DOCSLIB.ORG

French Cultural Studies

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
French Cultural Studies French Cultural Studies http://frc.sagepub.com Charlemagne's Crusaders: French Collaboration in Arms, 1941-1945 J. G. Shields French Cultural Studies 2007; 18; 83 DOI: 10.1177/0957155807073317 The online version of this article can be found at: http://frc.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/18/1/83 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for French Cultural Studies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://frc.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://frc.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Downloaded from http://frc.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on May 15, 2007 © 2007 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 083-106 FRC-073317.qxd 10/1/07 4:16 PM Page 83 French Cultural Studies Charlemagne’s Crusaders French Collaboration in Arms, 1941–1945 J. G. SHIELDS University of Warwick Military collaboration is one of the least acknowledged aspects of France under the Occupation. Yet from summer 1941 France raised a number of fighting units for Hitler’s armies, each with its distinctive mission and each drawing the Vichy regime deeper into collaboration with Nazi Germany. This article discusses that process and its diverse implications. It shows how the Paris collaborationists used military engagement to pressure the Vichy government into more activist collaboration and explores the divergent perspectives in which this was viewed from Berlin, Paris and Vichy; it considers the mobilising myths, motivations and misapprehensions behind military collabora- tion; and it identifies some of the anomalies of that collaboration, with its reconceptualising of France and Other, friend and foe, belonging and alienation. Those French ‘patriots’ who fought in German uniform would become effective exiles from a homeland they departed to ‘defend’ only to see it ‘liberated’ by their ‘enemies’. Exposing the divisions and the delusions underlying military collaboration, the article sheds light on conflicting political calculations and shifting allegiances in occupied France. Keywords: Bolshevism, collaboration/collaborationism, France, Germany, military, Occupation, Vichy government, Waffen-SS, Wehrmacht At 3.15 a.m. on Sunday 22 June 1941, the first artillery barrages announced the invasion by German armed forces of the Soviet Union. The ‘European crusade against Bolshevism’ code-named Operation Barbarossa was underway. A week later, having cleared its intentions with Berlin, the French government at Vichy severed diplomatic relations with Moscow. French Cultural Studies, 18(1): 83–105 Copyright © SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi) http://frc.sagepub.com [200702] 10.1177/0957155807073317 Downloaded from http://frc.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on May 15, 2007 © 2007 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 083-106 FRC-073317.qxd 10/1/07 4:16 PM Page 84 84 FRENCH CULTURAL STUDIES 18(1) At the same time, approval was sought from the German authorities by leading collaborationists in occupied Paris to form a French volunteer legion to participate in the military effort on the new Eastern Front. With approval secured, the creation in July 1941 of the Légion des Volontaires Français contre le Bolchevisme (LVF) marked the start of a Franco- German military collaboration that would evolve over the next four years and culminate by stages – Légion Tricolore, Phalange Africaine, Sturmbrigade Frankreich – in the formation and deployment of the French Waffen-SS Charlemagne Division. Though they enlisted relatively few recruits, the LVF and subsequent formations drew France deeper into the spiral of collaboration initiated in October 1940 by the agreement between Hitler and Marshal Philippe Pétain as French head of state. In their propaganda, their statutes and the personal testimony of some who fought in them, these units yielded telling insights into the motivations of those in France most committed to collaboration with Nazi Germany. They also brought into focus the tensions between the ‘collaboration’ born of political expedience at Vichy and the ‘collaborationism’ promoted from ideological conviction by more radical elements mainly in Paris. Taking France well beyond the terms of the armistice agreement of June 1940, military collaboration exacerbated the fundamental problem with which the Vichy government grappled throughout the Occupation: that of retaining sovereign authority over a France which it controlled only insofar as the Germans permitted. Though it warrants barely a mention in most studies of the Vichy regime, the French provision of fighting units for Germany tells us much about the intensification