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African Union Election Observation Mission Report: Zimbabwe 2013
AFRICAN UNION COMMISSION REPORT OF AFRICAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION TO THE 31 JULY 2013 HARMONISED ELECTIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE DISTRIBUTED BY VERITAS Veritas makes every effort to ensure the provision of reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied. African Union Election Observation Mission Report: Zimbabwe 2013 CONTENTS List of Abbreviations ........................................................................ Error! Bookmark not defined. I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 3 II. OBJECTIVE AND METHODOLOGY OF THE MISSION ..................................................... 3 Objective ........................................................................................................................................ 3 Methodology .................................................................................................................................. 3 III. BACKGROUND TO THE 31 JULY 2013 ELECTIONS ...................................................... 5 IV. LEGAL CONTEXT ................................................................................................................ 9 The Constitution ............................................................................................................................. 9 The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act .................................................................................... 9 Political Parties -
Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa. -
Elections in Zimbabwe: the ZANU (PF) Hegemony and Its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe*
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr.j. polit. sci. (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 122-139 Elections in Zimbabwe: The ZANU (PF) Hegemony and its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe* Abstract This contribution seeks to explain the ruling ZANU (PF) party's electoral hege- mony by outlining and analysing Zimbabwe 'sfive general elections since 1979 and the two presidential elections since 1990. In this regard, the paper argues that the ruling party is experiencing a gradual decline in elite cohesion which is manifested in the electoral challenge of independent candidates coming from the ruling party itself. This phenomenon of independent candidates could have far-reaching consequences in overcoming the present state of weak political opposition in Zimbabwe. The paper therefore suggests a scenario in which a viable opposition could come from a splinter group inside the ruling ZANU (PF) itself not unlike the major ZAPU/ZANU split of 1963. Introduction Observers of the Zimbabwe political scene are likely to assume that Zimbabwe was, until the 1990s, a one-party state. This is because for the better part of the 1980s Zimbabwe's political leadership and the ruling party aggressively advo- cated a one-party system. The socialist ideology which the leadership proclaimed during this period also reinforces this view. The fact, however, is that Zimbabwe has never been a one-party state, before or after independence in 1980. -
CURRENT HISTORY the End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe
CURRENT HISTORY May 2018 "Zimbabwe's politics continues to be driven by a generation that defines itself in terms of its contribution to the liberation war and remains committed to defending that legacy." The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe SARA RICH DORMAN n1980, Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe Af- vinced international observers that no interven- rican National Union (ZANU) party came to tion was called for and that the transition had a Ipower after a bitter liberation war against the constitutional basis. Although Western leaders Rhodesian white settler regime. In the years that were happy to see him go, Mugabe still had sup- followed, they undertook a process of nation- and port among African leaders who venerated his role state-building that was intended to institutionalize in bringing Zimbabwe to independence. Despite the party's control of the political sphere and en- the army's presence on the streets and Mugabes sure its monopoly on political representation in in- evident unwillingness to resign, the eventual trans- dependent Zimbabwe. The country initially pros- fer of power was accepted as a civilian-led process pered under Mugabe, with particular successes in and rapidly legitimized through the courts. education and health care, but in recent decades The coup was not intended to change Zimba- the economy had faltered as his rule became in- bwe's political trajectory-the plan was to bring it creasingly personalized and autocratic. In Novem- back on course. Calling its intervention "Operation ber 2017, Mugabe was dramatically toppled from Restore Legacy," the military effectively played the power by the army, acting in the name of his party. -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
Africa Briefing, Nr. 38: Zimbabwe's Continuing Self-Destruction
Update Briefing Africa Briefing N°38 Pretoria/Brussels, 6 June 2006 Zimbabwe’s Continuing Self-Destruction I. OVERVIEW increasingly close to martial law. It has banned rallies, marches and prayer meetings during the period surrounding the anniversary and put security forces With scheduled presidential elections less than eighteen on high alert. Growing numbers of students, religious months away, Zimbabwe faces the prospect of greater activists and members of other civil society groups have insecurity and violence. The economy’s free fall has been detained. deepened public anger, and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party wants The rising influence of the military leadership in the to avoid a popular vote by using the legislature it controls succession struggle is troubling. Zimbabwe’s armed to establish a “transitional presidency” and appoint a forces have always been a pillar of the ruling party’s successor to Robert Mugabe, who has said he will retire. power but recent months have seen increasing military By engineering a transition, Mugabe also intends to secure involvement in the party machinery and policy formulation. a dignified personal exit that includes a retirement package The crumbling economy has meant a loss of government and security guarantees. However, such plans may come revenues, and the military rank and file are being paid less unglued due to wrangling within ZANU-PF. Through all and at irregular intervals, leading them into criminality, this the opposition Movement for Democratic Change allegedly including cross-border armed robbery. (MDC) has been weakened by a major leadership split. Government difficulties in paying the troops raise a question of whether the security forces can still be relied Low voter turnout in November 2005 deprived the newly on to put down protests. -
Zimbabwe: the Transitional Government and Implications for US
Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs October 27, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34509 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary The U.S. government, which has expressed concerns regarding the rule of law in Zimbabwe for over a decade and which has long been critical of President Robert Mugabe, has been cautious in its engagement with the country’s three-year-old power-sharing government. That government, which includes members of the former opposition, has improved economic and humanitarian conditions during its ongoing transitional rule. However, significant concerns about the country’s political future remain. Zimbabwe’s March 2008 elections resulted in the party of long-serving President Mugabe losing its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai received more votes than Mugabe in the presidential race, but fell short of the needed margin for victory. Tsvangirai later withdrew his name from the ballot days before the required runoff, amid widespread political violence. Mugabe was thus declared the winner. In September 2008, after weeks of negotiations, Tsvangirai and Mugabe reached an agreement to form a unity government, with Mugabe remaining head of state. Tsvangirai became prime minister and cabinet and gubernatorial positions were divided among the parties. Disputes delayed implementation of the agreement until February 2009, when members of the opposition were sworn in alongside former rivals as ministers in a new government. The parties to the power-sharing agreement have faced significant challenges in working together to promote political reconciliation and in addressing serious economic and humanitarian needs. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 25 March 2011 ZIMBABWE 25 MARCH 2011 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN ZIMBABWE FROM 22 FEBRUARY 2011 TO 24 MARCH 2011 Useful news sources for further information REPORTS ON ZIMBABWE PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 22 FEBRUARY 2011 AND 24 MARCH 2011 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Public holidays ..................................................................................................... 1.06 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.07 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 Remittances .......................................................................................................... 2.06 Sanctions .............................................................................................................. 2.08 3. HISTORY (19TH CENTURY TO 2008)............................................................................. 3.01 Matabeleland massacres 1983 - 87 ..................................................................... 3.03 Political events: late 1980s - 2007...................................................................... 3.06 Events in 2008 - 2010 ........................................................................................... 3.23 -
Zimbabwe After Mugabe Hearing Committee On
ZIMBABWE AFTER MUGABE HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION FEBRUARY 28, 2018 Serial No. 115–114 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–825PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 0ct 09 2002 11:35 Apr 02, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 Z:\WORK\_AGH\022818\28825 SHIRL COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida BRAD SHERMAN, California DANA ROHRABACHER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey JOE WILSON, South Carolina GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida TED POE, Texas KAREN BASS, California DARRELL E. ISSA, California WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island MO BROOKS, Alabama AMI BERA, California PAUL COOK, California LOIS FRANKEL, Florida SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii RON DESANTIS, Florida JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois TED S. YOHO, Florida BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois DINA TITUS, Nevada LEE M. -
'Inclusive Government' : Some Observations on Its First 100 Days
Zimbabwe's 'Inclusive Government': Some Observations on its First 100 Days MARTIN WELZ University of Konstanz, Konstanz, Germany ABSTRACT Zimbabwe seemed to be in a political transition-but only on the surface. In actual fact, the new government established under the power-sharing agreement between President Mugabe and newly elected Prime Minister M organ Tsvangirai proved unsuccessful in its first 100 days owing to continued rivalry and a lack of commitment on behalf of Mugabe and his party. Mugabe managed to secure key positions in the new government for his cronies. They continued to control the relevant security organs as well as the Reserve Bank, which held a key position because its Governor guarded the budget available for the new ministers. Consequently, sabotage was an imminent threat for the new government. Mugabe benefited from the weakness of the opposition, which was split and had an indecisive and un charisma tic leader who failed to secure financial support from the West. To complicate the situation evenfurther there were more players involved in the political arena of Zimbabwe, including the two major farmers' groupings, an emerging third party under Simba M akoni, the trade unions and white businessmen. They all had their own agenda. Mugabe and his ruling clique relied on each other as they had both committed gross human rights violations over the last 25 years. They either fall together or their mutual dependency keeps them going. Change was unlikely to occur; even the new Movement for Democratic Change ministers were aware of this. KEY WORDS: Zimbabwe, Mugabe, Tsvangirai, Inclusive Government, ZANU-PF Introduction Zimbabwe's new government faced severe difficulties during its first 100 days in office. -
Intelligence and the Politics of Zimbabwe's Presidential Succession
INTELLIGENCE AND THE POLITICS OF ZIMBABWE’S PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION BLESSING-MILES TENDI* ABSTRACT Since the late 1990s, Zimbabwean politics has been shaped by the political succession war raging within the ruling ZANU PF party. The internal fight to succeed President Robert Mugabe pitted a faction controlled by retired General Solomon Mujuru, who was fronting his wife Joice Mujuru, against another faction led by Emmerson Mnangagwa, a government minister. The competition between these factions reached a crucial stage in 2014, when Mugabe dismissed Joice Mujuru as vice president and purged her key allies in ZANU PF and the government. This article examines the role of state intelligence in this struggle, arguing that the Military Intelligence (MI) leadership, which supported Mnangagwa in the succession war, surveilled Joice Mujuru and constructed a controversial gendered case to destroy her bid to succeed Mugabe. In contrast, some elements in the principal civilian intelligence institution, the Central Intelligence Organization, surveilled the Mnangagwa faction in order to support Joice Mujuru’s power bid. Mugabe was persuaded by MI to purge Joice Mujuru because she posed a threat to his hold on power. This course of action was also given some impetus by Mugabe’s longstanding grievance against her faction. The article widens scholarship on the security sector’s political interventions in Zimbabwean politics, whilst emphasizing how the gendered dimensions of surveillance can reinforce patriarchal national politics. President Robert Mugabe has led the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) party and Zimbabwe since 1977 and 1980, respectively. Mugabe, a nonagenarian, is Africa’s oldest serving president.