Frelimo Has Always Used Its Version of History to Claim a Kind of Entitlement to Rule
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Malawi Chapter 1
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Geography, History and the Economy Geography Malawi is a landlocked country bordered to the north and northeast by the United Republic of Tanzania, to the east, south and southwest by the People's Republic of Mozambique and to the west by the Republic of Zambia. It is 901 kilometres long and ranges in width from 80 to 161 kilometres. The country has a total area of 118,484 square kilometres, of which 94,276 square kilometres is land area. Fifty-six percent of the land area is arable. Malawi's most striking topographic feature is the Rift Valley which runs through the entire length of the country, passing through Lake Malawi in the northem and central part of the country to the Shire Valley in the south. To the west and south of the lake are fertile plains and high mountain ranges whose main peaks range from 1,698 to 3,002 metres. The country is divided into three administrative regions; Northern, Central and Southern. There are twenty-four districts, five in the Northern Region, nine in the Central Region and ten in the Southern Region. In each district there are Traditional Authorities (or chiefs) and the smallest administrative unit is the village. There are 43 Traditional Authorities in the Northcrn Region, 79 in the Central Region and 83 in the Southern Region. Malawi experiences a tropical continental climate with some maritime influences. Rainfall and temperature are greatly influenced by the lake and altitude, which varies from 37 to 3,050 meters above sea level. -
Donas Da Terra. Her-Story on Female Power and Authority in the Zambezi Valley, Mozambique
! ECAS 2013 5th European Conference on African Studies African Dynamics in a Multipolar World ©2014 Centro de Estudos Internacionais do Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL) ISBN: 978-989-732-364-5 DONAS DA TERRA. HER-STORY ON FEMALE POWER AND AUTHORITY IN THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY, MOZAMBIQUE Carmeliza Soares da Costa Rosário University of Bergen [email protected] Donas da Terra. her-story on female power and authority in the Zambezi Valley, Mozambique! ! Abstract The Zambezi Valley, in Mozambique has been considered a sociological construct, more than geographical space. Portuguese colonial rule over this area, enacted initially from Goa, instituted the prazo system which was a system by which Crown land was leased to settlers for a fixed period. To attract more settlers, some prazos were given as dowry to girls who married Portuguese vassals; to be inherited through the female line, for at least three generations. These women became known as the Donas. Indigenous women in the region were also reportedly powerful and had administrative authority. Among the Maravi, the wife of the karonga had jurisdiction over part of the territory. Female chiefs were also reported to have existed. Among the Shona, the wives of the mutapa had their own territory and at times served as ambassadors of the empire. Despite their notoriety, historical texts mention these women marginally or as surrogates to male dominance. This is not a coincidence, but stems from a male perception of female roles. By constructing a text which generally ignores women’s role in history or relegates it to a secondary plane by comparison to their male counterparts, historians may have not made justice to the social, political and economic structures and inner workings of the Zambezi Valley complex, to borrow Mathews (1981) term. -
Mozambique: Prospects for Stability
UNHCR Centre for Documentation and Research WRITENET Paper No. 11/2000 MOZAMBIQUE: PROSPECTS FOR STABILITY By Patrick Chabal King’s College London February 2001 WriteNet is a Network of Researchers and Writers on Human Rights, Forced Migration, Ethnic and Political Conflict WriteNet is a Subsidiary of Practical Management (UK) E-mail: [email protected] THIS PAPER WAS PREPARED MAINLY ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THE PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT PURPORT TO BE, EITHER EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THE PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND ARE NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF WRITENET OR UNHCR. ISSN 1020-8429 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................1 1.1. UNOMOZ AND AFTER .................................................................................1 1.2. DEMOCRATIZATION AND THE RETURN TO STABILITY ....................................2 1.3. THE REGIONAL CONTEXT..............................................................................3 2. POLITICAL ISSUES.........................................................................................4 2.1. THE ROLE OF THE OPPOSITION ......................................................................4 2.2. ETHNIC AND REGIONAL QUESTIONS ..............................................................5 2.3. LAND REFORM -
The Hydropolitics of Southern Africa: the Case of the Zambezi River Basin As an Area of Potential Co-Operation Based on Allan's Concept of 'Virtual Water'
