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Atoms for Peace: Eisenhower and Nuclear Technology
NATIONAL EISENHOWER MEMORIAL EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS LESSON Atoms for Peace: Eisenhower and Nuclear Technology Duration One 45-minute period Grades 7–12 Cross-curriculum Application U.S. History, World History, Media Arts NATIONAL EISENHOWER MEMORIAL LESSON: ATOMS FOR PEACE | 1 EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS Historical Background The advancement of nuclear technology and the subsequent devastation to Nagasaki and Hiroshima in 1945 from atomic bombs dropped on them during the final stages of World War II introduced a completely new means of waging war to the world. The fears that Americans associ- ated with nuclear weapons only increased as first the Soviet Union and then communist China developed their own atomic bombs. The issue of nuclear power was not just a problem for America but a global challenge, compli- cated largely by the lack of scientific data regarding military effect and environmental impact. It was within this context that Eisenhower took the unprecedented step of promoting the use of atoms for peace rather than for war. To convince Americans that nuclear power had positive benefits for the country, the federal government under Eisenhower launched a program called “Atoms for Peace.” The program took its name from a stunning speech delivered by Eisenhower to the United Nations General Assembly in 1953. Eisenhower believed that “the only way to win World War III is to prevent it.” He recommended the creation of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to help diffuse political tensions and solve the “fearful atomic dilemma” by both monitoring atomic weapons and support- ing research into peaceful uses for atomic energy such as medicine and agriculture. -
March 30 2018 Seminole Tribune
BC cattle steer into Brooke Simpson relives time Heritage’s Stubbs sisters the past on “The Voice” win state title COMMUNITY v 7A Arts & Entertainment v 4B SPORTS v 1C Volume XLII • Number 3 March 30, 2018 National Folk Museum 7,000-year-old of Korea researches burial site found Seminole dolls in Manasota Key BY LI COHEN Duggins said. Copy Editor Paul Backhouse, director of the Ah-Tah- Thi-Ki Museum, found out about the site about six months ago. He said that nobody BY LI COHEN About two years ago, a diver looking for Copy Editor expected such historical artifacts to turn up in shark teeth bit off a little more than he could the Gulf of Mexico and he, along with many chew in Manasota Key. About a quarter-mile others, were surprised by the discovery. HOLLYWOOD — An honored Native off the key, local diver Joshua Frank found a “We have not had a situation where American tradition is moving beyond the human jaw. there’s organic material present in underwater horizon of the U.S. On March 14, a team of After eventually realizing that he had context in the Gulf of Mexico,” Backhouse researchers from the National Folk Museum a skeletal centerpiece sitting on his kitchen said. “Having 7,000-year-old organic material of Korea visited the Hollywood Reservation table, Frank notified the Florida Bureau of surviving in salt water is very surprising and to learn about the history and culture Archaeological Research. From analyzing that surprise turned to concern because our surrounding Seminole dolls. -
Truman, Congress and the Struggle for War and Peace In
TRUMAN, CONGRESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR WAR AND PEACE IN KOREA A Dissertation by LARRY WAYNE BLOMSTEDT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2008 Major Subject: History TRUMAN, CONGRESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR WAR AND PEACE IN KOREA A Dissertation by LARRY WAYNE BLOMSTEDT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Terry H. Anderson Committee Members, Jon R. Bond H. W. Brands John H. Lenihan David Vaught Head of Department, Walter L. Buenger May 2008 Major Subject: History iii ABSTRACT Truman, Congress and the Struggle for War and Peace in Korea. (May 2008) Larry Wayne Blomstedt, B.S., Texas State University; M.S., Texas A&M University-Kingsville Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Terry H. Anderson This dissertation analyzes the roles of the Harry Truman administration and Congress in directing American policy regarding the Korean conflict. Using evidence from primary sources such as Truman’s presidential papers, communications of White House staffers, and correspondence from State Department operatives and key congressional figures, this study suggests that the legislative branch had an important role in Korean policy. Congress sometimes affected the war by what it did and, at other times, by what it did not do. Several themes are addressed in this project. One is how Truman and the congressional Democrats failed each other during the war. The president did not dedicate adequate attention to congressional relations early in his term, and was slow to react to charges of corruption within his administration, weakening his party politically. -
Richard G. Hewlett and Jack M. Holl. Atoms
