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University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor. Michigan 48106 USA St. John's Road. Tyler's Green High Wycombe, Bucks, England HP10 8HR 77-10,591 RYAN, Catherine Bernard!, 1941- CHARITAS PIRCKHEIMER: A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF THE CLARINE TRADITION IN THE PROCESS OF REFORMATION IN NUREMBERG, 15 25. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1976 History, general

Xerox University Microfilms,Ann Arbor, Michigan 40106

© Copyright toy Catherine Bernardi Ryan 1976 CHARITAS PIRCKHEIMER: A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF THE CLARINE TRADITION IN THE PROCESS OF REFORMATION IN NUREMBERG, 1525

DISSERTATION

Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Catherine Bernardi Ryan, B. A., M. A.

*****

The Ohio State University

1976

Reading Committee: Approved By ' Harold J. Grimm Franklin J. Pegues R. Clayton Roberts

HistoryDepartmen ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This study was made possible, in part, by a travel grant from The Ohio State University for which I am grate­ ful. It enabled me, during a one-year stay at Friedrich- Karl University, Heidelberg, Germany, to collect materials in the libraries and archives there and in Nuremberg. I greatly appreciate the help and advice given me at these institutions. Among the others to whom I owe sincere thanks are the members of the faculty of The Ohio State University within both the History and Fine Arts Departments with whom I have studied and by whom I have been examined. To my aunt, Mrs. Joseph Manfredi, who has been my patient typist, I am greatly indebted for sharing the fury of the final days of preparation. My adviser, Professor Harold J. Grimm, has had an especially, profound influence on my education and my life, since it was he who aroused my interest in the study of the cloister of St. Clare in Nuremberg. His conscientious guidance, patience, tolerance, and understanding while I struggled to fulfill the roles of wife, mother, and student will always be remembered and deeply appreciated.

ii Finally, the encouragement from my husband, John, in the last six years to complete my graduate education is beyond description. His assistance in the care of our two sons, his inspiration, his criticisms of style, and our discussions of the subjects involved made possible the completion of this dissertation. In dedicating this dissertation to him I wish in some small way to say "thank VITA

January 20, 19^1...... Born - Syracuse, New York

1 9 6 5...... B.A. State University of New York at Oswego, Oswego, New York

1 9 6 7...... M.A. The University of Rochester, Rochester New York

1 9 6 8 -1 9 6 9 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1972...... Instructor, Clarkson College of Technology, Potsdam, New York

I9 7 2 ...... Lecturer, State University of New York at Potsdam, Potsdam, New York

FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Renaissanee-Reformation History Medieval Europe. Professor Franklin Pegues Renaissance-Reforrnation. Professor Harold J. Grimm Tudor-Stuart England. Professor R. Clayton Roberts Italian Renaissance Art. Professor Anthony Melnikas TABLE OP CONTENTS

pag0 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i i VITA ...... iv INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Chapter I. THE FEMININE FRANCISCAN TRADITION. .. . 9 II. THE POOR CLARES IN NUREMBERG...... 41

III. CHARITAS PIRCKHEIMERi NUREMBERG POOR CLARE AND ABBESS...... 94 IV. THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE NUREMBERG CLARES AND THE CITY COUNCIL...... 123

V. CONCLUSION...... 166 BIBLIOGRAFHY ...... 188 INTRODUCTION

At the end of the fifteenth century the imperial free city of Nuremberg proudly boasted of Its religious Institutions. In addition to two large parish churches, the city housed six monasteries and two convents. The council, the governing structure of the city, was ruled by wealthy patricians who considered It their duty to help provide salvation to all members of the community. As a result, the religious played an Important role in the fulfillment of this goal and in the life of the corp­ oration. Therefore, when disciplinary and administrative questions created disorder within a religious establishment, the council deemed it their responsibility to settle the Issues as quickly as possible for the benefit of the common good. By 1500 the city fathers of Nuremberg governed every aspect of life within their territory; their political system regarded nothing as Irrelevant so that over several centuries they gained control over every institution. In time, they assumed autonomy In matters of church administration over their ecclesiastical overlord, the bishop of Bamberg. Papal favors and bulls, purchased at considerable cost, also gave the councillors full right of patronage over the two parish churches in the city, the right to determine who would enter the convents and the monasteries, and the permission to ap­ point a non-clerical guardian (.pfleger) to oversee, at first, the economic and later, the' internal affairs of religious communities. These privileges helped to sever Nuremberg’s ties with its bishop. The bishops offered very firm op­ position but it was not sufficient to stem the tide of lay control over local Institutions. Usually the papacy sided with the city, thus increasing the council's freedom to act alone on vital questions of church management. With the continued absence of ecclesiastical authority, the city was relatively free, in 1525* to elect or reject Lutheranism. On March 21, 1525* the last Roman Mass was celebrated in the imperial city of Nuremberg in the convent of St. Clare. This historic event, decreed by the council after a twelve-day public disputation over controversial religious issues between the city's Lutheran and Catholic preachers, ironically fell on the birth date of Charitas Pirckheimer, abbess of the convent. The council's vote in favor of ac­ cepting the new faith as the religion of the city initiated not only the cessation of the Latin Mass but the cancella­ tion of feast days, the destruction of relics, the expulsion of the most vocal pro-catholic supporters, and the dissolu­ tion of the monasteries and the convents. 3 The Reformation was of grave significance to the two female cloisters in the city. Staunch resistance to secular­ ization came from the Dominican convent of St. Catherine and, in particular, from the Franciscan cloister of St. Clare. The vociferous opposition from St. Clare was due mainly to the resourceful actions of its abbess, Charitas Pirckheimer. Charitas left an excellent account, in her memoirs and let­ ters, of what happened during those trying days. Often sub­ jected to numerous indignities and ridicule, the women stood firm against the dissolution of their community. St. Cath­ erine’s eventually capitulated to external pressures, but St. Clare’s persevered to the end. To understand what motivated Charitas to oppose the city council of Nuremberg, it is crucial to know something about the foundress of the Poor Clares, St. Clare of Assisi, and the establishment of the Second Order of St. Francis and its traditions. Therefore, this dissertation begins with a study of these two fourteenth-century saints and the founding of the Poor Clares, Just as St. Clare believed in her voca­ tion, in the organization of her order, and in saving her sis­ ter, Agnes, from the treachery of relatives, so too did Charitas. This German nun viewed her role in the conflict of 1525 in the same light as St. Clare’s struggle to per­ petuate her way of life. Given the model she had to follow, Charitas could do no less than the foundress of the order. 4 She too would he the instrument of God through which her community would be saved. Chapter two deals with the history of the Poor Clares in Nuremberg and the council's attempt to gain control over the convent. In the fifteenth century the disagreements between the Clares and the council were over the reform and Jurisdiction of the community. The economic assistance the council provided rarely created difficulties but the city fathers' persistent Interference in the internal affairs of the cloister eventually alarmed the nuns and their Franciscan superiors. However, once the precedent had been set that the council could participate actively In the process of visit- atldn, It thereafter refused to relinquish its involvement in the convent's religious affairs. In fact, it tended to in­ crease it3 control over Internal matters. The problem of jurisdiction could never be resolved as long as the council believed that the cloister Ilf*3 was a valid expression of religious piety. In accepting the monastic Ideal as a valuable municipal organization, the council could not com­ pletely resolve the question of Jurisdiction. The Reforma­ tion, however, eliminated that ideal and made possible the dissolution of the monasteries, thus giving the council complete control over religious institutions in the city. But Charitas Pirckheimer (1467*1532), mother superior of the Poor Clare convent (1503-1532), became the arch-defender of the cloister's rights and the monastic life, thus impeding 5 the council's attempt to unify the ecclesiastical structure of the city within its jurisdiction.

