Regionalism in a New Europe: the Cases of the Basque and Catalan in Spain
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Between Accommodation and Secession: Explaining the Shifting Territorial Goals of Nationalist Parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia
Between accommodation and secession: Explaining the shifting territorial goals of nationalist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia Anwen Elias Reader at Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University Email: [email protected] Ludger Mees Full Professor at Department of Contemporary History, University of the Basque Country Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article examines the shifting territorial goals of two of the most electoral- ly successful and politically relevant nationalist parties in Spain: the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) and Convergència i Unió (CiU). Whilst both parties have often co-operated to challenge the authority of the Spanish state, their territorial goals have varied over time and from party to party. We map these changes and identify key drivers of territorial preferences; these include party ideology, the impact of the financial crisis, the territorial structure of the state, party competition, public opinion, government versus opposition, the impact of multi-level politics and the particularities of party organisation. These factors interact to shape what nationalist parties say and do on core territorial issues, and contribute to their oscillation between territorial accommodation and secession. However, the way in which these factors play out is highly context-specific, and this accounts for the different territorial preferences of the PNV and CiU. These findings advance our understanding of persistent territorial tensions in Spain, and provide broader theoretical insights into the internal and external dynamics that determine the territorial positioning of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties in plurinational states. KEYWORDS Spain; Basque Country; Catalonia; territorial goals; party strategies; nation- alism; regional autonomy. Article received on 04/10/2016, approved on 17/03/2017. -
Galego As a Nickname in the Portuguese of Santa Catarina: Findings from ALERS
Revista de Estudos da Linguagem, v. 26, n. 3, p. 1227-1276, 2018 Galego as a nickname in the Portuguese of Santa Catarina: findings from ALERS A alcunha galego no português de Santa Catarina: o que revelam os dados do ALERS Fernando Hélio Tavares de Barros Universidade Chistian-Albrechts de Kiel (CAU), Kiel, Schleswig-Holstein / Alemanha [email protected] Lucas Löff Machado Universidade Católica de Eichstätt e Ingolstadt (KU), Eichstätt, Baviera / Alemanha [email protected] Grasiela Veloso dos Santos Heidmann Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso (UFMT), Cuiabá, Mato Grosso / Brasil [email protected] Neusa Inês Philippsen Universidade do Estado de Mato Grosso (UNEMAT, Campus Sinop), Sinop, Mato Grosso / Brasil Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, São Paulo / Brasil [email protected] Resumo: É conhecida a figura dosgalegos no folclore luso-brasileiro. A língua através de suas diversas expressões reflete a Galícia e seus habitantes na memória coletiva dos luso-brasileiros, mesmo que de maneira opaca. O objetivo deste estudo é descrever o uso da alcunha galego no português falado no Estado de Santa Catarina - SC, no sul do Brasil. A perspectiva da onomástica e da geolinguística delineia as bases teóricas dessa investigação. Por meio dos dados levantados e disponibilizados pelo Atlas Linguístico- Etnográfico da Região Sul do Brasil –ALERS, foi possível analisar a pergunta “pessoa que tem cabelos loiros e tez clara, dizemos que é?” (Questionário 3.3.3 – ALERS). O eISSN: 2237-2083 DOI: 10.17851/2237-2083.26.3.1227-1276 1228 Revista de Estudos da Linguagem, v. 26, n. 3, p. 1227-1276, 2018 levantamento lexicográfico dessa forma lexical revelou inicialmente uma diversidade de conteúdos semânticos tanto na Península Ibérica quanto na România Nova. -
Effects of Social Media on Enotourism. Two Cases Study: Okanagan Valley (Canada) and Somontano (Spain)
sustainability Article Effects of Social Media on Enotourism. Two Cases Study: Okanagan Valley (Canada) and Somontano (Spain) F. J. Cristófol 1 , Gorka Zamarreño Aramendia 2,* and Jordi de-San-Eugenio-Vela 3 1 ESIC, Business & Marketing School, Market Research and Quantitative Methods Department, 28223 Pozuelo de Alarcón (Madrid), Spain; [email protected] 2 Department of Theory and Economic History, University Malaga, 29013 Malaga, Spain 3 Communication Department, University of Vic; 08500 Vic, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +34-607-91-40-68 Received: 30 July 2020; Accepted: 17 August 2020; Published: 19 August 2020 Abstract: The aim of this article is to analyze the social media effects on enotourism. Two territories of similar extension and with historical coincidences in their development have been selected: the Okanagan Valley, Canada, and the region of Somontano, Spain. Methodologically, an analysis of the content on Twitter has been performed, collecting 1377 tweets. The conclusion is that wineries create sentimental and experiential links with the users, avoiding commercial communications. Specifically, Okanagan wineries establish a relevant conversation network on Twitter based on the high percentage of responses, which is 31.3%, but this is not so in the case of Somontano, which is 12.8%. The tourist attractions most used to create a bond are the wine landscape and the gastronomy in the case of both territories. The tourism sustainability variable remains a minor matter in the emission of messages on Twitter. Keywords: social network analysis; sustainable tourism; web 2.0; enotourism; Twitter; Somontano wines; Okanagan Valley wines; wines of British Columbia 1. -