ATOMS PEACE WAR Eisenhower and the Atomic Energy Commission Richard G. Hewlett and lack M. Roll With a Foreword by Richard S. Kirkendall and an Essay on Sources by Roger M. Anders University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles London Published 1989 by the University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England Prepared by the Atomic Energy Commission; work made for hire. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hewlett, Richard G. Atoms for peace and war, 1953-1961. (California studies in the history of science) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Nuclear energy—United States—History. 2. U.S. Atomic Energy Commission—History. 3. Eisenhower, Dwight D. (Dwight David), 1890-1969. 4. United States—Politics and government-1953-1961. I. Holl, Jack M. II. Title. III. Series. QC792. 7. H48 1989 333.79'24'0973 88-29578 ISBN 0-520-06018-0 (alk. paper) Printed in the United States of America 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 CONTENTS List of Illustrations vii List of Figures and Tables ix Foreword by Richard S. Kirkendall xi Preface xix Acknowledgements xxvii 1. A Secret Mission 1 2. The Eisenhower Imprint 17 3. The President and the Bomb 34 4. The Oppenheimer Case 73 5. The Political Arena 113 6. Nuclear Weapons: A New Reality 144 7. Nuclear Power for the Marketplace 183 8. Atoms for Peace: Building American Policy 209 9. Pursuit of the Peaceful Atom 238 10. The Seeds of Anxiety 271 11. Safeguards, EURATOM, and the International Agency 305 12. -
Richard Russell, the Senate Armed Services Committee & Oversight of America’S Defense, 1955-1968
BALANCING CONSENSUS, CONSENT, AND COMPETENCE: RICHARD RUSSELL, THE SENATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE & OVERSIGHT OF AMERICA’S DEFENSE, 1955-1968 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Joshua E. Klimas, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor David Stebenne, Advisor Professor John Guilmartin Advisor Professor James Bartholomew History Graduate Program ABSTRACT This study examines Congress’s role in defense policy-making between 1955 and 1968, with particular focus on the Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC), its most prominent and influential members, and the evolving defense authorization process. The consensus view holds that, between World War II and the drawdown of the Vietnam War, the defense oversight committees showed acute deference to Defense Department legislative and budget requests. At the same time, they enforced closed oversight procedures that effectively blocked less “pro-defense” members from influencing the policy-making process. Although true at an aggregate level, this understanding is incomplete. It ignores the significant evolution to Armed Services Committee oversight practices that began in the latter half of 1950s, and it fails to adequately explore the motivations of the few members who decisively shaped the process. SASC chairman Richard Russell (D-GA) dominated Senate deliberations on defense policy. Relying only on input from a few key colleagues – particularly his protégé and eventual successor, John Stennis (D-MS) – Russell for the better part of two decades decided almost in isolation how the Senate would act to oversee the nation’s defense. -
Majority and Minority Leaders”, Available At
Majority and Minority Party Membership Other Resources Adapted from: “Majority and Minority Leaders”, www.senate.gov Available at: http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Majority_Minority_Leaders.htm Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 3: Majority and Minority Whips (Assistant Floor Leaders) Chapter 4: Complete List of Majority and Minority Leaders Chapter 5: Longest-Serving Party Leaders Introduction The positions of party floor leader are not included in the Constitution but developed gradually in the 20th century. The first floor leaders were formally designated in 1920 (Democrats) and 1925 (Republicans). The Senate Republican and Democratic floor leaders are elected by the members of their party in the Senate at the beginning of each Congress. Depending on which party is in power, one serves as majority leader and the other as minority leader. The leaders serve as spokespersons for their parties' positions on issues. The majority leader schedules the daily legislative program and fashions the unanimous consent agreements that govern the time for debate. The majority leader has the right to be called upon first if several senators are seeking recognition by the presiding officer, which enables him to offer motions or amendments before any other senator. Majority and Minority Leaders Elected at the beginning of each Congress by members of their respective party conferences to represent them on the Senate floor, the majority and minority leaders serve as spokesmen for their parties' positions on the issues. The majority leader has also come to speak for the Senate as an institution. Working with the committee chairs and ranking members, the majority leader schedules business on the floor by calling bills from the calendar and keeps members of his party advised about the daily legislative program. -
FR: Kerry *Attachee\ Is Agenda and Draft Talking Points for Tonight's Freedom Forum Ninner. Chle Have Both Been Asked to Give 3