THE HYDROPOLITICS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA: THE CASE OF THE ZAMBEZI RIVER BASIN AS AN AREA OF POTENTIAL CO-OPERATION BASED ON ALLAN'S CONCEPT OF 'VIRTUAL WATER' by ANTHONY RICHARD TURTON submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject INTERNATIONAL POLITICS at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: DR A KRIEK CO-SUPERVISOR: DR DJ KOTZE APRIL 1998 THE HYDROPOLITICS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA: THE CASE OF THE ZAMBEZI RIVER BASIN AS AN AREA OF POTENTIAL CO-OPERATION BASED ON ALLAN'S CONCEPT OF 'VIRTUAL WATER' by ANTHONY RICHARD TURTON Summary Southern Africa generally has an arid climate and many hydrologists are predicting an increase in water scarcity over time. This research seeks to understand the implications of this in socio-political terms. The study is cross-disciplinary, examining how policy interventions can be used to solve the problem caused by the interaction between hydrology and demography. The conclusion is that water scarcity is not the actual problem, but is perceived as the problem by policy-makers. Instead, water scarcity is the manifestation of the problem, with root causes being a combination of climate change, population growth and misallocation of water within the economy due to a desire for national self-sufficiency in agriculture. The solution lies in the trade of products with a high water content, also known as 'virtual water'. Research on this specific issue is called for by the White Paper on Water Policy for South Africa. Key terms: SADC; Virtual water; Policy making; Water -
History Repeating? Colonial, Socialist and Liberal Statebuilding in Mozambique
History repeating? Colonial, socialist and liberal statebuilding in Mozambique Meera Sabaratnam, London School of Economics June 2012 Prepared for “International Statebuilding: Concepts, Themes and Practices”, A Routledge Handbook, Editors: David Chandler, University of Westminster and Timothy D. Sisk, University of Denver Abstract External statebuilders have been notoriously bad at making sense of the historical experiences and trajectories of state-society relations. As such, there is often the working assumption that externally-driven post-conflict statebuilding is substantially changing the dynamics of rule in a polity through the import of liberal ideas. Yet in practice this is often not the case. This chapter looks at three successive attempts at statebuilding in Mozambique and draws out interesting elements of continuity between them in terms of political authority, political economy and public administration practices. These are the colonial New State from 1930-1974, the socialist post-independence state from 1975-1989, and the liberal post-conflict restructuring from 1990 onwards. The discussion concludes that internal and external elites’ unwillingness to address or re-structure some fundamental relationships between the state and the population sustains the tensions generated by strategies for political rule and development. This is especially evident where ‘liberal’ statebuilding practices have tended to have distinctively ‘conservative’ effects in terms of state-society relations, replicating rather than transforming power and authority. 1 External statebuilders have been notoriously bad at making sense of the historical experiences and trajectories of state-society relations. As such, there is often the working assumption that externally-driven post-conflict statebuilding is substantially changing the dynamics of rule in a polity through the import of liberal ideas. -
Stephen A. Emerson. the Battle for Mozambique: the Frelimo-Renamo Struggle (1977-1992)
Stephen A. Emerson. The Battle for Mozambique: The Frelimo-Renamo Struggle (1977-1992). West Midlands: Helion and Company Limited, 2014. 288 pp. $35.00, paper, ISBN 978-1-909384-92-7. Reviewed by Michel Cahen Published on H-Luso-Africa (January, 2015) Commissioned by Philip J. Havik (Instituto de Higiene e Medicina Tropical (IHMT)) The British historian Malyn Newitt wrote the And the guns would remain silent” (p. 34). It ap‐ following about The Battle for Mozambique: pears that he does not address the 2013-14 crisis. “Steve Emerson has written the most comprehen‐ Of course, a fully developed “new” civil war did sive account of the civil war in Mozambique that not materialize in Mozambique during these two has yet been attempted,”, and he underlines his years, but local violent skirmishes probably led to statement by explaining that “Emerson’s account several hundred deaths. Renamo was, surprising‐ is largely a military history” (p. 1). If one accepts ly, able to swiftly recover an armed wing, which that a war’s history may merely be the story of a could not be, twenty-one years later, the mere mo‐ battle, Newitt’s observation is correct and can be bilization of some veteran guerrilla soldiers reinforced when he stresses that one of the quali‐ equipped with rusty Kalashnikovs. Indeed, cur‐ ties of the book is the extensive use of interviews rently some Renamo fghters appear to be young with former participants, as well as the sheer men. On October 15, 2014, political competition number of facts, some of them “told” for the frst between Frelimo and Renamo—and the Movi‐ time. -
Politics and Contemporary History in Mozambique: a Set of Epistemological Notes
