Extract from Chamberlain, E., “The Struggle in Iliomar: Resistance in Rural East Timor” – 2008, Revised
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Indo 33 0 1107016894 129
CURRENT DATA ON THE INDONESIAN MILITARY ELITE (Prepared by the Editors) In the past, the editors have periodically prepared lists of officers holding key positions in the Indonesian Armed Forces to keep readers abreast of developments. The present list (updated to early February 1982) follows the format adopted in pre vious listings--namely, the full official organizational structure of the Department of Defense and Security, including all the various agencies under the minister’s supervision; the staff and command hierarchy of the Army down to the Kodam (Ter ritorial Command) level; and the Head of Bakin (State Intelligence Coordination Agency), a post directly subordinate to the President. As in our previous listing (Indonesia, No. 29 [April 1980]), we present some tentative preliminary comments on structural changes in the military hierarchy, and on the "politics of succession." I. Structural Changes In our last listing we discussed changes in the military high command in terms of centralization, Javanization, divisional and service affiliation, and generational stratification. These still seem the most relevant dimensions for any useful struc tural analysis. Centralization. We considered this question in terms of the power and author ity, first of President Suharto himself, and then of Defense Minister Yusuf, vis-S- vis the military hierarchy as a whole. With regard to the President, we commented in early 1980 on the extraordinarily long incumbency of particular key offices by certain trusted confidants, all of whom, by no means accidentally, seem disadvan taged in a succession competition by reason of religious or ethnic background. Over the past two yedrs, none of these men has been displaced. -
Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°87 Dili/Brussels, 9 February 2009 Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency I. OVERVIEW saw a stream of human rights abuses, stemming from ill-discipline and a sense of being above the law. There are tensions between the Timorese and the international A year after the near-fatal shooting of President José security forces, with the Timorese police increasingly Ramos-Horta, security in Timor-Leste is strikingly resisting UN supervision. There are also signs of wor- improved. Armed rebels are no longer at large. The rying disdain for the justice system and civilian con- atmosphere on the streets of Dili is far less tense. The trol over the army. The police and army depend too government does not seem to be facing any serious heavily on a few individuals and on personal relation- political threat to its survival. It has, at least temporar- ships that have been able to hold the security forces ily, been able to address several of the most pressing together. security threats, in large part by buying off those it sees as potential troublemakers. Nevertheless, the cur- Presidential interventions in cases involving political rent period of calm is not cause for complacency. Secu- violence have undermined an already weak justice sys- rity sector reform is lagging, the justice system is weak, tem. They send a signal that those involved, especially the government shows signs of intolerance towards the elite, will not be held to account, creating resent- dissenting voices, and it has not got a grip on corrup- ment among the victims and failing to create a deter- tion. -
The Indonesian Who Joined Falintil'
The Indonesian who Joined Falintil' Preface, by Gerry van Klinken The Indonesian who joined Falintil, like the American who joined A1 Qaeda or the Dutchman who joined the 1945 Indonesian revolutionaries, has power to shock because such a person questions the fundamental categories of the conflict. What after all is an Indonesian, an American, or a militant Muslim? What is this contest about? Muhammad Nasir crosses boundaries most see as so natural they are insuperable. He transforms himself from the street kid, Ketut Narto, to the policeman's adopted kid, Muhammad Nasir, and from there to the "oddball" guerrilla Klik Mesak (and presumably from Hindu to Muslim to whatever) and travels from Bah to Comandante Ular's Region 4 headquarters in the mountains of East Timor. For Nasir, these boundaries have little power to exclude. All the communities they enclose have a claim on him, but none more than others. Meanwhile, other boundaries do have authority for him. The eloquence with which this high school dropout describes the boundaries of "rights" is striking. Taking what he needs from a bankrupt school system, he discovers truths in history text books their authors never intended him to find: East Timor, being Portuguese, wasn't available for the taking by the former Dutch colony of Indonesia. The camaraderie of the school yard in Baucau and Dili does not distinguish between names. But here Nasir discovers the rights of "we" locals. "I wouldn't want anyone to take away my rights." The real divide is not between Indonesian and East Timorese, let alone between Muslim and Hindu or Catholic. -
Timor-Leste's Veterans