of collaboration, the dynamics of power in occupied France, and the gulf of perception underlying relations between Berlin, Paris and Vichy. At another, more global level, military collaboration offers an intrigu- ing subject of analysis. It rested on particular conceptions of national, racial and cultural identity, mediated through the historically resonant notion of an East/West clash of ‘civilisation’; it radicalised the reshaping under Vichy of transnational alliances and enmities; and it raised press- ing questions about the place of a defeated, yet potentially rehabilitated, France within the context of a totalising war. Those Frenchmen departing in Wehrmacht uniform for the Russian front, however, were déracinés in time and in space. Likened to the knights of the First Crusade, they were embarked on a historic anomaly, fighting for an occupying enemy of France against an objective ally. They had the geographically incongruous conviction of mounting a last-ditch defence of a homeland over 2000 kilometres away; yet, in so doing, they were to become effective exiles from that homeland, both physically and ideologically displaced as Occupation gave way to Liberation in France and as the ‘New Europe’ in Downloaded from http://frc.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on May 15, 2007 © 2007 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 083-106 FRC-073317.qxd 10/1/07 4:16 PM Page 85 SHIELDS: CHARLEMAGNE’S CRUSADERS 85 which they had sublimated their national identity fell to ruins. This arti- cle draws in part on the memoirs by which a number of these ‘exiles’ would later seek to justify their collaborationist engagement or simply to defy a post-war Republican consensus from which they continued to be alienated. Military collaboration: from LVF to Charlemagne Division A ‘Foreign Legion in German uniform’ Launched a year to the day after the signing of the Franco-German armistice, the invasion of the Soviet Union redefined not only the military but also the political contours of the war. In rupturing the Nazi–Soviet pact, it provided a powerful new rationale at Vichy for collaboration with Hitler’s Reich and galvanised the Paris collabora- tionists for a war on communism. It pushed the French Communist Party (PCF) into resistance and designated its members ‘agents of Moscow’ against whom ‘a fight to the death’ now had to be waged. Collaborationist publications like Je suis partout deemed the threat of communism a sufficient argument for embracing National Socialism. They colluded in the Nazi propagandist claim that the war in the East was not a war of aggression but a defensive measure to prevent ‘a savage horde from sweeping towards Lisbon and perhaps all the way to London’ (Mermet and Danan, 1966: 41, 53–5, 58).1 A motley group of political activists, journalists and intellectuals, the Paris collaborationists saw themselves – and were seen from Berlin – as a lever with which pressure could be brought to bear on the government at Vichy. They led or were associated with a range of radical movements which attracted a combined membership of perhaps a quarter of a million over the period of the Occupation. Critical of Pétain’s cautious traditionalism, they called for France to assume its place in a new European order, conceiving of Hitler as a modern Charlemagne mobilis- ing Europe against Bolshevism and its ‘allies’, international Jewry and Anglo-Saxon capitalist imperialism. Thus on 23 June, the day after the launch of Operation Barbarossa, the German ambassador in Paris, Otto Abetz, was prevailed upon to seek permission from the German Foreign Ministry for the creation of a French legion. Two weeks later, a number of collaborationist leaders – among them Jacques Doriot of the Parti Populaire Français (PPF) and Marcel Déat of the Rassemblement National Populaire (RNP) – signed a proclamation committing France, with ‘the consent of Marshal Pétain and the acquiescence of the Führer’, to ‘the cru- sade against Bolshevism’ and ‘the struggle to defend European civiliza- tion’. Published in the PPF’s organ Le Cri du Peuple on 8 July 1941, this Downloaded from http://frc.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on May 15, 2007 © 2007 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 083-106 FRC-073317.qxd 10/1/07 4:16 PM Page 86 86 FRENCH CULTURAL STUDIES 18(1) was accompanied by an editorial from Doriot which identified in the ‘crusade against communism’ ‘the real meaning of the present war’: In helping to crush Bolshevism, the Legion of French Volunteers gives France the opportunity to resume her place as a major European power. The soldiers who are about to depart are on the threshold of a struggle for
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
    The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas.
