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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far. -
Solidarity: Reflections on an Emerging Concept in Bioethics
Solidarity: reflections on an emerging concept in bioethics Barbara Prainsack and Alena Buyx This report was commissioned by the Nuffield Council on Bioethics (NCoB) and was jointly funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) and the Nuffield Foundation. The award was managed by the Economic and Social Research Council on behalf of the partner organisations, and some additional funding was made available by NCoB. For the duration of six months in 2011, Professor Barbara Prainsack was the NCoB Solidarity Fellow, working closely with fellow author Dr Alena Buyx, Assistant Director of NCoB. Disclaimer The report, whilst funded jointly by the AHRC, the Nuffield Foundation and NCoB, does not necessarily express the views and opinions of these organisations; all views expressed are those of the authors, Professor Barbara Prainsack and Dr Alena Buyx. The Nuffield Council on Bioethics is an independent body that examines and reports on ethical issues in biology and medicine. It is funded jointly by the Nuffield Foundation, the Wellcome Trust and the Medical Research Council, and has gained an international reputation for advising policy makers and stimulating debate in bioethics. www.nuffieldbioethics.org The Nuffield Foundation is an endowed charitable trust that aims to improve social wellbeing in the widest sense. It funds research and innovation in education and social policy and also works to build capacity in education, science and social science research. www.nuffieldfoundation.org Established in April 2005, the AHRC is a non-Departmental public body. It supports world-class research that furthers our understanding of human culture and creativity. www.ahrc.ac.uk © Barbara Prainsack and Alena Buyx ISBN: 978-1-904384-25-0 November 2011 Printed in the UK by ESP Colour Ltd. -
Militancy and Pragmatism an International Perspective on Maritime Labour, 1870-1914*
FRANK BROEZE MILITANCY AND PRAGMATISM AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE ON MARITIME LABOUR, 1870-1914* SUMMARY: The militancy of maritime workers led worldwide to strikes of great magnitude, visibility and impact. In many countries these strikes had vast repercus- sions for the industrial and political development of the labour movement. As this comparative overview of maritime labour and unionism in some ten countries shows, however, after the first wave of strikes two conflicting tendencies arose which became a permanent feature of the maritime scene. The men themselves never lost their potential for militant action and adherence to radical ideologies. By contrast, many union leaders became increasingly pragmatic and even accommoda- tionist. This article investigates the causes of this dichotomy and assesses the resulting tensions and conflicts. In many ports these led to break-away moves, spontaneous action and the replacement of moderate by radical leaders. In others the pragmatic tendency survived in power. This included a strong interest in alliances with adjacent unions and international unions. Introduction The historiography of trade unionism and the labour movement in general in recent years has grown at such a frenetic pace that it is doubtful whether any individual can still command or even oversee the whole field. Amongst the plethora of themes several vie for primacy on centre stage: the identity of the proletariat, and the extent and nature of its working-class conscious- ness and class-war strategies; the identification of chronologically distinct phases in the development of trade unionism and, in particular, the nature of the so-called "new unionism"; the influence of socialist ideology on the developing trade-union movement and, more generally, the relationship between the syndicalist and political wings of the labour movement; and, of more recent vintage, the nature of union leadership and reconstructions and social analyses of workers' lives both on the job and within the circles of their families and communities. -
Worker Cooperatives and the Solidarity Economy in Barcelona James Hooks [email protected]