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°129 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 18 November 2011 Timor-Leste’s Veterans: An Unfinished Struggle? not solved the problem. Judgment on difficult cases has I. OVERVIEW been deferred based on a belief that fraudulent claims will be revealed through denunciation once the lists are pub- More than ten years after the formation of Timor-Leste’s lished. Even with the option to appeal, new discontent is army and the demobilisation of the guerrilla force that being created that will require mediation. fought for independence, the struggle continues about how to pay tribute to the veterans. The increasingly wealthy state Beyond cash benefits, there are two areas where veterans’ has bought off the threat once posed by most dissidents demands for greater influence will have to be checked. The with an expensive cash benefits scheme and succeeded in first is the scope and shape of a proposed veterans’ council, engaging most veterans’ voices in mainstream politics. This whose primary role will be to consult on benefits as well approach has created a heavy financial burden and a com- as to offer a seal of institutional legitimacy. Some veterans plicated process of determining who is eligible that will hope it will be given an advisory dimension, allowing them create new tensions even as it resolves others. A greater to guide government policy and cementing their elite sta- challenge lies in containing pressures to give them dispro- tus. Such a broad role looks unlikely but the illusion that portionate political influence and a formal security role. veterans might be given more influence has likely in- A careful balance will need to be struck between paying creased the government’s appeal in advance of elections homage to heroes while allowing a younger generation of next year. -
Xanana Gusmão (Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão(De Verdadero Nombre José Alexandre Gusmão))
Xanana Gusmão (Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão(de verdadero nombre José Alexandre Gusmão)) Timor-Leste, Primer ministro; ex-presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 08 de Agosto de 2007 - de de Nacimiento: Laleia, distrito de Manatuto, 20 de Junio de 1946 Partido político: CNRT Profesión : Funcionario público y periodista ResumenHijo de un profesor de escuela que le enseño el idioma portugués y con ancestro en parte portugués, se crió en el campo, junto con su hermano menor y sus cinco hermanas. Recibió la educación primaria en el colegio Santa Teresa de Ossu, en Vikeke, y la secundaria en dos centros regidos por los jesuitas, el seminario de Soibade y la misión Nuestra Señora de Fátima de Dare, cerca de Dili, capital de la entonces provincia portuguesa de ultramar de Timor Oriental. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 9 Biografía No obstante sus aptitudes académicas, la falta de recursos impidió que terminara el bachillerato en el Liceo Francisco Veira Machado de Dili. Desde 1962 se contrató en diversos trabajos, como mecanógrafo, ayudante de topógrafo, pescador, estibador portuario y docente en una escuela de la minoría china, hasta 1966, cuando consiguió un puesto de funcionario público en el Departamento de Silvicultura y Agricultura. En 1968 inició el servicio militar de tres años en el Ejército portugués y en 1969 contrajo matrimonio con Maria Emília Batista, con la que iba a tener dos hijos, Nito y Zenilda. Nacionalista moderado, en mayo de 1974, días después de la Revolución que terminó la dictadura salazarista en la metrópoli y dio paso a un gobierno descolonizador, Gusmão empezó a trabajar en la emisora de radio Voz de Timor al tiempo que se adhirió al recién fundado partido independentista Asociación Social Demócrata Timoresa (ASDT). -
EAST TIMOR: REMEMBERING HISTORY the Trial of Xanana Gusmao and a Follow-Up on the Dili Massacre
April 1993 Vol 5. No.8 EAST TIMOR: REMEMBERING HISTORY The Trial of Xanana Gusmao and a Follow-up on the Dili Massacre I. Introduction.................................................................................................................................. 2 II. Xanana Gusmao and the Charges Against Him ....................................................................... 3 The Charges, 1976-1980................................................................................................................ 3 The June 10, 1980 Attack .............................................................................................................. 4 Peace Talks .................................................................................................................................... 5 The Kraras Massacre ..................................................................................................................... 5 1984 to the Present......................................................................................................................... 6 III. The Xanana Trial......................................................................................................................... 7 Circumstances of Arrest and Detention......................................................................................... 8 Why not subversion? .................................................................................................................... 11 Access to and Adequacy of Legal Defense ................................................................................. -
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°129 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 18 November 2011 Timor-Leste’S Veterans: an Unfinished Struggle?