    [Show full text]
  • French and German Cultural Cooperation, 1925-1954 Elana
    The Cultivation of Friendship: French and German Cultural Cooperation, 1925-1954 Elana Passman A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Donald M. Reid Dr. Christopher R. Browning Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Alice Kaplan Dr. Lloyd Kramer Dr. Jay M. Smith ©2008 Elana Passman ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT ELANA PASSMAN The Cultivation of Friendship: French and German Cultural Cooperation, 1925-1954 (under the direction of Donald M. Reid) Through a series of case studies of French-German friendship societies, this dissertation investigates the ways in which activists in France and Germany battled the dominant strains of nationalism to overcome their traditional antagonism. It asks how the Germans and the French recast their relationship as “hereditary enemies” to enable them to become partners at the heart of today’s Europe. Looking to the transformative power of civic activism, it examines how journalists, intellectuals, students, industrialists, and priests developed associations and lobbying groups to reconfigure the French-German dynamic through cultural exchanges, bilingual or binational journals, conferences, lectures, exhibits, and charitable ventures. As a study of transnational cultural relations, this dissertation focuses on individual mediators along with the networks and institutions they developed; it also explores the history of the idea of cooperation. Attempts at rapprochement in the interwar period proved remarkably resilient in the face of the prevalent nationalist spirit. While failing to override hostilities and sustain peace, the campaign for cooperation adopted a new face in the misguided shape of collaborationism during the Second World War.
    [Show full text]
  • H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1
    H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 18 (March 2018), No. 49 Sarah Shurts, Resentment and the Right: French Intellectual Identity Reimagined, 1898-2000. Newark/Lanham: University of Delaware Press/Rowman & Littlefield, 2017. xii + 337 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $110.00 U.S. (hardcover). ISBN 978-1-61149-634-5. Review by Sean Kennedy, University of New Brunswick at Fredericton. Presenting the history of French intellectuals in the modern era as a struggle between left and right is a long-established tradition, but in Resentment and the Right Sarah Shurts offers a fresh and compelling perspective. By identifying a recurring cycle of contestation over identity that ties in with long-standing debates over how to categorize the far right, the significance of the left-right dichotomy, and the character of French intellectual life, Shurts highlights the persistence of a distinctive pattern of extreme-right intellectual engagement. Ambitious in scope yet also featuring close analyses of prominent and less-prominent thinkers, her book is likely to spark further debate, and deserves considerable admiration. Well aware that she is on highly contested ground, Shurts carefully delineates her definitions of the terms ‘extreme right’ and ‘intellectual.’ With respect to the former she notes a veritable “wild west of terminology” (p. 15), the legacy of a long debate over the significance of fascism in France and the difficulties inherent in categorizing a diverse, often fractious political tradition. As for intellectuals, definitions tend to focus either upon values or sociological characteristics. Faced with various interpretive possibilities Shurts seeks to, borrowing a phrase from historian John Sweets, “hold that pendulum,” avoiding interpretive extremes.[1] In dealing with the extreme right, she concedes the findings of scholars who stress its diversity, the porosity of the left-right dichotomy as suggested by “crossover” figures, and the patterns of sociability shared by left and right-wing intellectuals.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideological Mistakes of Louis Ferdinand Céline and Emil Cioran
    JOURNAL OF ROMANIAN LITERARY STUDIES Issue no. 5/2014 IDEOLOGICAL MISTAKES OF LOUIS FERDINAND CÉLINE AND EMIL CIORAN Mara Magda MAFTEI Université de Paris 3 Sorbonne la Nouvelle Abstract: 2011 was a year of reference for both Emil Cioran and Louis Ferdinand Céline. We celebrated the centenary of the Romanian philosopher who chose to exile himself in Paris and also the 50-year anniversary of Céline’s death. In fact, we witnessed controversial issues in France linked to the question of whether we should include the 50th anniversary of the death of Céline among the official commemorations of 2011. While Cioran has been forgiven for having supported the Romanian far right (the Iron Guard), some French intellectuals cannot forgive Céline for his collaboration with Nazi Germany during the Second World War. In fact, the anti-Semitic rage of both Cioran and Céline cannot be ignored. Cioran and Céline gave up defending their political ideas after the defeat of Germany. But, while Cioran produced a new text on Jews in 1956, this time extremely laudatory, the extermination of Jews left Céline cold, and it is perhaps this aspect that makes him rather unique among the writers of the interwar period who were influenced by Nazi philosophy. Keywords: Louis-Ferdinand Céline, Emil Cioran, Fascism, anti-Semitism, Iron Guard 1. Philosophers in Support of The Fascist Doctrine The period between the two world wars was marked in Europe by writers’ hesitation to choose between the nationalist revolt of Germany and the philosophy of Hitler on one side and Stalinist brutality and the ideological thirst of the Russian nation on the other.