The third chapter discusses the personality and character of this intelligent woman and her relationship and commitment to the Clarine tradition. The Influence of two preachers, Stephen Pridolin, who typified the piety of the devotlo moderna, and Sixtus Tucher, who represented the movement of Christian humanism, also played an important part in the development of her religious attitudes. The strong mixture of these two elements in her life helps to explain the dedication she had toward the Roman church. All the nuns of St. Clare refused to accept the coun­ cil's decision to dissolve the cloister. The quality of their lives exemplified some of the best attributes set down by the foundress of the order. As a well-known and respected community throughout the empire, it could count on the support of Catholic princes and the empire. These factors undoubted­ ly directed the council's final move to permit the women to live out their lives in the convent. But the time between the council's desire to disestablish the house and its deci­ sion to let it remain placed a tremendous strain on the women and on Charitas, who fought a brilliant spiritual and diplo­ matic battle with the city fathers. This aspect of the con­ flict is related in chapter four. Although the women were under great pressure, the council was also pressed from many sides to disperse the community. Anti-clerical sentiment 6 increased daily within the city, social reforming preachers

appealed openly to the poorer and more volatile elements in Nuremberg society to revolt against the medieval church and its institutions, and the presence of a large peasant army at Bamberg, which planned to attack the city and could possi­ bly find partisans among the urban populace, worked to the detriment of the cloister. The safety of the Clares, most of whom were the daughters and nieces of councillors, was a very real issue, for peasant uprisings had already destroyed two hundred cloisters and had occupied others, several with­ in or just outside the territory of Nuremberg. The threat of attack to the city was averted when the army of the Swabian League defeated the peasants on June 8, 1525. In addition, the council’s legislative actions to re­ dress the grievances of the populace helped placate the urban and rural dissidents. The council rested more easily but the nuns were a thorn in its side. A few parents, with council approval, used physical force to remove their daughters from the convent but this approach proved embarrassing and tact­ less. Although Charitas did not win the war, she did win a major battle— to have the nuns live out the remaining years of their lives In the cloister. She could have chosen the road of least resistance, as did the other monastic leaders in Nuremberg, by consenting to dissolution-and transfer of the dispossessed. Instead, her decision, In which she re­ ceived the wholehearted support of the sisters, to oppose 7 the council, indicated that she attempted to follow in the footsteps of the first mother superior of a Franciscan convent, St. Clare of Assisi. The religious upbringing Charitas received at home and, in particular, at the convent provides adequate proof for her convictions. Throughout the crisis, Charitas main­ tained an amazing steadfastness; by sheer strength of will and conviction she moved through all the difficulties In order to try to attain the desired goal--to save the cloister. In the language of the mystic, the statement "I live, yet not I, but God lives In me," perhaps helps to clarify the driving force which permeated her entire being during the conflict. Was she the Instrument of God’s will which would safeguard the traditions and life of the convent? She must have believed she was. Because she assumed the awesome responsibility and obligation of resisting the council, Charitas hoped that she wielded the authority of a power Infinitely greater than herself, of which she was merely the Instrument. St. Clare had been the Instrument of God's will in founding such an order of women, but then Clare was a true mystic; Charitas, however, never achieved the perfection of the unltive life. Nonetheless, Charitas believed that In order to carry out what she considered to be God's will she had only to follow the example of Clare of Assisi, who had.withstood powerful odds to preserve her life style and community intact against relatives, friends, and the papacy. Despite the 8 striking parallels in the struggle of both women to main­ tain their convents and their way of life, what is signi­

ficant is that Charitas could do no less than her foundress. It was this concept of imltatlo that provided her with the courage, stamina, and determination to rebuff the council's often harsh and unfair actions against the nuns.