Self-Determination for the Basque People
THE HUMAN RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION AND THE LONG WALK OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY TO A DEMOCRATIC SCENARIO ―Law is a living deed, not a brilliant honors list of past writers whose work of course compels respect but who cannot, except for a few great minds, be thought to have had such a vision of the future that they could always see beyond their own times‖. Judge Ammoun ―Separate Opinion‖ Advisory Opinion of the ICJ Jon Namibia, 1971 Introduction Let me start with some considerations. The case of the right to self determination is the case of human rights and history shows us that human rights are the cause of the oppressed, the cause of the colonized, the subalterns, and the cause of those on the other side of the borderline. Human rights have always been opposed by those in power, by the states of the capitalist world system. And so the recognized human rights are not but the consequences of long term struggles for non-recognized rights. And same pass with the right to self determination. Those who today consider this right only to be applied to colonies or occupied territories, are the same who opposed to the struggles for national liberation. Those who consider right now the right to self determination recognized in art 1 of the UN International Covenants on Civil and Political rights and Social, Cultural and Ecomic Rights are the same who opposed in the UN to the stablishment of art.1 and those who right now try to limit the right of indigenous peoples to self determination. -
LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: Relying on Basque Nationalists, but Still in Power: Where Next for Spain's '
LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: Relying on Basque nationalists, but still in power: Where next for Spain’s ‘weak’ government? Page 1 of 3 Relying on Basque nationalists, but still in power: Where next for Spain’s ‘weak’ government? Since being returned to power following elections last year, Mariano Rajoy’s Spanish government has had to rely on the support of smaller parties, such as Ciudadanos and the Basque Nationalist Party, to pass key legislation, including the 2017 national budget. Caroline Gray assesses what this fragile political situation has meant for the country, noting that while Rajoy has so far managed to gain the alliances needed to implement core policies, this has only been achievable by granting significant concessions to the Basque Country. Mariano Rajoy, Credit: Michel Temer (CC BY SA 2.0) Spain was thrown into uncharted waters last year when conservative Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy formed the weakest minority government since Spain transitioned to democracy. Yet, despite predictions at the time that the Popular Party (PP) government would not last, the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) has spared it from an early death. With their five seats in the Spanish parliament, the Basque nationalists’ crucial decision to support the PP’s 2017 budget – backed also by the centre-right Ciudadanos – transformed the outlook. In some ways, it’s back to business as usual then. Except what’s ‘usual’ in Spanish politics has fundamentally changed, and clinging onto power by striking traditional bilateral deals with the Basques does not resolve the many issues now requiring broader consensus and compromise. -
Spanish Housing Markets, 1904-1934: New Evidence*
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Universidad Carlos III de Madrid e-Archivo SPANISH HOUSING MARKETS, 1904-1934: NEW EVIDENCE* JUAN CARMONA Universidad Carlos III de Madrida MARKUS LAMPE Universidad Carlos III de Madridb JOAN R. ROSE´ S London School of Economics and Political Sciencec ABSTRACT This article makes the first systematic attempt to analyse quantitatively the evolution of Spanish housing markets from 1904 to 1934, a period of dramatic changes in housing demand as a consequence of substantial income and demographic growth. In order to do so, we collect a new database on houses sold and their prices using data from the Registrar’s Yearbooks. Furthermore, we construct a new hedonic index of real housing prices for Spain and its provinces. To our surprise, we found that real housing prices rose slightly over the entire period and, hence, that housing supply responded effectively to new demand for housing. Keywords: housing regulation, hedonic prices, urbanization JEL Code: N93, N94, R30 * Received 29 April 2013. Accepted 28 January 2014. The authors would like to thank to the editor of this Journal, Blanca Sa´nchez-Alonso, and three anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions. Financial support was received by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness projects: 2013/00066/001 (Juan Carmona), ECO2011-25713 (Markus Lampe) and ECO2012-39169-C03-01 (Joan R. Rose´s). The usual disclaimer applies. a Departamento de Ciencias Sociales and Instituto Figuerola, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, C/Madrid 126, 28903 Getafe, Spain. [email protected] b Departamento de Ciencias Sociales and Instituto Figuerola, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, C/Madrid 126, 28903 Getafe, Spain. -