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°129 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 18 November 2011 Timor-Leste’s Veterans: An Unfinished Struggle? not solved the problem. Judgment on difficult cases has I. OVERVIEW been deferred based on a belief that fraudulent claims will be revealed through denunciation once the lists are pub- More than ten years after the formation of Timor-Leste’s lished. Even with the option to appeal, new discontent is army and the demobilisation of the guerrilla force that being created that will require mediation. fought for independence, the struggle continues about how to pay tribute to the veterans. The increasingly wealthy state Beyond cash benefits, there are two areas where veterans’ has bought off the threat once posed by most dissidents demands for greater influence will have to be checked. The with an expensive cash benefits scheme and succeeded in first is the scope and shape of a proposed veterans’ council, engaging most veterans’ voices in mainstream politics. This whose primary role will be to consult on benefits as well approach has created a heavy financial burden and a com- as to offer a seal of institutional legitimacy. Some veterans plicated process of determining who is eligible that will hope it will be given an advisory dimension, allowing them create new tensions even as it resolves others. A greater to guide government policy and cementing their elite sta- challenge lies in containing pressures to give them dispro- tus. Such a broad role looks unlikely but the illusion that portionate political influence and a formal security role. veterans might be given more influence has likely in- A careful balance will need to be struck between paying creased the government’s appeal in advance of elections homage to heroes while allowing a younger generation of next year. -
Timor-Leste After the UN
CHAPTER 3 Past, Present and Future: Why the Past Matters Fidelis Magalhães Future is past’s child, and has the father’s face. This chapter presents my analysis of the current state of Timor-Leste’s development process. It is divided into the following sections. First, I discuss the tension between the theory and the realpolitik of state-building. Second, I discuss Timor-Leste as a country in the making. Third, I discuss the path to independence, the current Timorese leadership and the present political landscape. Fourth, I touch on the roles and the five-year plan of the president. Finally, I try to paint a picture of the future and identify challenges. The theory and the realpolitik of state-building I hold the view that most of the contemporary analyses on the socioeconomic development of Timor-Leste suffer from a serious historical deficiency. It is common for expert opinions to make claims about Timor-Leste’s current economic performance while seldom referring to the course on which the country has sailed. Like driving a car, one ought to have a rear mirror to look behind. If the mirror is too big the driver will be distracted; but without one, the car cannot be driven safely. Moreover, expert opinions seldom acknowledge that the development process is largely a political process. Beyond having the right economic theories and formulas, it is only through having strong political commitments and 31 A New Era? Timor-Leste After the UN sensitivities that a recently independent, economically underdeveloped country can progress. To succeed, it requires strong political will on the part of the leadership to build democratic governance based on the rule of law, yet at the same time ensure that the state is capable of creating consensus among main political forces that can otherwise be belligerent towards the state. -
IPRIS Viewpoints
76 IPRIS Viewpoints SEPTEMBER 2011 Taur Matan Ruak: the first candidate for the 2012 presidential elections in Timor Leste? PAUlo GorjÃO Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security (IPRIS) On September 2nd, the Chief of General Staff of the Armed his presidential ambitions have the necessary political Forces of Timor Leste, Major-General Taur Matan Ruak, support to succeed. If Matan Ruak decides to run for resigned, claiming that after 36 years in FALINTIL and President it is possible that he might have the support of the F-FDTL, this was the right time “to go back to civilian the main ruling party, the National Congress for Timorese life”.1 On August 20th, the Timorese government had Reconstruction (CNRT), founded by José Alexandre officially disbanded the Armed Forces for the Liberation ‘Xanana’ Gusmão in 2007, as well as from other parties of Timor Leste (FALINTIL), who fought against the close to CNRT, such as the Social Democratic Party Indonesian occupation for more than two decades.2 In a (PSD). So far, Xanana has given no public signal on his way, the demobilization of the FALINTIL marks the end of position regarding Matan Ruak’s presidential ambitions. a cycle and, as such, the resignation of Matan Ruak fits Bearing in mind the men’s good personal relationship, as well in this process. well as the fact that Xanana is not close to Ramos-Horta, Yet, while ending his military career, the decision of it would not be a surprise if Xanana, sooner or later, Matan Ruak could also mark the beginning of his active reveals that he supports Matan Ruak’s presidential bid. -