Who were Charitas Pirckheimer and the other fifty- two women that they were able to persuade this powerful imperial city government to postpone its confiscation of the nunnery at some later and unknown date? Who were the Poor Clares, what v;ere their traditions, and what was the history of this famous Nuremberg community that helps ex­ plain why the nuns unflinchingly refused to submit to religious suppresion? CHAPTER I The Feminine Franciscan Tradition

To understand the Franciscan traditions and the way of life observed at the cloister of St. Clare in Nuremberg, it is necessary to examine briefly the founding of the Second Franciscan Order, originally known as the Order of Poor Ladies'**, and the life of its founder and cofoundress, Francis and Clare of Assisi. The thirteenth century witnessed the movement of the mendicant friars under the direction of its two celebrated leaders, St. Dominic and St.- Francis. They expoused total poverty and complete obedience to the church,thus helping to revive the church's inner and external life. Because the friars were not bound by the vow of permanency or enclosure, or con­ fined solely to the sanctification of their own members,their maxim was not to live for themselves alone, but to serve others. In attempting to live their lives in imitation of Christ,they relinquished their worldly goods and worked among the people. The people in turn would support their labors. When this was not possible, the monks would go out unashamedly and beg for

^Thomas of Celano, St. Francis of Assisii First and Second Life of St. Francis with Selections from Treatise on the Miracles of Blessed Francis, trans. FlacicT Hermann, O.P.M. (Chicagoi Franciscan Press, 1^02), p. 19^-.

9 1° alms. Both orders were at the same time contemplative and active. They renounced material goods and devoted themselves to the evangelization of the masses. The Franciscans, as well as the Dominicans (but here X will deal specifically witn the Friars Minor), were in very close contact with the people. To facilitate this interaction they built their monasteries in the towns. Their work as preachers, confessors, and mis­ sionaries, and their service to the sick and sociallydisad­ vantaged gained them immense influence and the respect of men in every walk of life. Giovanni Bernardone (1182-1226), better known as Francis of Assisi, was their living example. He publicly stripped himself of his father's wealth, toiled with the peas­ ants in the field, begged for food and work, and exhorted the people of Assisi to do penance and to live in peace and broth­ erly love. The Assisians were overawed at the change "chat had occurred to the worldly son of a wealthy cloth merchant. Other men, Inspired by Francis' devotion and genuine desire to live in poverty, soon Joined him in what became the first Francis­ can Order. It was during the Lenten Season of 1212 that Clare

Scifl (119*1-1253)3 the oldest daughter of Favorino of Offre- ducio, Count of Sasso-Rosse, and Ortulana, a member of the noble family of Fiumi, heard Francis preach in the Church of St. George.^ The words of the poverello so inspired che pious

^Francis Du Puis, The Life and Legend of the Lady Saint Clare, trans. Charlotte Balfour (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1910), pp. 41-42. eighteen-year-old Clare that she secretly met Francis and asked him to instruct her In the new manner of life he had founded, Francis recognized her sincerity and desire to re­ nounce the world and follow Christ and so he promised to help her. He told Clare that to prepare herself for a life of poverty she had to dress in a penitential garb of sackcloth and to pray for the poor. If she found this way of life desir­ able, she could then come on the evening of Palm Sunday to the Church of the Portluncola to receive the habit of poverty. On the morning of March 20, 1212, Clare attended Palm Sunday Mass at the Cathedral of Assisi dressed In her finest clothes. She had definitely decided that this would be the last time she would be seen so splendidly attired In public. In the evening, accompanied by her Aunt Bianca but unknown to her parents, Clare, still dressed in her best clothes, met Francis and his companions at St. Mary's of the Portiuncola. In the ceremony that followed, Francis cut her hair as a symbol of her renuncia­ tion of the world and Invested her with the habit of poverty-- a rough thick tunic and a coarse black veil. By this act Clare symbolically and dramatically laid aside her rich dress and wealth and vowed herself to the service of Christ, Because Francis could not provide her with suitable living quarters at that time, he placed her temporarily with the Benedictine nuns of St. Paul.

Count Favorino was furious when he heard of his daughter' clandestine retreat from home. He had expected Clare to marry

into a well-known Assisian family, Clare had not been against the idea of matrimony until she was persuaded by the words of 12 Francis to become the "Bride of Christ." After several un­ successful attempts to drag her forcibly away from the convent, Count Favorino finally decided to leave her alone. To protect her from another such encounter, Francis transferred her to the Benedictine Convent of St. Angelo in ranzo. It was hoped that this move would secure for her the solitude she desired. Approximately two weeks later Clare was joined by her younger sister Agnes. Count Favorino’s anger v/as now bound­ less. The conflict which occurred is related in the Chroni­

cles of the Twenty-four Generals.3 The Count, beside himself with rage, decided to send his brother Monaldo, with relatives and some armed men, to retrieve Agnes. If persuasion failed, Monaldo was Instructed to use force. Agnes refused to leave so Monaldo drew his sword but, as the Chroniclers tell us, his arm became paralyzed. The retainers dragged her out of the monastery pulling her hair, striking her about the body, and kicking her repeatedly. At this point, we are told, Clare came to her sister's rescue. Suddenly Agnes' body be­ came so heavy that the soldiers could not continue to carry her. They dropped her in a field near the convent and fled. When Francis heard about this Incident, he decided to establish the two sisters In a poor house contiguous to the Church of St. Damian, a small run-down chapel which was given him by the Benedictines. Word spread of the new convent and the virtues

^Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi: St. Bonaventure, lSoy), III. pp. 1 7 4-7 5• (Hereafter referred to as Anal. Franc.) h of its inhabitants so that several women of noble bloocH joined Clare and Agnes. Withrthat began the Order of the Poor Ladies of St. Damian, or, as they later became known, the Poor Clares. Francis appointed Clare the superior of the cloister. Clare did not aspire to or want the title of abbess to be used in the convent; however, papal acceptance of the convent rested on canonically prescribed forms. In this capacity she served as mistress and servant to her fellow sisters. The spread of the order in Italy occurred in Clare's lifetime. Agnes was sent to personally supervise the estab­ lishment of monasteries. The communities she helped found were at Monticelli, near Florence, Naples, Milan, Venice, and Mantua. After Agnes became mistress of Monticelli, she sent nuns to found and govern convents in other Italian towns. As word about the spiritual daughters of the Friars Minor reached distant areas of Europe, houses were reorganized and built on the model of this new community to accommodate the women who desired to enter the Franciscan family. In 1233 at Solssons, France, the cloister of St. Stephen was founded. Another was erected at Prague In 1236 by Agnes, daughter of King Ottokar I of Bohemia (1198-1230). In the Germanies convents of Poor

Ladies were established in 1235 at Brixen, 1237 at Ulm, 1250 at Pfullingen, 1251 at Tyrnan, 1253 at Judenburg, 1254 at Strassburg, 1257 at Metz, 1264 at Luxemburg, 1258 at Soflingen,

^Du Puis, Lady Saint Clare, pp. 50-51. 14 1264 at Eger, 1272 at Mainz, 1279 at Nuremberg, and 1286

at Regensburg, to mention only a few.-* The rapid growth of the order was amazing and all the more noteworthy when one examines the austerity of the lives of the Poor Ladies and the strict demands of their Rule.