    [Show full text]
  • Interior Freedom in the French-Language Poetry Written in the Concentration Camps (1943-45)
    Interior Freedom in the French-language Poetry Written in the Concentration Camps (1943-45) Belle Marie Joseph A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Australian National University January 2017 © Copyright by Belle Marie Joseph 2017 All Rights Reserved This thesis presents my own original research. All sources have been duly acknowledged. Except where acknowledged in the customary manner, the material presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge, original and has not been submitted in whole or part for a degree in any university. Belle Joseph 27 January 2017 ii Acknowledgements I would like to extend my thanks, first of all, to my supervisors. I am deeply grateful to Peter Brown, who supervised this project from its beginnings and whose expertise and encouragement throughout the project were invaluable. Gillian Russell provided helpful input at the beginning of my research. Ned Curthoys gave invaluable feedback at each stage of my project; I am grateful for his insightful and constructive comments. Sincere thanks to Ash Collins, who provided thoughtful commentary on the completed thesis draft. I would also like to thank my many wonderful colleagues in the School of Literature, Language and Linguistics (SLLL) at ANU, who often provided useful suggestions in informal discussions about my research, and in particular Kate Flaherty, who kindly read drafts of the thesis introduction and the first chapter and gave me helpful comments on them. I would also like to acknowledge that this research was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) Scholarship. My warmest thanks go to the directors and staff of the various associations for former déportés , who gave me invaluable assistance with my research.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949)
    JPR Men of the Gun and Men of the State: Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949) Spyros Tsoutsoumpis Abstract: The article explores the intersection between paramilitarism, organized crime, and nation-building during the Greek Civil War. Nation-building has been described in terms of a centralized state extending its writ through a process of modernisation of institutions and monopolisation of violence. Accordingly, the presence and contribution of private actors has been a sign of and a contributive factor to state-weakness. This article demonstrates a more nuanced image wherein nation-building was characterised by pervasive accommodations between, and interlacing of, state and non-state violence. This approach problematises divisions between legal (state-sanctioned) and illegal (private) violence in the making of the modern nation state and sheds new light into the complex way in which the ‘men of the gun’ interacted with the ‘men of the state’ in this process, and how these alliances impacted the nation-building process at the local and national levels. Keywords: Greece, Civil War, Paramilitaries, Organized Crime, Nation-Building Introduction n March 1945, Theodoros Sarantis, the head of the army’s intelligence bureau (A2) in north-western Greece had a clandestine meeting with Zois Padazis, a brigand-chief who operated in this area. Sarantis asked Padazis’s help in ‘cleansing’ the border area from I‘unwanted’ elements: leftists, trade-unionists, and local Muslims. In exchange he promised to provide him with political cover for his illegal activities.1 This relationship that extended well into the 1950s was often contentious.
