on this.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Deterioratin in US-Colombian Relations, 1995
    UNDERSTANTING THE DETERIORATIN IN US-COLOMBIAN RELATIONS, 1995- 1997. CONFLICT AND COOPERATION IN THE WAR AGAINST DRUGS BY ALEXANDRA GUÁQUETA M. PHIL. THEIS SOMERVILLE COLLEGE, UNIVERISTY OF OXFORD APRIL, 1998 INTRODUCTION Colombia, unlike the majority of its Latin American and Caribbean neighbours, had a remarkable record of friendly relations with the United States throughout most of the twentieth century. However, this situation changed in 1995 when the U.S. downgraded Colombia's previous status of alliance in the war against illegal drugs by granting it a conditional certification (national interest waiver) on its performance in drug control.1 The drug certification is the annual process by which the U.S. evaluates other countries' accomplishments in drug control making foreign aid conditional to their degree of cooperation. It also involves economic sanctions when cooperation is deemed unsatisfactory. In 1996 and 1997 Bill Clinton's administration decertified Colombia completely. The media reported Colombia's 'Cuba-nisation' in Washington as U.S. policy makers became obsessed with isolating the Colombian president, Ernesto Samper.2 Colombia was officially branded as a 'threat to democracy' and to the U.S.3 1 See chapter 3 for detailed explanaition of certification. 2 Expression used by journalist Henry Raymount in Washington and quoted in El Tiempo, November 6, 1996, p. 11A. 3 U.S. Department of State, Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (INCSR) 1997, Washington D.C., March 1997. p. xli. 1 Colombia and the U.S. quarrelled so severely that they perceived each other as enemies. 'Never before, had relations between the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Finance and the Equal Participation of Women in Colombia: a Situation Analysis
    Political finance and the equal participation of women in Colombia: a situation analysis The impact of economic resources on the political participation of women has become a prominent issue in the field of comparative political finance. In recent Kevin Casas-Zamora and Elin Falguera years, there has been a growing recognition that politics dominated by money is, more often than not, politics dominated by men. It is not surprising that the issue has moved to the forefront of debates on gender and political finance. This report assesses the extent to which political finance is a significant obstacle to women running for political office. It focuses on the experience of Colombia, a country that, like many other Latin American countries, continues to struggle with the legacies of pervasive social, economic and political inequality that disproportionately affect women. It explores the role of political finance in hindering women’s access to political power and its relative weight with respect to other obstacles to women’s political participation. It also suggests a number of institutional changes that might ameliorate some of the problems identified, while being fully cognizant of the limits to institutional change recasting deep-rooted gender imbalances. International IDEA NIMD Strömsborg Passage 31 SE-103 34 Stockholm 2511 AB The Hague Sweden The Netherlands T +46 (0) 8 698 37 00 T +31 (0)70 311 54 64 F +46 (0) 8 20 24 22 F +31 (0)70 311 54 65 [email protected] [email protected] www.idea.int www.nimd.org About the organizations About the authors International IDEA Kevin Casas-Zamora is a Senior Fellow and Director of the Peter D.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict, Displacement, and Elections Action Plan for Municipal Elections in Colombia
    Conflict, Displacement, and Elections Action Plan for Municipal Elections in Colombia Political Rights and Enfranchisement System Strengthening Project (PRESS) Action Plan VIl Jeff Fischer November 2006 IOM International Organization for Migration International Organization for Migration IOM’s Political Rights and Enfranchisement System Strengthening Project is funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development and IOM is grateful for this support. The views in this paper are those of the author and not necessarily of IOM, its member states, USAID, or the U.S. Government. Additional Information on IOM PRESS can be found at: www.geneseo.edu/~iompress Questions or comments? [email protected] 2 Table of Contents Acronyms and Organizations 5 PART I 7 Executive Summary 7 PRESS Project Background and Methodologies 10 Colombian Legal Framework for Conflict, Displacement, and Elections 12 Conflict 13 Displacement 14 Elections 15 Colombia History of Conflict, Displacement, and Elections 17 Conflict 17 Displacement 18 Elections 21 Colombian Government Services and Displacement 25 Social Action 25 Office of the Prosecutor 26 Colombian Civil Society Organizations and Displacement 26 National Convergence of Organizations for Displaced Persons 26 National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) 27 Afro-Colombian Ethnic Movement (Afrodes) 27 Consultancy for Human Rights and Displacement (CODHES) 28 Media for Peace 28 International Community and Displacement 29 International Organization for Migration (IOM) 29 United Nations High Commission
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia: President Uribe’S
    COLOMBIA: PRESIDENT URIBE’S DEMOCRATIC SECURITY POLICY 13 November 2003 Latin America Report N°6 Bogotá/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE SECURITY POLICY............................................................................................ 3 III. BATTLES WON, VICTORY NOT IN SIGHT .......................................................... 7 A. CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS ................................................................................................9 B. ERADICATION OF ILLICIT CROPS .........................................................................................10 C. NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE IRREGULAR ARMED GROUPS .....................................................11 D. INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT...................................................................................................12 IV. SECURITY VS. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE ........................................................................................................................................ 14 V. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 16 APPENDICES A. MAP OF COLOMBIA.............................................................................................................19 B. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP .......................................................................20
    [Show full text]
  • Violence, the Post-Conflict and Electoral Trends in Colombia
    Violence, the post-confict and electoral trends in Colombia: notes for refection Violencia, posconficto armado y comportamiento electoral en Colombia: notas para la refexión Jerónimo Ríos Universidad Complutense de Madrid [email protected] Jennifer Morales Correa Universidad EAN [email protected] Abstract This descriptive exercise presented in this paper suggests a certain spatial relationship between regions in Colombia that for years had the highest levels of territorial vulnerability, in terms of exposure to the internal armed confict and structural violence, and the predominant views expressed both during the FARC-EP plebiscite and the second- round presidential elections that took place in 2018. In a similar vein to the feld of study of electoral geography, the refections posited here suggest inquiring about a possible voting for peace trend in Colombia, which is particularly perceptible in the country’s territorial periphery, where support for Gustavo Petro and backing for the Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP guerrillas have found more supporters. Key Words: Colombian armed confict, Peace Agreement, FARC-EP, electoral geography. Resumen El trabajo que se presenta a continuación, en un ejercicio descriptivo, sugiere una cierta relación espacial entre los lugares de Colombia que durante años presentaron mayores niveles de vulnerabilidad territorial, en términos derivados del conficto armado interno y violencia estructural, con respecto a la posición predominante tanto a tenor del plebiscito con las FARC-EP, como con las elecciones presidenciales de la segunda vuelta, acontecidas en 2018. Con una alta proximidad al campo de estudio que representa la geografía electoral, se proponen refexiones que sugerirían indagar en un posible voting for peace en Colombia, especialmente perceptible en la periferia territorial del país, en donde el apoyo a Gustavo Petro y el respaldo al Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con la guerrilla de las FARC-EP encuentra mayores adeptos.