This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas http://dolearchives.ku.edu 5 !LS. TO: Senato~ Dole FR: Kerry *Attachee\_ is agenda and draft talking points for tonight's Freedom Forum Ninner. chle have both been asked to give 3 - 5 minutes of remarks at concl sion of dinner. *The Freedom Forum is part of a $700 million endowment established by the Gannett oragnization. It funds programs which explains the role of the media in our society ... Progams include a Media Studies Center at Columbia University and a First Amendment Center at Vanderbilt University. *In 1997 the Forum also plan on opening a "World Center" in Arlington which will include a "Newseum"--a museum highlighting the history of newspapers and the free press. At the dinner, Mr. Neuharth will also announce a new yearlong study of Congress and the media. Page 1 of 26 This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas http://dolearchives.ku.edu PAGE 1 FILE No . 677 01/05 '95 15:17 ID: SENT 6Y:Xerox Telecopier 7020 ; 1- 5-85 2: 10 PM ; 7035224882-+ :# 2 .... WOIUCJNG AGENDA Salute co tbe 'United State1 Senate and ttl New Le.aderahip January 5, 1995 7:4' Dinner Chimes/Guesta called t:o be seated 8:00 Invoca.tion Dr. RiohArd C. H&lvel"filon. Senate Chaplain 8:02 Charloa L. Overby· Welcome and Introduction of Fonner Senate Majority Leader and Master of Ceremonies Howard H. Baker Jr, (3 min.) 8:0S Howard H. Baker Jr. - hliToduetory Remarks and Jntrodu.ction of Cb.airman of The Freedom Forum Allen H, Ncuharth (5 min.) 8: 10 All= H. -
University Microfilms. Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan the UNIVERSITY of OKLAHOMA
This dissertation has been 65-12,998 microfilmed exactly as received MATHENY, David Leon, 1931- A COMPAEISON OF SELECTED FOREIGN POLICY SPEECHES OF SENATOR TOM CONNALLY. The University of Oklahoma, Ph.D., 1965 ^eech-Theater University Microfilms. Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE A COMPARISON OP SELECTED FOREIGN POLICY SPEECHES OF SENATOR TOM CONNALLY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY DAVID LEON MATHENY Norman, Oklahoma 1965 A COMPARISON OP SELECTED FOREXON POLICY SPEECHES OP SENATOR TOM CONNALLY APPROVED BY L-'iJi'Ui (^ A -o ç.J^\AjLôLe- DISSERTATION COMMITTEE ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to express thanks to Professor Wayne E. Brockriede and members of the University of Oklahoma Speech Faculty for guidance during the preparation of this dissertation. A special word of thanks should go to Profes sor George T. Tade and the Administration of Texas Christian University for encouragement during the latter stages of the study and to the three M's — Mary, Melissa and Melanie — for great understanding throughout the entire project. TABLE OP CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS..................................... Ill Chapter I. INTRODUCTION ......................... 1 Purpose of the S t u d y ..................... 6 Previous Research......................... 8 Sources of Material....................... 9 Method of Organization ................... 10 II. CONNALLY, THE SPEAKER....................... 12 Connally's Non-Congresslonal Speaking Career.......... 12 General Attributes of Connally's Speaking............................... 17 Conclusion . ........................... 31 III. THE NEUTRALITY ACT DEBATE, 1939............. 32 Connally's Audience for the Neutrality Act Debate.............. 32 The Quest for Neutrality ............ 44 The Senate, Connally and Neutrality. -
White House Tapes Abuse of Governmental Power Segments Conversation Number 676-22
White House Tapes Abuse of Governmental Power Segments Conversation Number 676-22 Portion of a conversation between the President and George P. Shultz. This portion was recorded on March 1, 1972 at an unknown time between 11:32 a.m. and 12:05 p.m. in the President's Oval Office. The National Archives and Records Administration prepared the following log of this conversation. ITT case -Richard G. Kleindienst's confirmation hearings -Anti-trust case relationship White House Tapes Abuse of Governmental Power Segments Conversation Number 677-5 Portions of a conversation between the President and H.R. Haldeman. These portions were recorded on March 6, 1972 at an unknown time between 9:12 and 10:24 a.m. in the President's Oval Office. The National Archives and Records Administration prepared the following log of this conversation. [Segment 1] ITT case -National Broadcasting Company (NBC) report -The President's schedule -Sheraton Hotel -Press release -Origin -Republican convention -C. Arnholt Smith -Public relations -Peter M. Flanigan -Statement -Clark MacGregor -Ronald L. Ziegler's statement -Circumstances -Flanigan -Ralph W. McLaren -Richard G. Kleindienst -Michael J. Ramsden -Donald H. Rumsfeld -Background -Study done for the White House -Sheraton decision -ITT reaction to decision -Flanigan -Ramsden -White House appearance to public -Jack Gleason -Testimony -Fundraising role -Dita D. Beard memo -John N. Mitchell -Charles W. Colson -William L. Safire -Richard A. Moore -Safire -Flanigan Page 1 White House Tapes Abuse of Governmental Power Segments Conversation Number 677-5 (continued) -Washington Post -NBC -New York Times -Washington Star -Kleindienst -Colson -Mitchell -Reopening hearings -Haldeman -Justice Department -Domestic Council study on anti-trust policies -Possible release -Effect on ITT case -Effect on anti-trust -Effect on Kleindienst -Jack N. -
Too Cheap to Meter”: a History of the Phrase