WINE LIST We Are Strong Supporters of “Nudity in Wine”
8 0-96 -911 48 2 CAFFE BOA THE ORIGINAL EST 1994 WINE LIST We are Strong Supporters of “Nudity in Wine” Naked wine paired with naked food. With almost 200 allowed additives that are legally permitted in wine, we choose to feature wines that complement our food: wines with the least possible use of chemicals, additives and overly technological procedures. Enjoy with confidence! We pay attention to every single detail when it comes to our wines, from the accuracy of the information provided to you in this book, all the way to how we store and serve it to you. We are extremely passionate about every bottle listed and want you to be too! S STOP 2 BY THE GLASS and more fun sizes... BUBBLES Coupe / Bottle Cava, Bolet Brut Nature (Penedés, Spain) NV 8 48 WHITE WINES Glass Half Full Tajut 6oz 12oz btl 3oz Arneis/Moscato, Poderi Cellario E’Bianco (Piemonte, Italy) NV 1 Liter 10 20 60 5 Bombino Bianco, Calcarius Bianco Puglia (Puglia, Italy) 2020 1 Liter 10 20 60 5 Chardonnay, Hohnjec BioEstate (Zagorje, Croatia) 2018 10 20 40 5 Pinot Grigio Blend, Kana ‘Community Spread’ (Podravje, Slovenia) 2020 10 20 40 5 Sauvignon Blanc, Jean Marc Bordeaux Blanc (Bordeaux, France) 2020 11 22 44 5.5 Rosé, Château Fontvert “Les Restanques” (Luberon, France) 2019 12 24 48 6 Chardonnay, Kana (Podravje, Slovenia) 2020 13 26 52 6.5 Muscadet, Domaine de la Pépière Clos de Briords (Loire, France) 2019 13 26 52 6.5 RED WINES Glass Half Full Tajut 6oz 12oz btl 3oz Pais, Pipeño Dama Juana (Portezuelo, Chili) 2019 9 18 36 4.5 Grenache/Syrah/Carignan, La Patience (Costieres -
Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: the Case of Southeastern Europe
Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: The Case of Southeastern Europe Daphne Papahadjopoulos Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy European Institute, The London School of Economics and Political Science 2004 UMI Number: U194851 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U194851 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 LiOf-tiy British üorwy ui rOHucat and Economic Science TH cS c S F To my uncle Demetrios Papahadjopoulos Who would have been so pleased Abstract The thesis seeks to understand why in the post-Cold War era regionalism in Southeastern Europe has been largely ineffective. First, it examines the theoretical preconditions for the emergence of the phenomenon. It finds that two separate levels of analysis exist for explaining its sources, namely the international - divided between rationalist and reflectivist schools - and the domestic. Rationalist schools of thought are arranged along a continuum between those focusing on sources of regionalism external (systemic) and internal to regions. Subsequently, the research project provides a historical perspective of cooperation in Southeastern Europe. -
Places/Non-Places: Galicia on the Road of St. James Eugenia Afinoguénova Marquette University, [email protected]
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Spanish Languages and Literatures Research and Languages, Literatures and Culture Faculty Publications Research and Publications 1-1-2017 Places/Non-Places: Galicia on the Road of St. James Eugenia Afinoguénova Marquette University, [email protected] Published version. "Places/Non-places: Galicia on the Road of St. James," in Rerouting Galician Studies: Multidisciplinary Interventions, edited by Benita Sampedro Vizcaya, Jose A. Losada Montero. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, {2017}: 139-150. DOI. © 2017 The Author(s). Used with permission. CHAPTER 9 Places/Non-places: Galicia on the Road of St. james Eugenia A.ftnoguenoJJa Turgalicia, the pub!Jc agency reporting to the Culture, Education, and Tourism department of the autonomous government of Galicia, greets its English-speaking virtual visitors with a pun: "GaJicia, the best way. " 1 Galician and Castilian versions advertise the .region as "o bo camino" and "el buen camino" ["the good way"], reveaJing the slogan's Unks to the tradition of wallcing the medievaJ paths, known as the Road of St. James, leading from different parts of Europe to the crypt in the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela where Sr. James is said to be buried. Playing on the pilgrims' customary saJutation, Bue11. ca.mi1t0 [Enjoy the road/ May your road be goodl, the motto suggests a continuity between the region's touristic appeal (for which TurgaJicia, established in 1992, is responsible) and the promotion of the Road of St. James carried out by the Consello Xacobeo [The Road of St. James Council]. This insti tution in charge of branding, maintaining, and popuJarizing the roads leading to Santiago carne to life in conjunction with the Presjdency- at the head of the GaJician government--of Manuel Fraga Iribarne, who in the 1960s had been the designer of a tourism-driven identity for Spain.2 E. -
Issues Around Scottish Independence