In 1216 Clare and her companions had no written rule to fol­ low beyond a short formula vitae given them by Francis. This forma vivendi expressly forbade the possession of any worldly goods, even in common. Owning nothing they were to depend entirelyupon what the First Order could beg for them. The Franciscan ideal was the exaltation of the beggar's estate into a condition of spiritual liberty, wherein man would live in conscious de­ pendence upon the providence of God and upon the goodwill of his fellow-men. It was an abandonment of oneself to faith in the love of God for his creatures and in the principle of neighbourly good­ will as a proper unitlve element in Christian society. Hence whatever came between the soul and its sense of de­ pendence on the Divine bounty was to be cast away, and whatever Implied a dis­ belief in the rightful bond of charity between God's creature was likewise anath­ ema. And because a possession of property and pride of place tend to make the heart of man Independent of God, and a stranger to the heart of his fellow-man, those early Franciscans utterly renounced all earthly property and social position and became beggars and as the least amongst men. And yet, because of the law of char­ ity, did they make themselves servants to others, ministering to them both spirit­ ually and temporally out of that which in

^Max Heimbrucher, Die Orden und Kongregationen der Katholischen Kirche (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schonlngh, 1934), i. 6 1 5. 15 their poverty they had to give, namely the gift of human sympathy and service. Hence, though they freely received of others, they also gave freely, taking as their example Jesus Christ in his earthly life. 6 Francis left no written rule for the Poor Ladies. The oldest written and first rule came from Cardinal Ugolino in 1220. Ugolino, as Papal Legate for central and northern Italy,

received permission in 12 18 from Pope Honorlus III (1216-1227) to oversee the convents in his territory and to accept estates for the building of nunneries.7 Ugolino had been raised to the office of cardinal by his uncle Innocent III (1198-1216) and was wholly imbued with that pontiff's spirit of reform. He hoped, In his position as legate, to reform the Italian houses of religious women. By 1218 Ugolino had become acquainted with Francis and Clare but was not yet Protector of the Friars Minor. For Ugolino, the Franciscan reform movement was to become a useful instru­ ment In reforming other orders, in strengthening the faith, and In Improving morals. He personally could not accept the Franciscan rule in its entirety. Although he greatly admired Francis, he doubted the practical nature of the Franciscan ideal for the ordinary religious. Ugolino's reservations dealt primarily with the concept of absolute poverty. He hoped to take from the Franciscans Ideas which he felt could

^Du Puls, Lady Saint Clare, pp. 4-5. 7joannls H. Sbaralea, ed., Bullarium Franciscanum Romanorum Pontificum (Rome: Society for the Propagation of the Faith, 1759)* 1- p. 2. (Hereafter referred to as Bull. Franc.) 16 be safely Implemented for the reform of other religious or­

ders. The rule which Francis had written for the Friar3 had been approved by Innocent III and Ugolino had no authority to change it,- but as Papal Legate he had jurisdiction over the Poor Ladies and refused to acknowledge Pope Innocent Ill's verbal sanctioning of the Franciscan rule for the Poor Ladies. To support his view Ugolino stated that he was fol­ lowing the dictates of the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 which had decreed that no new religious orders were to be created. The reason for the Council's position was that the multiplicity of rules was regarded as undesirable in view of the prevail­ ing heterodoxy. An exception had been made by Innocent III for the Friars Minor because Francis could not be persuaded to adopt an established eremetical rule. None of the old monastic rules allowed the Friars to preach and to live In poverty at the same time. Papal recognition for such a group was not a matter of course. Past experience with this type of community, for example with the followers of Peter Waldo, made them suspicious and raised serious Institutional ques­ tions. Francis himself, his orthodoxy, and his humble obe­ dience to the Church and perhaps the thought that "to deny validity to their way of life as beyond human strength was to impute impossibility to the teaching of the gospel"8 helped secure a favorable answer. Innocent III was impressed

^Rosalind B. Brooke, Early Franciscan Government (Cambridge: University Press, 1959)* p. 60* 17 by their fervor and their faith and came to believe that through them Christendom might be reformed. When the unusual and new position of Cardinal Protec­ tor of the Friars Minor was granted in 1220 to Ugolino, the First Order's connection with the Papacy was strengthened and solidified by the appointment. This protectorship, however, did not include the Poor Ladies. Ugolino did not consider them canonically approved nuns but merely a group of pious women living, praying, and working communally for the glory of Christ. Innocent III had approved the rule of the Friars Minor for the Poor Ladies Insofar as it could be adapted to their enclosed condition of life. Ugolino felt that this was Impossible. He believed that the Franciscan rule was not con­ ducive to women living the contemplative life and Imposed upon the women another rule. In keeping with the decree of the Fourth Lateran Council, he based his rule for the Ladies on the Rule of St. Benedict and added several of his regulations which were modeled from existing monastic observances. Al­ though the Benedictine Rule was strict and the additional Constitutiones harsh almost beyond endurance, they allowed for the holding of property in common. There was little distinctively Franciscan about the Constitutiones except that the Franciscan style of dress was maintained. Perfect pov­ erty and dependence of the nuns on the Friars were not men­ tioned. In effect this took away their Franciscan character and, for all practical purposes, made the Poor Ladles a com­ munity of Benedictines. The Rule was approved by Honorlus III 18 In the papal bull Sacrosancta on December 9, 1 2 2 0 .9 Clare was disappointed by the papal decision; nevertheless, the convent of St. Damian observed the new rule, but insofar as it did not oppose the formula vitae of Francis. Ugolino re­ garded complete renunciation of all property as impractical for cloistered women. It was his intention that the sisters

