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CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Speech Minister for Foreign Affairs, Julie Bishop MP US-Australia: The Alliance in an Emerging Asia Washington DC, 22 January 2014 I’m delighted to be back in Washington just 2 months after our annual Australian-US Ministerial Dialogue with Secretaries Kerry and Hagel last November. Each time I come to Washington I am buoyed by the warm welcome – the kind of warmth that exists between trusted and long-standing friends. It reminds me of the story of Maie Casey – the wife of Richard Casey, Australia’s first Ambassador to the United States, who took up his position in February 1940. In the spirit of Eleanor Roosevelt, Maie Casey was an intrepid aviator and often flew her own plane around the US. 1 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY On one return flight to Washington, DC, Maie was coming in to land, but the control tower couldn’t understand her. After a few failed attempts to communicate, the control tower detected the Aussie accent and said, “I can’t understand a word you say Bright Eyes, but come on in anyway”. Now that’s trust. Ours is an alliance based on trust. An alliance that is both dependable and dynamic. We’re true friends who share common values, whose interests overwhelmingly align. In this year, a century on from the commencement of the Great War of 1914-18, we can reflect on the fact that over those 100 years the US and Australia have fought side-by-side in every major conflict in which either of us have been engaged. 2 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Today I will discuss why our Alliance remains vital for both our nations - how together our nations continue to create a brighter, more secure, free and prosperous future for our people and for our region. The Alliance 21 project is conceiving of new ways that our alliance can build on our shared history to identify the challenges and opportunities ahead and to devise joint strategies to create our shared future. For as Abraham Lincoln said: “The best way to predict your future is to create it.” This project is part of that future-creating process. The formal ANZUS alliance was signed in 1951 but its origins lie deeper in the past with the establishment of diplomatic relations between our two countries just months after the outbreak of the Second World War. 3 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY It is worth recalling that in April 1939 – 5 months before Britain declared war on Germany - a time when Australia was still a British Dominion, Australians were still British subjects, and a time when Australia had no diplomatic posts overseas other than London – Australia’s then-prime minister, Robert Menzies, foresaw our future. He said: “What Great Britain calls the Far East is to us the near north. Little given as I am to encouraging exaggerated ideas of Dominion independence and separatism which exist in some minds, I have become convinced that in the Pacific, Australia must regard herself as a principal providing herself with her own information and maintaining her own diplomatic contacts with foreign powers.” He knew we had to stand on our own two feet, rather than rely on Britain. 4 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Presciently, he decided within months of the declaration of war in Europe that Australia needed representatives in Washington, Tokyo and Beijing. Driven by our sense of strategic vulnerability – and wanting to play a role in encouraging Washington to abandon its isolationism and to build ties with Tokyo and Beijing – Menzies established our first three diplomatic missions outside the Empire with the highest-level of representation. He chose Richard Casey – then Minister for Supply and Development – in February 1940 to be Australia’s first ever diplomat to Washington, charged with establishing Australia’s first independent ties with the United States. That same year, Australia’s Chief Justice, Sir John Latham – who had established commercial ties with Japan’s leadership in a trade mission in the 1930s – was sent to Tokyo. And to Beijing, Menzies sent Sir Frederick Eggleston – then serving as Chairman of the Commonwealth Grants Commission. 5 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Casey presented his credentials to President Roosevelt in March 1940. But if Casey dreamed at that moment that he might secure an affirmation that the United States would defend Australia, if attacked, his dream went unfulfilled. According to Casey’s diaries, FDR told him that he had asked his Cabinet some years earlier “to consider what should be the attitude of the United States in three hypothetical situations”. The first hypothetical - an attack on Canada, then, like Australia, a British Dominion. “The Cabinet agreed that the United States could not be indifferent to such a state of affairs”, President Roosevelt told Casey. Second, what if one of the Latin American countries were attacked? 6 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY The President was a little more ambiguous. “The element of distance began to enter in,” he told Casey. Cabinet believed, “It would be unwise to enter into any specific undertaking in respect of the employment of United States arms” in defence of a Latin country. And third, if Australia or New Zealand were attacked? FDR chose his words carefully: “Cabinet believed that the element of distance denoted a declining interest on the part of the United States – to such an extent that it was impossible to make any public reference to [the US defence of] those countries.” That’s a diplomatic way of saying: “Don’t call us, we’ll call you.” 7 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Of course, during the period of America’s isolationism Britain too would have been very keen to get some assurance of military assistance. But for Australia, the prospect of a formal alliance with the then emerging great power of the US was not on the table. US public opinion in 1940 – in the presidential election year in which President Roosevelt would ultimately seek an unprecedented third term – was sharply isolationist. Few would have predicted at that time the attack on Pearl Harbour? With the war in the Pacific, the US-Australian alliance began in earnest. But the alliance was precisely that – an alliance for war. The broader Australian interest in an enduring security guarantee with the United States wouldn’t be realised for another decade. 8 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Menzies had been thrown out of office in August 1941 but he was re- elected in 1949. That year, with the experience of the Second World War behind it, and the Cold War taking shape, the United States abandoned its long tradition of avoiding “entangling alliances” and entered NATO with its European allies. Menzies’ Minister for External Affairs, one of my distinguished predecessors, Percy Spender, wanted to establish something similar in the Asia-Pacific. Spender proposed his idea to President Truman in 1950 – who showed interest, and asked him to develop his ideas further. In her memoir, Spender’s wife Jean recorded President Truman telling her husband, our Foreign Minister, that “Australians had always shown in an emergency that they were firm allies and pulled their weight”. 9 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY “The President said he had seen a lot of the Australian soldiers during the First World War and had thought highly of them; I think, indeed, he had served next to our men in an American artillery unit”, she wrote. Yet in 1950, there was intense scepticism about the prospect that Australia might convince the United States to join an alliance. Australians backed the government, for after our close cooperation with the US during WWII, there was an understanding among Australians that the closest possible relationship with the US was highly desirable. Spender’s proposal was a pact first between Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, and then the US. He promoted the idea through 1950 and into 1951, even as Menzies feared Australia might be pushing its luck in seeking a formal security guarantee. 10 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Ultimately, British participation fell away – it was a former colonial power in the region and it was focussed on Europe’s recovery. Recognising that the strategic realities in the region were a critical American national interest, the United States decided to enter a tripartite security treaty with New Zealand and Australia, and the ANZUS Treaty was signed in San Francisco on 1 September 1951. The alliance in 2014 What I want to draw from this historic perspective is that seventy-five years ago, while much of the rest of the world was focussed on the darkening clouds in Europe, we were focusing ourselves on the potential for a clash in the Asia-Pacific. Today, we still walk that geopolitical line. 11 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY And 63 years on, the Australia - US alliance remains the cornerstone of our national security. Of course, our relationship is now as broad as it is long-standing. For example, the United States remains our single most important economic partner. When you combine two-way trade and investment, it stands at over $1 trillion. Australia and the United States remain the closest of partners in the Asia- Pacific, each of us making our own distinctive contribution, each with our own relationships with other countries in the region. And since the Second World War, the US presence has been the essential stabiliser for regional security. Vitally, it has underpinned the transformation in countries across the broader Indo-Pacific – from Japan, to Korea, to China. 12 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY But not just in Northeast Asia, across Southeast Asia – Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, Malaysia. And while our region is now more free, more secure and more prosperous than at any time in recent history, it faces new and difficult challenges.

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