    [Show full text]
  • Violence, Post-Conflict and Electoral Trends in Colombia: Notes for Reflection Reflexión Política, Vol
    Reflexión Política ISSN: 0124-0781 ISSN: 2590-8669 Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga Ríos, Jerónimo; Morales Correa, Jennifer Violence, post-conflict and electoral trends in Colombia: notes for reflection Reflexión Política, vol. 21, no. 41, 2019, January-June, pp. 8-19 Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga DOI: https://doi.org/10.29375/01240781.3436 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=11067961001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Violence, post-confict and electoral trends in Colombia: notes for refection Violencia, posconficto armado y comportamiento electoral en Colombia: notas para la refexión Jerónimo Ríos Universidad Complutense de Madrid [email protected] Jennifer Morales Correa Universidad EAN [email protected] Abstract This descriptive exercise presented in this paper suggests a certain spatial relationship between regions in Colombia that for years had the highest levels of territorial vulnerability, in terms of exposure to the internal armed confict and structural violence, and the predominant views expressed both during the FARC-EP plebiscite and the second- round presidential elections that took place in 2018. In a similar vein to the feld of study of electoral geography, the refections posited here suggest inquiring about a possible voting for peace trend in Colombia, which is particularly perceptible in the country’s territorial periphery, where support for Gustavo Petro and backing for the Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP guerrillas have found more supporters.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process Written by Edgar Andrés Londoño Niño
    Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process Written by Edgar Andrés Londoño Niño This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process https://www.e-ir.info/2018/06/28/elections-in-colombia-return-of-uribism-and-uncertainty-of-the-peace-process/ EDGAR ANDRéS LONDOñO NIñO, JUN 28 2018 The 2018 Presidential elections in Colombia show several particularities in comparison with past elections. For the first time, a dispute between economic and political models was not as strong as usual because, for the first time in Colombia’s history, a leftist candidate went to the second round and became a feasible alternative. In addition, for the first time in 50 years the presidential poll was free of the threat of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC in Spanish), so the candidates’ proposals went beyond the fight against terrorism. Colombia, where the vote is not compulsory, has one of the highest abstention levels of the world, traditionally above 50% in the last 20 years, the two exceptions were the elections of 1998 and 2018, when more than half of the electoral registration participated. In the 2014 elections, the abstention levels were 59.35% and 52.03% in the first and in the second round, respectively. In the 2018 elections, abstention levels decreased to 46.62% in the first round and 46.96% in the second round.
    [Show full text]
  • WOLA Colombia Monitor
    WOLA Colombia Monitor JULY 2002 A WOLA BRIEFING SERIES Produced by the Washington Office on Colombia Cracks Down Latin America, the Colombia Monitor n May 26, Alvaro Uribe Vélez earned the Colombian presidency in a re- combines timely analysis sounding first-round victory. This edition of the Colombia Monitor provides of policy dynamics in Obackground on the history of Colombian elections, a review of this year’s Washington with on-the- March congressional and May presidential elections, and an assessment of the chal- ground monitoring of lenges awaiting, and concerns about, the Uribe administration, which assumes office on the impact of U.S. policy August 7. It also outlines the unfolding debate about Colombia in Washington, particu- in the Andean region. The larly around the emergency supplemental appropriations bill that will, among other intent of this briefing things, alter the U.S. mission in Colombia to include involvement in series is to broaden and counterinsurgency operations. inform the public and policy debates about how to strengthen Democracy and Elections in Colombian History democracy, human rights, The Conservative and Liberal parties are pillars of Colombian political history. Their and prospects for peace. nineteenth-century origins are some of the oldest in Latin America and one scholar has called them the “functional equivalent of subcultures.”1 Until the late 1950s, the parties did This issue provides an more than represent social cleavages in Colombia: they were the social cleavage. Indeed, the analysis of the Colombian infamous la violencia (“the violence”), a civil war lasting from the 1940s until the 1960s, presidential election and largely stemmed from land disputes and the “hereditary hatreds” of familial party loyalties.
    [Show full text]