Politics and Contemporary History in Mozambique: A Set of Epistemological Notes JOÃO PAULO BORGES COELHO Department of History, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane 1. Looking at the Contemporary History of Mozambique in the domestic setting, what strikes one, perhaps even more than questionable historiography, is the scarcity of historiography. The reason for such a situation could be sought, at least partially, in the colonial legacy of difficult access of the majority of the population to more than basic education, in particular the virtual absence of Africans in higher education during the colonial days; to this we could also associate the lack of history courses at the university before independence.1 These factors would act together to create a sort of scarcity of historians and a weak historical tradition, with the consequent lack of substantial historiography. Of course, from another angle we could add that History as an academic disci- pline is not fashionable in the current context of neoliberal transformation of the university, where courses seen as prone to assure jobs are the most popular; or that the situation could be the result of government disinvestment in higher education due to financial constraints or ideological neoliberal creed. At least directly, History has been consistently moving away from the ‘market’. Finally, we could minimise the argument of scarcity altogether, appealing to the series of ‘informal’ historical accounts lately swarming the shelves of the bookshops, mostly written by nationalist veterans and taking the form of biographies or histori- cal testimonies. This would show that – at least outside the university institutional walls –History is doing fine. -
Newitt on Marcum, 'Conceiving Mozambique'
H-Luso-Africa Newitt on Marcum, 'Conceiving Mozambique' Review published on Thursday, December 17, 2020 John A. Marcum. Conceiving Mozambique. Edited by Edmund Burke III and Michael W. Clough. African Histories and Modernities Series. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. 199 pp. $79.99 (e- book), ISBN 978-3-319-65987-9; $99.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-3-319-65986-2. Reviewed by Malyn Newitt (King's College London) Published on H-Luso-Africa (December, 2020) Commissioned by Philip J. Havik (Instituto de Higiene e Medicina Tropical (IHMT)) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=56036 This is a fascinating book that everyone interested in the modern history of Mozambique should have on their shelves. John A. Marcum is well known for his two-volume history of the Angolan revolution, The Angolan Revolution, published in 1969 and 1978 respectively, which has rightly become a classic. At the time of writing those volumes, Marcum thought about a parallel volume on Mozambique. For various reasons this was postponed, though he continued to gather information on the topic throughout his academic career. Eventually, toward the end of his life, he finished this long-postponed project, though at his death (in 2013) it still needed extensive editing, which was undertaken by Edmund Burke III and Michael W. Clough. Reading the book one can guess how the author’s ideas changed. At first it seems to have been designed as a companion to his Angola history, charting the early stages of Mozambican nationalism and the emergence of FRELIMO (Frente para a Libertação de Moçambique) under the leadership of Eduardo Mondlane. -
Decolonising Images? the Liberation Script in Mozambican History Textbooks, Pp
Decolonising images? The liberation script in Mozambican history textbooks, pp. 1-27 Decolonising images? The liberation script in Mozambican history textbooks DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2223-0386/2020/n24a1 Rosa Cabecinhas Martins Mapera Universidade do Minho, Braga, Portugal Universidade Zambeze, Beira, Mozambique [email protected] [email protected] ORCID No.: orcid.org/0000-0002-1491-3420 ORCID No.: orcid.org/0000-0002-7476-2986 Abstract In this article we examine the textbook narratives of the colonial past and the nation-building process in Mozambique, a Southern African country which gained its independence in 1975. One of the priorities after independence was to redesign the state apparatus and social system in order to decolonise people’s minds, foster patriotism and strengthen national cohesion. We have conducted a discourse analysis of the verbal and iconic content of two Mozambican history textbooks, which are exclusively dedicated to national history: one published during the single- party or “socialist” phase; and the other published in the multi-party or “neoliberal” phase and currently in use. For this purpose, we developed an analytic framework to unveil how the textbooks’ written and visual repertoires, and the combination thereof, convey (or otherwise) a diverse and inclusive vision of the nation. Our fndings reveal that although there have been changes in the types of language and images used, the general account of Mozambican history remains identical, emphasising the need for national unity under the leadership of the ruling political elite and recounting the History of Mozambique from the perspective of a single Liberation script, that completely overlooks the agency of women. -