“Too Cheap to Meter”: A History of the Phrase Donald Hintz, Chairman of the Nuclear Energy Institute, said at 2003 conference that the nuclear industry had been “plagued since the early days by the unfortunate quote: ‘Too cheap to meter’.” Those four words had become a standard catchphrase for what critics claim were impossibly sunny promises of nuclear power’s potential. Not so fast, Hintz countered. He noted that Atomic Energy Commission Chairman Lewis Strauss, in a 1954 address to science writers, had coined the phrase to describe fusion power, not fission. Nuclear power may be a victim of mistaken identity. Hintz was not alone in this view. Over the past four decades, antinuclear and pronuclear versions of what Strauss meant by “too cheap to meter” have appeared in articles, blogs, and books. Even Wikipedia has weighed in, on the pro-nuclear side. Reconciling the two versions isn’t easy since Strauss wasn’t explicit about what power source would electrify the utopian future he predicted. The text in question: “Transmutation of the elements,–unlimited power, ability to investigate the working of living cells by tracer atoms, the secret of photosynthesis about to be uncovered,–these and a host of other results all in 15 short years. It is not too much to expect that our children will enjoy in their homes electrical energy too cheap to meter,–will know of great periodic regional famines in the world only as matters of history,–will travel effortlessly over the seas and under them and through the air with a minimum of danger and at great speeds,–and will experience a lifespan far longer than ours, as disease yields and man comes to understand what causes him to age. -
Fortress of Liberty: the Rise and Fall of the Draft and the Remaking of American Law
Fortress of Liberty: The Rise and Fall of the Draft and the Remaking of American Law Jeremy K. Kessler∗ Introduction: Civil Liberty in a Conscripted Age Between 1917 and 1973, the United States fought its wars with drafted soldiers. These conscript wars were also, however, civil libertarian wars. Waged against the “militaristic” or “totalitarian” enemies of civil liberty, each war embodied expanding notions of individual freedom in its execution. At the moment of their country’s rise to global dominance, American citizens accepted conscription as a fact of life. But they also embraced civil liberties law – the protections of freedom of speech, religion, press, assembly, and procedural due process – as the distinguishing feature of American society, and the ultimate justification for American military power. Fortress of Liberty tries to make sense of this puzzling synthesis of mass coercion and individual freedom that once defined American law and politics. It also argues that the collapse of that synthesis during the Cold War continues to haunt our contemporary legal order. Chapter 1: The World War I Draft Chapter One identifies the WWI draft as a civil libertarian institution – a legal and political apparatus that not only constrained but created new forms of expressive freedom. Several progressive War Department officials were also early civil libertarian innovators, and they built a system of conscientious objection that allowed for the expression of individual difference and dissent within the draft. These officials, including future Supreme Court Justices Felix Frankfurter and Harlan Fiske Stone, believed that a powerful, centralized government was essential to the creation of a civil libertarian nation – a nation shaped and strengthened by its diverse, engaged citizenry. -
The Vice President in the U.S. Senate: Examining the Consequences of Institutional Design
The Vice President in the U.S. Senate: Examining the Consequences of Institutional Design. Michael S. Lynch Tony Madonna Asssistant Professor Assistant Professor University of Kansas University of Georgia [email protected] [email protected] January 25, 2010∗ ∗The authors would like to thank Scott H. Ainsworth, Stanley Bach, Ryan Bakker, Sarah A. Binder, Jamie L. Carson, Michael H. Crespin, Keith L. Dougherty, Trey Hood, Andrew Martin, Ryan J. Owens and Steven S. Smith for comments on earlier drafts of this manuscript. Madonna also thanks the University of Georgia American Political Development working group for support and comments, and Rachel Snyder for helpful research assistance. All errors remain the authors. Abstract The constitutional designation of the vice president as the president of the United States Senate is a unique feature of the chamber. It places control over the Senate's rules and precedents under an individual who is not elected by the chamber and receives no direct benefits from the maintenance of its institutions. We argue that this feature of the Senate has played an important, recurring role in its development. The vice president has frequently acted in a manner that conflicted with the wishes chamber majorities. Consequently, the Senate has developed rules and precedents that insulate the chamber from its presiding officer. These actions have made the Senate a less efficient chamber, but have largely freed it from the potential influence of the executive branch. We examine these arguments using a mix of historical and contemporary case studies, as well as empirical data on contentious rulings on questions of order.