Clark University Clark Digital Commons International Development, Community and Master’s Papers Environment (IDCE) 5-2018 Centering People in the Economy: Worker Cooperatives and the Solidarity Economy in Barcelona James Hooks [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.clarku.edu/idce_masters_papers Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, Political Economy Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, and the Work, Economy and Organizations Commons Recommended Citation Hooks, James, "Centering People in the Economy: Worker Cooperatives and the Solidarity Economy in Barcelona" (2018). International Development, Community and Environment (IDCE). 189. https://commons.clarku.edu/idce_masters_papers/189 This Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Master’s Papers at Clark Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Development, Community and Environment (IDCE) by an authorized administrator of Clark Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Centering People in the Economy: Worker Cooperatives and the Solidarity Economy in Barcelona James A. Hooks March 2018 A MASTER’S RESEARCH PAPER Submitted to the faculty of Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in the department of International Development, Community, and Environment And accepted on the recommendation of Dr. Jude Fernando, Chief Instructor This project was partially funded through the IDCE Travel Award Approved by the Institutional Review Board of Clark University (IRB Protocol# 2016-095) Hooks 2 Acknowledgments I would like to begin this paper through acknowledging all those who have helped make this project a reality. -
MPS-0738381 International Marxist Group -Meeting METROPOLITAN POLICE November 1969 1. I Was Present Today with D.C. at Conway Ha
MPS-0738381 METROPOLITAN POLICE r7- )t /7b SPECIAL BRANCH Special Report ) day of November 1969 SUBJECT__ International 1. I was present today with D.C. at Conway Hall, ed Lion Square, where a pub_; debate took Group Marxist place on the sub' ct, "What is Trotskyism, between rnest MAN1 L f the.Secr ariat of the 1Vth International, -meeting and Monty JOHNSON, of t Young Communist League. The meeting began at 7.45 .m. and ended at 10.30p.m. About 500 persons w e present. The meeting became to Papers Reference excited at times but there was no disorder. 2. The debate had been organised by the International .arxist Group who were well represented in the audience, as were the International Socialists, the Revolutionary Socialist League, and the New Left Review Group. Tabists were present and made frequent interuptions. The Communist and Y.C.L. contingent numbered about 20 persons. 5. The meeting had been;..advertised in "Tribune" and in the "Morning Star". Admision cost 2/6 per head but tere was no col ction. 4. The Chairma as Robin BLACKBURN of the New Left Review Group. He acterTIMOUghouVrwith authority and with strict impartiality. He allowed the two speakers an initial period of half an hour each to make their statements, then followed a period of about an hour for five-minute contributions from the floor, and then came the summing up speeches, leaving MADEL with the last word. 5. Ernest !1ANDEL s d that it was not his purpose to argde--WITh Mon j JOH1SON on what Trotsky may or may not have said in the past, nor was he concerned to refute some of the wilder allegations that had been made by communists about Trotsir..yists. -
Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC)
t9 resist « to The mass movement in solidarity with _theVietnamese people againsT imperialism was a major feature of 1968 in Britain. It was the focus for the radicalisation of entire L an generation: a radicalisation which went beyond the single issue of Vietnam and led many thousands to embrace varying forms of revolutionarypolitics. TESSA VAN GELDEREN spoke to PAT JORDAN and TARIQ ALI, both founding members and leading figures in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC). Pat Jordan was a full time worker for the campaign during the mass demonstrationsof 1967 and 1968. He was a member of the International Marxist Group at the time and has been a lifelong fighter for socialism. Pat is currently recovering from the effects of a stroke. In 1967-68 Tariq Ali’s picture was never far from the front pages of the press. An editorial board member of Black Dwarf, he became a symbol of the mass demonstrations and occupations. His book about the period, Street PAT JORDAN The orientation of CND was to get the Fighting Years: An Autobiographycf Labour Party to adopt unilateralism. the Sixties, is reviewed elsewhere CND WAS THE left campaign of Then Aneurin Bevan, after initially sup- the fifties, its main activity porting unilateralism, made his famous in this issue. was a once—yearly march from Al- somersault. This rapidly disillusioned dermaston. The march was like people. They realised that they needed a revolutionary university — people ar- something else other than this simple guing, tactics and strategy debated, orientationwhich was entirely within the thousands of papers bought and sold. -