The Urban Space of Mafalala: Origin, Evolution, and Characterization
The Urban Space of Mafalala: Origin, Evolution, and Characterization NUNO SIMÃO GONÇALVES Universidade de Coimbra Universidade Eduardo Mondlane Abstract: In this article, I consider the origin and urban evolution of Mafalala. Mafalala’s interaction with the colonial city generated synapses that fostered the creation of unique cultural environments from which emerged notable personalities of national artistic, sports and political importance. The material and immaterial heritage condensed in Mafalala is immense and encapsulates a considerable part of the history of Mozambique. Keywords: Mozambique; Maputo; Architecture; Urban studies The Mafalala is probably Maputo’s most famous neighborhood, an almost legendary urban space that tends to be associated with the emergence of Mozambican identity and is hence valued as an emblem of African political and cultural opposition to Portuguese colonial rule.1 The creation of Mozambican literature as a national project is deeply rooted in the work of writers and poets such as José Craveirinha and Noémia de Sousa, who portray Mafalala as a 1 This article results from the project “De S. Paulo de Luanda a Luuanda, de Lourenço Marques a Maputo: capitais coloniais em tempos pós-coloniais” (PTDC/CLE- LLI/122229/2010 - FCOMP-01- 0124-FEDER- 019830), which was financed by Fundos FEDER through the Programa Operacional Factores de Competitividade and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia. 125 Gonçalves prominent landscape of the new nation (Trigo 53-57). Several notable Mozambican artists, sports personalities, and politicians were born and raised there. Mafalala is nonetheless a relatively new neighborhood inhabited by descendants of migrants from the most diverse origins, who developed their particular forms of sociability and a multicultural landscape. -
Landmines and Spatial Development Appendix I History of Conflict
Landmines and Spatial Development Appendix I History of Conflict ∗ Giorgio Chiovelliy Stelios Michalopoulosz Universidad de Montevideo Brown University, CEPR and NBER Elias Papaioannoux London Business School, CEPR December 4, 2019 Abstract This appendix provides an overview of two key periods in the recent history of Mozambique that are intimately linked to landmine contamination. The appendix is not intended to be a comprehensive reconstruction of the War of Independence or the subsequent Civil War. Its aim is to highlight, in a concise way, the events that led Mozambique to be a classified as \heavily mined" at the end of hostilities in 1992. We start by going over the war of independence (1964−1974) and then discuss the ensuing civil war (1977 − 1992). Going over the historical narrative is useful, as it highlights the underlying causes of the widespread usage of landmines. It also puts in context the gigantic effort to clear the country from the thousands of minefields after the peace agreement. We conclude by describing socioeconomic conditions at the end of civil war in 1992. ∗Additional material can be found at www.land-mines.com yGiorgio Chiovelli. Universidad de Montevideo, Department of Economics, Prudencio de Pena 2440, Montevideo, 11600, Uruguay; [email protected]. Web: https://sites.google.com/site/gchiovelli/ zStelios Michalopoulos. Brown University, Department of Economics, 64 Waterman Street, Robinson Hall, Providence RI, 02912, United States; [email protected]. Web: https://sites.google.com/site/steliosecon/ xElias Papaioannou. -
MOZAMBIQUE: a FADING U.N. SUCCESS STORY Jeremy M
MOZAMBIQUE: A FADING U.N. SUCCESS STORY Jeremy M. Weinstein Jeremy M. Weinstein is a doctoral candidate in political economy and government at Harvard University and a graduate student fellow of the Center for International Development. This article is based in part on research he conducted in formerly Renamo-controlled areas in central and northern Mozambique. As Mozambique enters its tenth year of peace following a brutal and destructive civil war, the signs of continued democratic transformation and pro-market economic reform appear rosy, at least at first glance. Donors and the international community have quietly lauded Joaquim Chissano’s recent announcement that he is “not disposed” to seek a third term as president of this former Portuguese colony of 17 million on the southeast coast of Africa. Together with President Frederick Chiluba’s similar announcement in Zambia a few months ago, it looks to many like an indication that these two African democracies are maturing and consolidating the gains that they have made in recent years. Mozambique’s continued place atop the list of the world’s fastest- growing economies has been seen as another signal that commitment to the “Washington Consensus” will provide the funds required to bring infrastructure, schools, and health care to the rural majority. It is no wonder, then, that Mozambique finds itself highlighted as a success story for the United Nations in conflict-ridden Africa. Many credit Mozambique’s remarkable transformation to the UN’s efforts to sus- tain the drawn-out peace negotiations, demobilize more than 90,000 soldiers, rebuild a unified national army, and foster the rise of a legiti- mate, peaceful opposition.