should observe the monastic law of a "community of goods. " 10 The Cardinal had received no opposition from the friars re­ garding this new rule for the Poor Ladies. Francis was work­ ing in the Holy Land and Brother Philip, whom Francis had left in charge of the convent, had accepted Ugolino*s rule. When Francis returned to Italy, Clare wasted no time in ex­ pressing her distaste for the written rule of the Papal Legate. The combined protests of Francis and Clare were so effective that the convent of St. Damian was allowed to practice Fran­ ciscan poverty. Ugolino gave verbal permission to Clare and the nuns of the convent to observe absolute poverty. He did not, however, permit other communities this special exemption; they were to follow his regulations as the definitive rule for the Poor Ladies. Since this privilege was not formally obtain­ ed from the Holy See and since no written confirmation was given by Ugolino, it could technically be revoked whenever the

^Sbaralea, Bull.Franc., pp. 3-5. Other copies of this rule are found in the bulls Cum omnls of May 24, 1239 In the Bull. Franc, pp. 2 6 3 -6 7, and Solet annuere of November 13, 1245, pp. 394-99. Certain modifications of the rule are found in the bull Cum omnls of August 5. 1247. also in the Bull. Franc, pp. 4 7 6-83:------

1QIbid., p. 2 6 7. Cardinal deemed it fitting to do so. y

In 1 2 2 8 , Ugolino, who had become Pope Gregory IX

on March 19, 1227* went to Assisi for the canonization of Francis. While there he visited Clare and implored her to accept some provision for the unforeseen wants of the commu­ nity. Clare firmly refused to acquiesce and begged him to allow the nuns to continue to live in the Franciscan manner. Gregory told her that if the vow of poverty she had taken hindered her from doing as he asked he would absolve her from it. Clare answered that she wished to be absolved from her sins but not from following Jesus Christ.^ Gregory admired her "heroic unworldliness," her calm courage, and her strength of will and eventually gave in to her position. On Septem­ ber 17* 1228, he sent a special letter to Clare and formally granted the nuns at St. Damian the Prlvllegium paupertatis

(fhe privilege of the most high poverty) . ^ 2 Clare was par­ tially satisfied with her right to observe complete poverty. The two principles she would struggle continually to obtain for all her spiritual sisters in a written form were perfect poverty and complete dependence of the Second Order of St. Francis on the First Order. Gregory IX would not permit the extension of absolute poverty to other convents nor would he acknowledge a bond of

llDu Puis, Lady Saint Clare, p. 5 6.

12Anal. Franc., p. 1 8 3. An English translation of the letter can be found in Ignatius Brady, ed., The Legend and Writings of Saint Clare of Assisi (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: The Franciscan Institute, 1953J* P» 112. 20 unity between the Poor Ladies and the Friars Minor. In 1 2 2 8 , Agnes of Prague petitioned Gregory IX to allow her community to live according to the rule of St. Damian. Gregory^refused to make any other exceptions and insisted that all other houses of Poor Ladies must observe his Constitution and receive goods, possessions, and revenues to support their communities. It was the opinion of Church authorities that "for nuns to live without property was tantamount to presumption...it was tempt­ ing Divine Providence. "■*■3 At Clare's insistence, Gregory appointed Franciscan Friars to direct the spritual and temporal needs of the con­ vents. In 1230, however, in the bull Quo elongati. Gregory IX stated that friars were not allowed to visit convents of nuns without special license from the Holy See.-^ After Francis' death there was a trend among the friars to avoid the Poor Ladies. The First Order was experiencing internal organiza­ tional difficulties and the friars' -assistance to the convents increased their problems and responsibilities. W 1th Gregory IX1s decree, the friars now felt themselves released from any serious obligations to the sisters and decided to send only the questors to provide for their material needs. Clare realized that the bond of unity between her order and the Friars Minor was in danger of being dissolved. Francis had

13ignatius Brady, ed., The Legend and Writings of Saint Clare of Assisi (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: The Franciscan Institute, 1953), p . 133.

l4Ibld.. p. 1 2 3 . wanted the Poor Ladles to be an Integral part of the Francis­ can family and Clare was determined to carry out his wishes. His last will expressly stated that the care of the sisters

wa3 his duty and the duty of his order.*5 Clare understood the gravity of the situation and dismissed the begging broth­ ers from her service when they brought food to the convent. She refused to accept the friars' material goods if she and her sisters were not to receive their spiritual needs from them. When Gregory IX was Informed of Clare's actions, he Immediately revoked his decision. Clare was obliged to struggle all her life for permission to follow the Franciscan precepts she valued. She maintained that all her sisters should obtain the right to practice absolute poverty and that they should be acknowledged as an Integral part of the Fran­ ciscan family and, therefore, properly subject to the juris­

diction of Francis1 successors. In 1247, after Gregory's death, Pope Innocent IV (1243-1254) decided to resolve the conflict and unify the order by giving the nuns a second rule. Where Ugolino's Con­ stitution did not explicitly state the possession of property, the new rule expressly allowed for the common ownership of "moveable and Immoveable goods.Clare was once again dis­ appointed, but there was one glitter of hope. Innocent IV's

2 5lbld.t p . 1 2 0 .

2 ^Sbaralea, Bull. Franc.. pp. 367-388* rule definitely determined their Franciscan origins. In his

hull Cum omnis of August 5* 1247* the Poor Ladies were to be under the Rule of St. Francis. Although this was explicitly stated In the documents, there were restrictions. From Clare's point of view being Franciscan meant practicing seraphic poverty. To be Franciscan and not to observe perfect poverty was a contradiction and against Francis' intentions. Complete poverty and Franciscan monasticism were one and the same.