Socialist Organization Today by Charlie Post and Kit Wainer
A Solidarity Publication $1 LABOR DONATED A Solidarity Publication Originally written in 1997. Second Edition, 2006. SOLIDARITY is a revolutionary socialist, feminist and anti-racist organization with branches and members throughout the United States. If you want to know more about Solidarity, please email [email protected] or call 313-841-0160. You can also visit our website at www.solidarity-us.org. Against the Current is an analytic journal for the broad revolutionary left, sponsored by Solidarity. If you’d like to subscribe to Against the Current, you can fill out the form on the back of this pamphlet. To browse articles online, go to www.solidarity-us.org/atc. www.solidarity-us.org Labor Donated socialist organization today By Charlie Post and Kit Wainer Introduction......................................................................1 I. The Socialist Left Today.................................................1 II. Key Questions..............................................................2 III. The History of the Workers’ Vanguard..........................5 IV. Building a Revolutionary Socialist Left Today...........12 INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION The first edition of this pamphlet was written in the mid- 1990s and persistence of the movement against the US war and occupation published in 1997. At that time, the left that had emerged during the of Iraq. While national demonstrations have declined in size struggles of the 1960s and early 1970s— the liberation struggles after the massive mobilizations of the Winter-Spring of 2003, the of African-Americans, Latinos and Asians, the women’s and gay/ emergence of resistance to the war among military families and lesbian movement, the movement against the US war in Vietnam active duty GIs, the growing opposition to the war in the ranks of and the wave of wild-cat strikes that shook US industry—was organized labor and organizing against military recruitment (and in crisis. -
THE ROAD from GDANSK: HOW SOLIDARITY FOUND HAVEN in the MARKETPLACE by GARY FIELDS
THE ROAD FROM GDANSK: HOW SOLIDARITY FOUND HAVEN IN THE MARKETPLACE by GARY FIELDS If the purpose of history is to link past and present, then the recently-concluded presidential theatrics in Poland offer a provocative challenge to historical imagination. Buried beneath the reporting on Poland's first contested election in forty-five years lies a story yet to be told by those who would uncover the lineages of the present. The broad outlines are familiar. Two moments in recent history-1980 and 1990- are joined in the person of one individual: the electrician who scaled the walls of the Lenin Shipyard to lead one of history's most dramatic labor uprisings and the politician who has now assumed the right of coronation. But the~historical space between these moments remains a mystery. How did the labor militant of 1980 become the president of 1990, with aspira- tions to govern Poland "like a sheriff'] and enforce what almost overnight became the supreme law of the land, the law of the market? In September 1981, at Solidarity's First National Con- gress in Gdansk, Edward Lipinski of the Workers' Defense Committee (KOR) electrified the delegates and spectators when he declared that the forces opposed to socialism in Poland came not from Solidarity but from the Polish govern- Gary Fields, an urban planner and visiting lecturer in the Department of City Planning at the University of California at Berkeley, attended Solidarity's First Nation- al Congress in Gdansk in 19~1Iand was also in Poland in September 1989 when the Solidarity government came to power. -
Diversity Or Solidarity? Making Sense of the “New” Social Democracy
Diversity 2010, 2, 897-909; doi:10.3390/d2060897 OPEN ACCESS diversity ISSN 1424-2818 www.mdpi.com/journal/diversity Article Diversity or Solidarity? Making Sense of the “New” Social Democracy Nick Johns 1,*, Mark Hyde 2 and Adrian Barton 2 1 Criminology and Criminal Justice Studies, School of Law, University of Plymouth, Room 328, Cookworthy Building, Drake Circus, Plymouth PL4 8AA, UK 2 Public Services, School of Management, University of Plymouth, Cookworthy Building, Drake Circus, Plymouth PL4 8AA, UK; E-Mails: [email protected] (M.H.); [email protected] (A.B.) * Author to whom correspondence should be addressed; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel.: +44(0)1752-585793; Fax: +44 (0)1752-585501. Received: 