    [Show full text]
  • Jean Cocteau's the Typewriter
    1 A Queer Premiere: Jean Cocteau’s The Typewriter Introduction Late in April 1941, toward the close of the first Parisian theatre season fol- lowing the Defeat, Jean Cocteau’s La Machine à écrire (The Typewriter) opened, then closed, then reopened at the Théâtre Hébertot. Written in the style of a detective drama, the play starred the actor generally known—at least in the entertainment world at the time—as Cocteau’s sometime lover and perpetual companion, Jean Marais, as identical twin brothers. The re- views are curiously reticent about what exactly occurred at the Hébertot, and historians and critics offer sometimes contradictory pieces of a puzzle that, even when carefully put together, forms an incomplete picture. The fragments are, however, intriguing. Merrill Rosenberg describes how, on the evening of April 29, 1941, the dress rehearsal (répétition génerale), sponsored “as a gala” by the daily Paris-Soir and attended by various “dig- nitaries,” caused in the Hébertot’s auditorium a demonstration by members of the Parti Populaire Français (PPF). This disruption prompted Vichy’s ambas- sador to Paris, Fernand de Brinon, to order the withdrawal of the production (“Vichy’s Theatrical Venture” 136). Francis Steegmuller describes the disor- der that greeted the Typewriter premiere and the revival of Les Parents Terribles (at the Gymnase later that year): “stink bombs exploded in the theatres, and hoodlums filled the aisles and climbed onto the stage, shouting obscenities at Cocteau and Marais as a couple” (442).1 Patrick Marsh too notes that these plays “were seriously disrupted by violent scenes fomented by fascist sym- pathizers and members of the Parti Populaire Français” (“Le Théâtre 1 2 THE DRAMA OF FALLEN FRANCE Français .
    [Show full text]
  • OBJ Datastream
    Wallace, Andrew 2019 History Thesis Title: The Eldest Daughter of the Church: France, the Vatican, and the Memory of the Great War Advisor: Chris Waters Advisor is Co-author: None of the above Second Advisor: Released: release now Authenticated User Access: No Contains Copyrighted Material: No The Eldest Daughter of the Church France, the Vatican, and the Memory of the Great War By Andrew E. Wallace Chris Waters, Advisor A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in History WILLIAMS COLLEGE Williamstown, Massachusetts April 15, 2019 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................... iii Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1, Weapons of Peace: Debates in the Chamber of Deputies ........................... 19 Chapter 2, The Common Father and His Faithful: Catholics Respond .......................... 46 Chapter 3, Voila l’Ennemi! The Popular Press and the Reprise..................................... 70 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 95 Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 101 Acknowledgements The original idea for this thesis came from two classes I took in the spring semester of 2018 in Paris, which
    [Show full text]
  • Dangerous Liaisons
    University of Huddersfield Repository Davies, Peter J. Dangerous liaisons Original Citation Davies, Peter J. (2004) Dangerous liaisons. Pearson Longman, London, pp. 9-29. ISBN 978- 0582772274 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/5522/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ Chapter 1 MEANING AND VARIETIES Give me your watch and I’ll tell you the time. German view of collaboration[1] The Nazis’ newspaper in Jersey, Insel Zeitung, was keen to publicise the fact that the islanders were enthusiastic about the occupation and keen to be Germanised: In the course of a band concert given in the Royal Square and largely attended by children and young people, at a given moment, the bandmaster attracted the attention of his juvenile audience by calling out that he had a question to ask them.
    [Show full text]
  • Different Shades of Black. the Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament
    Different Shades of Black. The Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament Ellen Rivera and Masha P. Davis IERES Occasional Papers, May 2019 Transnational History of the Far Right Series Cover Photo: Protesters of right-wing and far-right Flemish associations take part in a protest against Marra-kesh Migration Pact in Brussels, Belgium on Dec. 16, 2018. Editorial credit: Alexandros Michailidis / Shutter-stock.com @IERES2019 Different Shades of Black. The Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament Ellen Rivera and Masha P. Davis IERES Occasional Papers, no. 2, May 15, 2019 Transnational History of the Far Right Series Transnational History of the Far Right Series A Collective Research Project led by Marlene Laruelle At a time when global political dynamics seem to be moving in favor of illiberal regimes around the world, this re- search project seeks to fill in some of the blank pages in the contemporary history of the far right, with a particular focus on the transnational dimensions of far-right movements in the broader Europe/Eurasia region. Of all European elections, the one scheduled for May 23-26, 2019, which will decide the composition of the 9th European Parliament, may be the most unpredictable, as well as the most important, in the history of the European Union. Far-right forces may gain unprecedented ground, with polls suggesting that they will win up to one-fifth of the 705 seats that will make up the European parliament after Brexit.1 The outcome of the election will have a profound impact not only on the political environment in Europe, but also on the trans- atlantic and Euro-Russian relationships.