Clare had become 111 and bedridden; nevertheless, she continued to reiterate her request that all Poor Ladies ob­ serve absolute poverty. When all her petitions went unheed­ ed, she presented to Innocent IV her own rule for confirma­ tion. A long struggle ensued between her desire to continue In absolute poverty and the hesitation of the Pontiff to ap­ prove an order founded on such complete and unparalleled re­ nunciation of all temporal property. Innocent IV visited the dying Clare in hope of changing her mind. He was confronted with such reverence and humility that he left her side deeply moved by the encounter, the extreme poverty, the approach to God,and the evangelicalism. On August 9* 1253* two days before Clare's death, Innocent IV confirmed Clare's rule In the bull Solet annuere.17 Since the community of St. Damian was one of a few cloisters that demanded a. life of complete poverty, the Third

•^•7ibid. . pp. 671-78. 23 Rule or the Rule of St. Clare was specifically adopted for them. It was the second rule written by Innocent IV, however, that Ironically became attributed to Francis and, therefore, * 1 ft found general acceptance In other convents. The second rule recognized the spiritual and temporal care of the Poor Ladies to be the responsibility of the Friars Minor; in this respect It differs from the first, Ugolino's rule, but agrees with the third, Clare's rule. In their ap­ proach to the question of property the first two rules differ only In degree and wording; Clare In her own regulations is completely opposed to the others. Ugolino did not intend to permit the practice of absolute poverty and, therefore, made no reference to it in his Constitution. The Rule of St. Bene­ dict, which comprised the first section of his rule, implied that monastic dwellings provide the means for their support. Innocent IV's position left no room for doubt: possessions would be allowed. As mentioned above, Ugolino's Constitution was unusually harsh. Silence was to be constant, fasting was to be perpetual with the use of Lenten foods only, and en­ closure was to be complete. Clare's rule ordained perpetual fast but mentioned nothing about Lenten food. In Clare's third letter to Agne3 of Prague, she implored Agnes "to refrain wisely and prudently from any Indiscreet and impossible

l^Heimbrucker, Die Orden. pp. 822-823. 19Cardinal Gasquet, trans., The Rule of Saint Benedict (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 19&6), pp. 64-6b. 24 austerity in fasting. " 20 In this instance she and Innocent agree to mitigate the rigor of Ugolino's requirement on fast­ ing. According to Clare and Innocent IV, silence could be broken when necessary and It was not demanded in the infirmary. With the above exceptions the three rules do not differ signi­

ficantly from each other. Since the second rule was adopted by the majority of cloisters, it became the norm. Although it was considered to be the more lenient of the three rules for the reasons cited above, It still demonstrates the austerity these women willingly undertook. The second rule consists of twelve chapters and each chapter concerns a different topic. The first chapter deals with obedience toward superiors. The sisters promise obe­ dience to the Roman Church, to the Pope, to St. Francis and his successors, and to the canonically elected abbess.2^ The second chapter determines the rules for the ac­ ceptance of women into the cloister. It stipulates a proba­ tionary period of one year known as the postulancy and Indi­ cates the style of habit worn by the postulant. Chapter three Instructs the sisters of their duties during the canonical hours and what they are to say and do during the various hours or times of the day. The women are bound by their rule to recite all the fixed portions of the

20 Brady, Saint Clare of Assisi, p. 95. 2^-HeImbrueker, Die Orden, pp. 820-23. 25 Divine Office at the different hours. Each portion of the office is called a canonical hour and each day has its own office or prayers. The day offices are: Prime, Terce, Sext, None, and Vespers and they correspond to the following hours: 6:00 a.m., 9:00 a.m., noon, 3:00 p.m., and 6:00 p.m. The of­ fice of Compline is the closing prayer of the day and corre­ sponds to nightfall. The night offices or prayers are called Matins and Lauds. Matins is divided into three nocturns to

correlate with the three watches of the night: 9 :0 0 p.m., mid night, and 3:00 p.m. The office of Lauds is to be recited at dawn to signal the prayers for the beginning of the day. Dur lng the day every segment of the three hour period is pro­ vided with prayer and work; one hour per day is allowed for recreation. At night the sisters do not meet in choir to recite their prayers but are to remain in their cells and re­ cite the prayers for Matins and Lauds and return to sleep. For sisters who cannot read, the Lord's Prayer is recited a prescribed number of times while the other nuns read from their breviaries. The selection and office of the abbess and community meetings are discussed in chapter four. The rule maintains that since all the nuns are to be concerned with the general Well-being of the convent, the election of the abbess is to be unanimous. Their decision is to be sent to the General Minister or the Provincial of the Franciscan Order who will formally accept the choice of the convent. A council com­ prising eight officers is chosen to assist and advise the abbe3 3. This council, whose advice the abbess is to receive, 26 deal3 with all matters regarding the life of the community.