East Timor: Language and Gender in the Articulations and Representations of the Nationalist Struggle1 Zakiah Cabral, University of California at Berkeley
East Timor: Language and Gender in the Articulations and Representations of the Nationalist Struggle1 Zakiah Cabral, University of California at Berkeley The polarity between text and self and The most conspicuous crack in the narra narrative and event cannot hold. In a tive of the “big, happy family”— the Indo political culture the self that narrates speaks nesian national motto is “Bhinneka Tunggal from a position of having been narrated Ika,” a Sanskrit translation of the Latin “E and edited by others—by political institu pluribus unum,” or “Unity in Diversity”— tions, by concepts of historical causality, is the independence movement in East and possibly by violence. Timor, which has shown a remarkable resil —Alan Feldman ience in the face of overwhelming military and political odds.4 We, Timorese women, are always facing Benedict Anderson powerfully argues in deadly weapons aimed at us ready to fire Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Ori and we hardly have the power to say a gin and Spread of Nationalism that nations word of help to the outside world. themselves are narrations; he observes that —Mrs. HauNara, “East Timorese Women “in the modern world everyone can, should, Scream Out to the World For Help” will ‘have’ a nationality, as he or she ‘has’ a gender” (14). In most cases, the nation has I. Introduction been imagined as having a female gender, Post-colonial critics have written exten thus casting nationhood in terms of a con sively on how colonized people and those test between the colonizer and the male who have been unrepresented use narrative nationalist in their construction of the na fiction to express resistance and the exist tion as a feminized object.5 ence of their own history. -
Sea-Change: Mambai Sensory Practices and Hydrocarbon Exploitation in Timor-Leste
Sea-Change: Mambai Sensory Practices and Hydrocarbon Exploitation in Timor-Leste by Prash Naidu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology) in the University of Michigan 2019 Doctoral Committee: Professor Stuart Kirsch, Chair Professor Webb Keane Professor Maria Lemos Professor Erik Mueggler Prashanthan Naidu [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-3619-3636 © Prashanthan Naidu 2019 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my grandparents, Avva and Thata, and Avo Roza in Timor-Leste. ii Acknowledgements I recall the times Avva, my paternal grandmother, whiffed deeply into a piece of fruit before placing it under my untrained nose. “Here, smell it. You can tell by the smell if it’s ripe,” she said. This memory rematerialized many years later when my Mambai host mother, Roza, beckoned me to smell the fish caught by her husband in the Tasi Mane. “You won’t smell the sea when you smell our fish, you will only smell death,” Roza would often remind me during fieldwork. Not only did Roza nudge me to study the vital role of the senses in people’s perception of environmental change, she also stirred memories of my grandmother’s olfactory teachings. Roza and her family Araujo shared more than food, safety, and shelter with me; they left me with a sense of purpose in documenting and writing about the sea-change experienced by people at the margins of international concern. As an adviser once shared with me, an acknowledgement is the materialization of our lived memories. -
Current Data on the Indonesian Military Elite
CURRENT DATA ON THE INDONESIAN MILITARY ELITE (Prepared by the Editors) Periodically over the last fifteen years we have prepared lists of officers hold ing key positions in the hierarchy of the Indonesian Armed Forced to help readers keep abreast of current developments. (The last previous listing was in Indonesia, No. 33 [April 1982] which included changes through February 1982.) We have been able to do so because changes of personnel have typically been incremental, and because when a major organizational change took place, as in October 1969, the transformation occurred quickly and smoothly, without involving any drastic redis tribution of power or personnel. This is not the case with the recent reorganiza tion. The changes that got under practical way in March 1983 are unprecedented in their scope and complexity, and seem unlikely to run their full course before well into 1984. Essentially, they can be understood as involving two distinct, yet interrelated processes: (1) a generational shift which has virtually eliminated the "Generation of '45" from the Armed Forces' hierarchy; (2) the organizational rever berations of the separation of the functions of Minister of Defense and Security and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces mandated by Law 20/1982. Perhaps fortu nately for the editors, the evidence for the generational shift was largely complete as of the beginning of July 1983, and seems reasonably susceptible to preliminary analysis. On the other hand, although General S. Poniman and General L. B. "Benny" Murdani assumed on March 28, 1983 the twin top positions that had earlier always been held by a single officer, the division of authority and responsibility between them has yet to be resolved; and until it is resolved many billets remain either empty or held on a caretaker basis.