    [Show full text]
  • Cérémonie Des Déportés , Avril 2014
    Allocution pour la journée de la Déportation , avril 2014 Monsieur le député-maire, monsieur le conseiller général, messieurs les maires du canton, mesdames et messieurs les élus, messieurs les présidents et représentants d'associations patriotiques, chers amis, Aujourd’hui c'est la troisième année que nous commémorons la journée du souvenir de la Déportation devant cette stèle, ou ces hommes dont les noms sont inscrits dans le marbre connurent l’enfer concentrationnaire et la cruauté nazie parce qu’ils avaient résisté à l'occupant vert de gris et à ses collaborateurs. Août 1940, suite à la trahison Pétainiste, la machine administrative collaborationniste et un pouvoir totalitaire se mettaient en place après l’armistice et devenait complice du pire. Ainsi, rapidement les premiers convois de déportés dans des wagons à bestiaux ont pu se réaliser sans trop de difficulté grâce à la complicité de l’État Français, contaminé par l’idéologie du 3ème Reich 1 commettant l’irréparable alors que le Général de Gaulle préparait depuis Londres la Résistance et le retour de la vraie et de la seule France que nous aimons en lavant la honte de juin 1940. La machine de mort orchestrée par la barbarie nazie à bien été huilée par les collaborations européennes dont 10% de français furent séduits par les sirènes nazies. La chasse aux juifs, aux résistants et opposants au régime hitlérien de toutes nationalités fut alors engagée et bien aidée par la délation et par la milice de joseph DARNAND. La France, alors plongée dans les abîmes a vu surgir autour de
    [Show full text]
  • Europe (In Theory)
    EUROPE (IN THEORY) ∫ 2007 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper $ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Minion with Univers display by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. There is a damaging and self-defeating assumption that theory is necessarily the elite language of the socially and culturally privileged. It is said that the place of the academic critic is inevitably within the Eurocentric archives of an imperialist or neo-colonial West. —HOMI K. BHABHA, The Location of Culture Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction: A pigs Eye View of Europe 1 1 The Discovery of Europe: Some Critical Points 11 2 Montesquieu’s North and South: History as a Theory of Europe 52 3 Republics of Letters: What Is European Literature? 87 4 Mme de Staël to Hegel: The End of French Europe 134 5 Orientalism, Mediterranean Style: The Limits of History at the Margins of Europe 172 Notes 219 Works Cited 239 Index 267 Acknowledgments I want to thank for their suggestions, time, and support all the people who have heard, read, and commented on parts of this book: Albert Ascoli, David Bell, Joe Buttigieg, miriam cooke, Sergio Ferrarese, Ro- berto Ferrera, Mia Fuller, Edna Goldstaub, Margaret Greer, Michele Longino, Walter Mignolo, Marc Scachter, Helen Solterer, Barbara Spack- man, Philip Stewart, Carlotta Surini, Eric Zakim, and Robert Zimmer- man. Also invaluable has been the help o√ered by the Ethical Cosmopol- itanism group and the Franklin Humanities Seminar at Duke University; by the Program in Comparative Literature at Notre Dame; by the Khan Institute Colloquium at Smith College; by the Mediterranean Studies groups of both Duke and New York University; and by European studies and the Italian studies program at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
    [Show full text]