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Still Louis Hartz After All These Years: a Defense of the Liberal Society Thesis Author(S): Philip Abbott Reviewed Work(S): Source: Perspectives on Politics, Vol Still Louis Hartz after All These Years: A Defense of the Liberal Society Thesis Author(s): Philip Abbott Reviewed work(s): Source: Perspectives on Politics, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Mar., 2005), pp. 93-109 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3688113 . Accessed: 25/07/2012 11:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Perspectives on Politics. http://www.jstor.org Articles StillLouis Hartzafter All These Years: A Defenseof the LiberalSociety Thesis PhilipAbbott LouisHartz's The Liberal Tradition inAmerica was the dominant interpretative text in American political thought for a generation. In thelate 1960s the Hartzian hegemony came under severe attack, and by the 1990s his interpretive framework had been declared obsolete.Critiques allege two basic, related flaws: (1) Hartz'sinterpretation ignored the diversity inAmerican political thought, particularly,though not exclusively, onquestions ofrace, and (2) hisanalysis exaggerated theextent of the consensus inAmerican politicalculture. These critiques are based almost exclusively onHartz's analysis ofselected periods ofearlyAmerican political devel- opment.I argue that Hartz's basic concepts are powerful analytical tools that continue toprovide the most compelling analysis of recentAmerican political development. I test the Hartz thesis by constructing a plausible interpretation ofthe 1960s based on the conceptsemployed in TheLiberal Tradition. ouis TheLiberal Tradition inAmerica (hence- chunksof American and saw oth- Hartz's huge politicalthought forthLT) was the dominantinterpretative text in ersthat simply were not there. This view was based almost Americanpolitical thought for a generation.Hartz's exclusivelyon Hartz'sanalysis of selected periods ofAmer- analysisinfluenced nearly every aspect of the study ofAmer- ican history,especially the Revolution, the founding, and icanpolitics and informedapproaches to comparativeand theCivil War. Critics suggested that LT owingto itsana- internationalpolitics as well.' Not onlywere classics of lyticalfailings in theseareas, could not adequatelyinter- Americanpolitical science informed by butalso more pretsubsequent changes and events.LTwas thusviewed recentapproaches to thecultural bases LT,2of national identi- as a theoreticallyunusable guide to eventsin the 1960s tiesborrow from Hartz's framework.3 His novelclassifica- and beyond. tionof politicalsystems that arrayed "fragment cultures" I arguethat, however contested Hartz's readings of any producedby European imperialism anticipated the themes particularperiod, his basic concepts are powerful analyti- of postcolonialstudies.4 Nevertheless, the hegemonyof cal tools,which continue to providethe most compelling LTcame undersevere attack in thelate 1960s,and bythe analysisof recentAmerican political development. 1990s it was "prettymuch dead."5 Hartz has becomean "untrustworthynarrator," whose conclusionscould not be reliedon.6 Missingand ImaginedParts These whichI reviewin moredetail critiques, below, Accordingto manycritics, Hartz failedto considerthe two basic,related flaws: Hartz's allege (1) interpretation followingaspects of Americanpolitical culture: republi- the in American ignored diversity politicalthought, par- canism,racism, African American political discourse, fem- ticularly,though not exclusively, on questionsof race, and inism,Calvinism, socialism, and feudalism.The lasttwo (2) his theextent of theconsensus in analysisexaggerated elements,of course, were explicitly rejected by Hartz, and American culture.In other Hartzmissed political words, even earlyreaders have voiced skepticismabout their exclusion. Earlycritics were particularly suspicious of Hartz's meth- PhilipAbbott is DistinguishedGraduate Professor at Wayne odology.J. H. Powellcomplained that Hartz's account StateUniversity ([email protected]). His recentbooks seemedto be basedupon an a prioritheory. If forHartz, includeExceptional America: Newness and National "historicalfacts have little to do witha theoreticanalysis, Identity(1999) and PoliticalThought in America: worseluck," since "the facts of American history get brisk, Conversationsand Debates (2004). Theauthor is grateful casual treatment."Powell claimed that the bestway to toJennifer Hochschild for her encouragement and to the evaluateLTwas to compareit to anyother set of beliefs, anonymousreviewers for Perspectives on Politics.Christo- sinceHartz had not presented historical evidence, but rather Duncanand pher Max Skidmorealso provided very help- an "academicfable." 