chapter 18 Reflexive and Reciprocal Markers
In this chapter I present the functions of the reflexive marker si (refl) and the reciprocal marker marágə (recip) of Makary Kotoko. The forms of the reflexive and reciprocal markers do not change when the gender/number of its antecedent changes. I describe each marker in turn below.
18.1 Reflexive Marker
As Frajzyngier (1999) points out, markers that are called ‘reflexives’ in languages may actually have functions other than “the prototypical reflexive function, i.e., coreferentiality of subject and object (or agent and patient)” (Frajzyngier 1999: 126). In some cases, the use of the reflexive marker may instead code that the referent of the subject marker is affected by the action expressed in the clause. This notion of ‘subject affectedness’ (see Frajzyngier 1999: 128) would actually cover all uses of the ‘reflexive’ marker in Makary Kotoko. That is, in all case in which the reflexive marker is used, it indicates that the referent of the subject marker is affected by the action of the clause. When the referent is animate, it is understood that, with the use of the reflexive marker, the referent carries out the action of the verb on itself (thus fulfilling the prototypical reflexive function). If, however, the referent is inanimate, then the use of the reflexive marker indicates the affectedness of the referent of the subject marker without specifying who/what carried out the action. Context may give an indication of who/what caused the action to be done to the referent of the subject marker, but this is not directly expressed within the clause. That is, for Makary Kotoko the animacy of the referent of the subject marker affects the interpretation of the function of the reflexive marker. The transparent source for the reflexive marker is the noun si ‘body’.1 It is non-harmonic, meaning that it is invariant in form regardless of the per- son/number of the subject marker. The reflexive marker occurs in the position in which the direct object occurs when it is present. The next three examples show the reflexive as the object of a transitive verb, ambitransitive verb, and
1 See Mahamat (2005: 61) for a brief note on the reflexive marker.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422674_019 reflexive and reciprocal markers 263 prepositional verb, respectively. In the first two examples with animate refer- ents for the subject marker, note how the reflexive conveys the idea that the action of the clause is carried out on the referent of the subject marker by the referent of the subject marker.
Reflexive as direct object of transitive verb ká ‘stop’
(503) we hāmo wē ká si neut:2pl be.wrong 2pl:cmpl stop refl ‘Why did you stop?’
Reflexive as direct object of ambitransitive verb kˈə̄ma ‘hide’
(504) gáko dó ā fō ní ā kˈə̄ma si front det:f 3sg:m:cmpl run l.p. 3sg:m:cmpl hide refl ‘Then he ran away and hid.’
The next example contains the verb bó gə= ‘be able’. It is almost always used in negative contexts and is discussed more in §22.6.
Reflexive as object of prepositional verb bó gə= ‘be able’
(505) ē ʤǐ: gí= mə́-l bó gə́= si =wa 3pl:cmpl refuse comp= irr-3sg:f be.able prep= refl =neg ‘They refused because it wouldn’t be possible.’
Like direct objects, the reflexive marker follows indirect objects, as shown in both clauses of this next example.
(506) abá la n si ɗe a la rə friend imp:2sg:cut 1sg:io refl top neut:3sg:m cut 3sg:m:io si =wa refl =neg ‘Friend, move aside for me, but he wouldn’t move aside for him.’
Like direct objects, the reflexive follows the means/manner/reason marker do, as shown in the second line of the next example.