Issues Around Scottish Independence by David Sinclair September 1999 Published by The Constitution Unit 29/30 Tavistock Square London WC 1H 9EZ Tel. 017 1 504 4977 O The Constitution Unit 1999 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE The referendum: who votes, and who decides the question? When should a referendum be held? Speed of the transition Who negotiates for each side? SCOTLAND IN THE WORLD ECONOMICS OF INDEPENDENCE SCOTLAND AND THE REST OF THE UK ANNEX 1: GREENLAND AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ANNEX 2: THE BACKGROUND TO THE ARGUMENTS OVER SCOTLAND'S FISCAL DEFICIT Expenditure Revenue Conclusions Executive Summary The debate about Scottish independence should include not only the case for and against independence but a better understanding of the process of independence itself. There are a number of key issues which would need to be resolved before Scotland could become independent. 1. If the issue of independence is put to a referendum who should vote in that referendum and what should the question be? Should that referendum be held before or after negotiations on independence? 2. Once negotiations are taking place, how quickly can a transition to be independence be achieved? 3. What are the key issues that will need to be negotiated? Can any likely sticking points be identified? 4. What would the position of an independent Scotland be in international law? Would Scotland automatically succeed to UK treaty rights and obligations, including membership of the EU? Or would these have to be renegotiated? 5. What are the economics of an independent Scotland? Answering this question involves understanding the current financial position of Scotland within the UK, the likely future finances of Scotland as an independent country, and the costs of transition to independence. -
Mapping Urban Water Governance Models in the Spanish Mediterranean Coastline
Water and Society IV 75 MAPPING URBAN WATER GOVERNANCE MODELS IN THE SPANISH MEDITERRANEAN COASTLINE RUBÉN VILLAR & ANA ARAHUETES Instituto Interuniversitario de Geografía, Universidad de Alicante, Spain ABSTRACT The heterogeneity of governance and management models of municipal water supply in the Spanish Mediterranean coastline has increased in recent decades. This diversity is explained by the increase of private companies responsible for the management of the local water service and the presence of supramunicipal public entities responsible for water catchment, treatment and distribution to the municipalities. Based on the review of the existing literature, the information available on the websites of the leading corporate groups in the water sector and contacting with councils, the companies and supramunicipal entities involved in the service of municipal water in the Mediterranean coastline have been identified. The objective of this work is to analyse the territorial presence of the main actors in the urban water management through its cartographic representation, as well as analyse its ownership and importance in terms of population supplied. This analysis shows a high presence of companies belonging to the AGBAR group that supply around half of the total population in the Spanish coastline municipalities. Likewise, there is a regional specialization of certain private companies that concentrate the urban water management for the most part of the coastline municipalities. This is the case of FACSA, which manages the water services in 87% of coastline municipalities in Castellón, or Hidraqua in Alicante, that operates in the 65%. Furthermore, the presence of large supramunicipal public entities is widespread along the coastline, especially in Catalonia and the southeast. -
'Populism': Armenia's “Velvet Revolution”
The Armenian Studies Program and the Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies present the 42nd Educator Outreach Conference Authoritarianism, Democratization, and ‘Populism’: Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” in Perspective Saturday, May 1, 2021 Livestream on YouTube University of California, Berkeley From end March to early May 2018, a series of peaceful protests and demonstration led to the resignation of Prime Minister (PM) Serzh Sargsyan, whom the then ruling Republican Party he chaired had newly nominated for that office. Having completed his two terms as President, from 2008 to 2018, Serzh Sargsyan’s attempt to remain in power became obvious. This attempt also made it evident that the amended 2015 Constitution, which he had promoted to invigorate democratization by shifting power from the office of the President to the Parliament and the office of the Prime Minister, was merely a ploy to extend his rule. It was also the proverbial “last straw that broke the camel’s back.” A kleptocratic, semi-authoritarian regime that appeared to control all the levers of power and of the economy suddenly, and unexpectedly, collapsed. This regime change—which the leader of the protests and incoming new prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, referred to as a “Velvet Revolution”—was peaceful, something unusual for a post-Soviet republic. Subsequent parliamentary elections brought to power a new generation, younger deputies mostly between the ages of twenty-five to forty. A similar generation change also characterized the formation of the government. Youth, however, also means inexperience as almost none of the new deputies and ministers had held any political position in the past.