Ideally* the abbess is to govern the sisters more by good example than by giving orders; to be both mistress and ser­ vant to those under her guidance. At least once a week it is the duty of the abbess to assemble the nuns in chapter. At these meetings, the rule continues, the abbess and the sisters are to examine them­ selves and admit all their public transgressions. These faults are to include infractions of the rule, negligence, carelessness, remissions, or weaknesses. This weekly assem­ bly also gives the abbess the opportunity to discuss official problems and business and to receive advice on such matters from each member of the community. Ultimately the decision will be hers. In still another section the rule deals with the grille, the manner of speaking in the parlor, silence, fast­ ing, and the reception of the sacraments. Silence was a way of life for the Poor Ladies and It was to be maintained from the hour of Compline until Terce. The nuns were to be silent in the church, dormitory, and refectory during repast. Si­ lence was not required In the Infirmary. The nursing and sick nuns could speak but were to say what was necessary in a few words and in a quiet voice. It was unlawful to speak at the grating or grille with­ out the consent of the abbess; If this was permitted, the sister could speak but only In the presence of two sisters who must hear what is said. These two nuns were elected for 27 this duty by all the nuns. The rule also states that speak­ ing at the grille should be a rare occurrence and that a nun should never speak at the door or entrance of the convent. A curtain is hung inside the grille and is to be removed when the "Word of God" is spoken or when a sister speaks to a visitor. One main meal a day is allowed. With the permission of the abbess the nuns may eat twice, in the early morning and afternoon; these two repasts cannot equal one full meal. Meat is forbidden. Sick nuns are exempt from the regulation, .le.lunlum, which means one full meal a day. In other words, there is no restriction on the amount of food they can con­ sume • The reception of the sacraments of penance and Holy Eucharist are specifically dealt with In the rule. The nuns are to go to confession twelve times a year and are to re­ ceive communion seven times a year, usually on Christmas, Holy Thursday, Easter, Pentecost, the feast of the Assump­ tion, All Saints Day, and the feast day of St. Francis. According to chapter six the nuns are to employ them­ selves faithfully and devoutly in occupations which would provide for the welfare and common good of the cloister. They are bound to present their work in chapter before all the community. The nuns can receive possessions or property in common and use any revenue produced from the land to support themselves. It is this section of Innocent IV's rule that Clare firmly opposed because it made poverty meaningless for 28 her. In Clare's rule, she quotes from Francis' last will to give authority to her position on absolute poverty.

I, little Brother Francis, wi3h to follow the life and poverty of our Lord Jesu3 Christ most high, and of His most holy Mother, and to per­ severe therein until the end. And I beseech you, my Ladles, and counsel you always to live in this most high form of life and poverty. And guard well, lest by the teaching or counsel Of anyone you ever In any way depart from it. 22

Clare then admonishes her Order: ...as I myself together with my Sisters have ever been solicitous to observe the holy poverty which we have promised the Lord God and the Blessed Francis, so likewise the Abbesses who shall suc­ ceed me in office and all the Sisters are bound to observe it inviolably to the end; that is to say they are not to receive or have any possessions or property either of themselves or through an Interposed person, or even anything that might reasonably be called property; 3ave as much ground as necessity requires for the becoming seclusion of the monas­ tery; and this land Is not to be tilled except as a garden for the needs of the Sisters.23

As was indicated above, the similarities between the rules outweigh the differences except on the crucial point of property. Chapter seven of Innocent's rule stipulates that any alms sent to the convent for the sisters are to be pub­ licly presented, i.e. In chapter, In order that the nuns can

22srady. Saint Clare of Assisi, p. 74. 23lbid. 29 recommend these benefactors to God and decide on the best means of distributing the goods among the community. Chapter eight renders it unlawful to send or receive letters without the permission of the abbess. This chapter also includes the manner in which sick sisters are to be cared for. In the next section discipline is discussed. It establishes penalties for breech of the rule. For example, if a nun violates any of the provisions of the rule,she may be required to eat bread and water on the floor of the refec­ tory. If the sister remains obstinate and does not amend her ways, the abbess can determine a greater penance. Dismissal from the convent would be a last resort. If difficulties arise between sisters, they are to pray to God for guidance and if one considers herself in the wrong, she is to humbly prostrate herself at the feet of the other sister and ask for­ giveness. The other sister is to forgive freely and pardon all the wrong done to her. If neither feels guilty of wrong­ doing, the abbess will discuss the problem with them and de­ cide the issue. The duties of the sisters who serve outside the monas­ tery are also Included in chapter nine. These externs, as they are called, deal with business pertinent to the convent and are chosen carefully by all the nuns. They may wear shoes and are professed according to the rule but do not take the vow of enclosure. 30 The abbess Is instructed to correct the sisters humbly and charitably and not to command them to do anything which would be contrary to the good of their souls and their "form of profession." The sisters are reminded that they have re­ nounced their own will for the love of God and have taken the vow of obedience; therefore, they are strictly bound to obey the abbess as long as she does not ask them to do anything sinful. Chapter ten admonishes the abbess to know her com­ panions personally so that they may feel free to act and speak in her presence. The abbess, the rule continues, ought to be "mistress and servant" of all the sisters. The rule exhorts her to practice humility and patience in the tribu­ lations and infirmities of life in order that she may serve as an example to her sisters. One whole section of the rule carefully outlines the duties of the portress, the keeper of the gate. It is the responsibility of the portress to see to it that the door is bolted. She is the keeper of the two keys which open the locks of the outside door. During the day the door is always closed and guarded. To facilitate this process the portress remains in an open cell— a small impersonal room without a door. Great care is to be taken that the main entrance never is ajar when it can conveniently be avoided; it is not to be opened indiscriminately to anyone unless he has the approval of the Protector of the Order or the Pope. Persons who have permission to enter the convent cannot do so before sunrise nor can they remain after sunset. The chaplain must be a priest from the Order of Friars Minor who has received the right to enter from the Protector or the Pope. He is to be assisted at the convent by a cleric and two lay-brothers. These men are to enter only with the chaplain and are to place themselves in an open area where they can be observed by all the nuns. Once this measure has been taken they can speak to one or to sev­ eral of the nuns. Confessions are heard, Mass is said, and communion is distributed in thi3 public manner. Several rules were to follow the first three mentioned. A spirit of reform permeated the order and its forces were constantly at work. Since several houses had accepted the milder second rule of Innocent IV, it was felt by some Poor Ladies that their convents had become too lax. A fourth rule was developed in France under the guidance of Princess Elizabeth Capet, sister of King St. Louis IX (1214-1270). In 1255* she founded the Poor Ladies cloister, Longchamps in Paris. She had four magistrates of the Franciscan Order write a new rule which was confirmed by Pope Alexander IV (1254- 1261). The rule permitted common possession of goods, con­ stant fast, and flagellation.^ In 1263* Urban IV (1261- 1264), on the request of King Louis IX, instituted a milder form of this rule for the Ladies at Longchamps. Two years after the establishment of the French clois­ ter, Bonaventure, the general minister of the Friars Minor, In