8 April 2010; in revised form: 10 May 2010 / Accepted: 19 May 2010 / Published: 7 June 2010 Abstract: One of the key discussions emerging from within the centre and centre-left of British politics is the means of combining a commitment to diversity with the aim of achieving social solidarity. While there has been a populist strand to this debate recently with the contribution of writers such as Goodhart who has argued that diversity specifically undermines the willingness of the majority (white Anglo-Saxons) to pay for collective welfare provision, there has also been recognition of the difficulty of promoting difference and unity from within even the more sympathetic elements of the academic literature. The purpose of this paper is to consider the nature of this dilemma and to propose a tentative solution. In essence we suggest that the problem lies not in creating a fit between the two elements for the sake of making the „new‟ social democracy work but in rebuilding traditional social democracy. -
The Pro-Independence Radical Left in Scotland Since 2012 Nathalie DUCLOS Université De Toulouse 2-Jean Jaurès
The Pro-independence Radical Left in Scotland since 2012 Nathalie DUCLOS Université de Toulouse 2-Jean Jaurès The Pro-independence Radical Left in Scotland since 2012 Nathalie DUCLOS Université de Toulouse 2-Jean Jaurès CAS EA 801 [email protected] Résumé Cet article a pour objectif de dessiner les contours de la gauche radicale et indépendantiste dans l’Écosse d’aujourd’hui. La longue campagne qui a précédé le référendum sur l’indépendance écossaise de 2014 (celle-ci ayant commencé dès 2012, soit plus de deux ans avant le référendum lui-même) a donné naissance à un nouveau paysage politique, surtout à gauche. Celui-ci se caractérise par deux tendances : la multiplication de nouvelles organisations (par exemple la Radical Independence Campaign, Common Weal et le Scottish Left Project), souvent (mais pas toujours) favorables à l’indépendance écossaise, et le renforcement des partis indépendantistes de gauche ou de centre-gauche déjà existants, qui ont tous gagné énormément de nouveaux adhérents. Cet article se concentre sur les organisations indépendantistes de la gauche radicale en Écosse : celles créées depuis 2012, ainsi que celles qui leur ont donné naissance. Après avoir présenté chacune de ces organisations et les liens qui existent entre elles, il se penche sur leurs stratégies à court terme (présenter des candidats et remporter des sièges aux élections parlementaires écossaises de 2016) et à moyen ou long terme (faire campagne pour l’organisation d’un nouveau référendum sur l’indépendance écossaise et proposer une vision de l’indépendance différente de celle mise en avant par le Scottish National Party). Abstract This article aims at mapping the pro-independence radical left in today’s Scotland. -
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Scotland
Sanctuary, Safety and Solidarity Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Scotland SUMMARY VERSION of a report by Equality Network BEMIS and GRAMNet Tim Cowen Francesca Stella Kirsty Magahy Kendra Strauss James Morton 3 This report is a summary version of Sanctuary, Safety and Solidarity Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Scotland by Equality Network, BEMIS and GRAMNet The full 202-page report was written by Tim Cowen, Francesca Stella, Kirsty Magahy, Kendra Strauss and James Morton and published in March 2011. Chapter references within this summary version relate to the relevant chapters of the full report. You can download the full report from www.equality-network.org/EveryoneIn/LGBTAsylum Everyone IN is a joint project between Equality Network and Black and Ethnic Minorities Infrastructure in Scotland (BEMIS). Scotland, and in particular Glasgow, hosts one of the largest asylum and refugee populations outside of London but the voices of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual or Transgender (LGBT) asylum seekers and refugees have, until now, rarely been heard. LGBT people across the globe are being imprisoned, tortured, raped and killed, but their stories are rarely told. LGBT asylum seekers need you speak out and make it easier for people from ethnic minorities to beat the taboo that is LGBT. I am really worried how cuts in legal aid will make it more difficult for us to get justice and so it’s more important than ever that we all do what we can to help. Maxwell T., Everyone IN Community Champion Twelve years ago, when I was providing legal representation for asylum seekers in London, I helped for many months a young lesbian from Kenya.