7 ForAdrienne Koch, Hartz employed ful advice. a "perversehistorical method": March2005 1 Vol.3/No. 1 93 Articles I StillLouis Hartzafter All These Years It is a methodthat produces no substantialdocumentation or analysis,but proceeds rather to pickup one nameafter another and freezeits arbitrarily selected essence to supportthe author's historicalintuition. Individuality, chance, and the complex spe- cificcoloration of a thinker'sthought is "explained"by the absence ofthe feudal experience; ifthe name is European, the thought is bythe presence of a feudalsituation. The endresult i~iii~i "explained" ..................................................::::::?:i!! ofthis "comparative method" which the author recommends as .::i!:::i:........ .. .. ............ .::."111= ,"3 meansto make is to andreaffirm ? a history"scientific," repeat - .: .. ...:........ ... whathe is obligatedto establishin thefirst place.8 .i:::i.!iiiliiiiiiiii~iiN . i;::':.: :ii'~!ii'iii -'iii~iiii~ii~s i...-:..:....!H 61M Likewise,Stuart Gerry Brown complained about Hartz's "passionatefondness for isms, both foreignand domes- : a tic, as well as occasionalfresh of his own." ;:i " : : :. ::: mintings .. :. :::. ii:.:":. Terms"such as 'feudalism,''feudal socialism,' 'socialist , "".:''': :" . :: iii.:iiiii:i;;!;!:iiii~liiii'i~iiii . .. feudalism,''conservatism,' 'social conservatism,''liberal ._ " .,g.N,,o conservatism,''conservative liberalism,' etc. etc. gush throughhis pagesin an unceasingtorrent until the read- ing becomesa nightmare."'This absenceof specificdef- initions(both liberalismand feudalismwere seen as standingprimarily alone as signifiers)and crypticallu- sionsled criticsto concludethat that there were really no causalrelationships at all once the readerdeciphered the text.For Eric McKitrickasked the Feder- example, why tl'!?#,'.NltSiI~i' "'''"''''ii alistParty should be comparedto theWhigs when they are separatedby a generation("which in Americanpoli- OR ticsmeans virtually everything; it mayas well be a cen- tury"),and thereis "onlyone thingthat gave themthe leastresemblance to each other-each was on thelosing side of a politicalcontest in whichthe otherparty was gettingmore votes."10 It was, accordingto McKitrick, While Hartz acknowledgedthe putativeexistence of simplythese second-placefinishes that give the air of socialismand feudalismin the mindsof both political failure,not the misapplicationof EnglishWhig political actorsand historians,he, accordingto critics,failed to tacticsand strategy. graspideologies that both leaned upon and competedwith Nearlytwenty years later, Kenneth McNaught reiter- liberalism.Hartz explained the proclivity toward moder- ated thiscriticism in his analysisof Hartz'streatment of ationof opinionsin Americanpolitics as a resultof John Americansocialism. McNaught questioned the themes of Locke'sinfluence. In thisview, Locke's devotion to private inevitability.For him,the parts of the narrative"did not property,combined with the prevalence of land in Amer- add up to thewhole and evenmany of theparts are not ica, gavean historicalreality to thestate of naturefiction historicallyvalid at all."11McNaught was "verytempted" thatmade a Reignof Terrorimpossible and moderated to concludethat Hartz decidedfirst to proveAmerican revolution'sinevitable Thermidor. Thus theapparent pre- liberaluniqueness and had "thengone abroadin search and post-Revolutionarypolitical conflicts were fictional only of differencesand has blindedhimself to similari- ones, in whichparticipants incorrectly transposed their ties." It could even be argued,he said, thatHartz was conceptionsof radicalchange in Europeupon America. actuallyseeking the lawmaking results of thequantitative Daniel Shayswas no Robespierre(nor was Jefferson a late methodwithout actually using that method.12 bloomingone), and the ConstitutionalConvention was More recently,Karen Orren, too, suggested that feudal no Thermidor.But critics argued that this narrative missed structuresdid exist,despite Hartz's claim, and thatthey an entire,indeed dominant, strand of politicalthought. persistedin employmentrelationships well into the nine- Republicanism,with its desire for instituting a respublica teenthcentury. She blamedthe influence of LTforhistor- and itsobsession with corruption, competed with the lib- ians'general lack of acknowledgment of feudalstructures. eral idea. The fearsof participantsin eighteenth-century Hartzhad adopteda
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