2^Helmbrucker . Die Orden, p. 823. 32 an effort to unify the Second Order of St. Francis, decided to apply the rule of Innocent IV to all convents. However, he felt that several adjustments to the rule were necessary. Bonaventure asked John Gaeta Orsini, the Cardinal Protector of the Friars, later Pope Nicholas III (1277-128o), to modi­ fy the second rule. Minor changes were made with regard to fasting, silence, and reception of the sacraments. Pope

Urban IV confirmed the rule on October l8, 1264. The Urban­ ist rule, as it became known, found entrance in most of the convents of Italy, Spain, and Germany. Several French clois­ ters were in opposition to the rule and chose to observe the fourth rule of Elizabeth Capet despite efforts to the con­

trary by the papacy. It wa3 difficult for the pontiff to oppose pious women who were completely devoted to prayer, to ■ mortification, and to Imitation of St. Clare and Christ. A few Italian cloisters chose to observe the third rule of St. Clare. They did not feel that they were in viola­ tion of their vow of obedience since the existence and purpose of the order was to completely renounce worldly possessions, and to follow the dictates of the Gospel. Clare had strug­ gled all her life to maintain her ideal of highest poverty and her example was a constant reminder to keep the order in Its pure form. They refused to violate what they considered to be a higher virtue--the vow of strict poverty. This vow was the reason for their way of life and they refused to abandon it even though the popes had time and again offered to absolve them from it. They would observe the third rule and the formula vitae of St. Francis. 33 The papacy was helpless In thi3 matter and already had set a precedent by allowing various houses of Poor Ladles to observe the rule they desired without recrimination. Rather than continue the arguments, Urban IV permitted these few houses to chose between the third, the fourth, and the fifth rules. The multiplicity of rules enabled every convent to chose its own style of life. Each house was autonomous and each abbess In conjunction with her sisters governed the con­ vent according to one of the rules. Some cloisters undertook the education of girls, an unusual occupation for nuns living the contemplative life. However, it could be argued that this was not expressly forbidden in- any of the rules. Several sec­ tions of the rules were vague and, as a consequence, various practices developed which differed from convent to convent.

To resolve these Inconsistencies, Nicoletta Boylet (1 3 8 1- 1447) received papal permission to reform the Order. In 1434, Colette, as she became known, provided a Constitution to the Urbanist Rule. She hoped that the Constitution would eliminate the variety of practices, clarify the general state­ ments In the rule, and strengthen observance to the rule.

One disagreement that had plagued the Order since it3 founding was the relationship between the Friars Minor and the Poor Clares. Although the Poor Clares were members of the Franciscan Order and under the jurisdiction of the General of the Friars Minor, there were several vague phrases in the rule which permitted the use of lay brothers and secular 3^ priests to assist the Franciscan priest who visited the con­ vent. The Colettine Constitution, however, precisely stated that the chaplain, questors, and all members of a visitation committee must be priests of the First Order of St. Francis. The sisters were to have as their "protector and reformer" the same "Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church" as the Friars Minor.These elements unquestionably and firmly sealed their ties with the First Franciscan Order. In other words, the external control of the Poor Clares was exercised by the Holy See and the General of the Order or his representatives. Recognizing the type of life the Poor Clares led and the difficulty of keeping communications with Rome open, the Cardinal Protector, the Minister General of the Order, or the Provincial Minister and his emissaries would have the author­ ity to allow the abbess to receive women Into the novitiate for the sole purpose of becoming contemplative nuns. The education of girls and any other occupation unrelated to the enclosed life was eliminated. Qualifications for girls entering the cloister were carefully determined. No one was to be received Into the Order before the age of thirteen or after the age of forty. The prospective postulant must come to the doors of the convent "freely and willingly" and 3tate that she did so principally for the love of God, for the salvation not only of her own

25The First Rule of St. Clare and the Constitutions of St. Coletta ("London: Thomas Richardson and Sons, 1875 Ji, passim. soul but for the salvation of all souls. The first six months of the po3tulancy were intended to give her time to decide if the austerity of the convent met her spiritual needs. The argument of ignorance, about the nature of life to which she had committed herself, would have no legal weight if she later had a change of heart. This trial period would also give the professed sisters time to determine if the postu­ lant would be able to sustain the rigors of the contempla­ tive life. The Constitution continues that no one can be admitted to the novitiate if found "incapable, or unfit to observe because of age, infirmity, or weakness of understand­ ing."^ The convent cannot allow "such persons" to enter, for to do so would mean a relaxation of its religious life. After postulancy the young girl enters into the novitiate. She receives the habit of the Order but wears a white veil instead of the black veil which distinguishes her from the professed nun. During this period she will be taught to read the Divine Office, or learn by rote to say it her­ self or in common with the others. If she does not accomplish one of these methods, she will not be allowed to make her profession. In the novitiate the nun will continue to be instructed in religion, in the life of St. Clare and St. Fran­ cis, and in the contemplative life. Any talents she possesses will be fostered and enhanced if they are of service to the convent. She will be taught to read and write Latin and her

g6Ibid.. p. 132 36 vernacular tongue if she does not possess these facilities. She will also be instructed in sewing, cooking, transcribing, embroidering, drawing, painting, gardening, and agriculture. When she has fulfilled the obligations of the novitiate to the satisfaction of her director,’ she presents herself to the chapter to be accepted by the whole community. Profes­ sion takes place before a Franciscan Visitation Committee in the presence of all the women in the convent. A precise ceremony is outlined in the Constitution and states that no one can be professed before the age of eighteen. During the ceremony the novice kneel3 before the altar and asks God to accept her entrance into the Order. She then prostrates her­ self before the altar and accepts the vows of poverty, chas­ tity, obedience, and enclosure. Upon removing the white veil of the novitiate she receives the black veil of the professed nun. The newly professed nun then kneels before the abbess and places her joined hands into the hands of the abbess and once again declares she will always live in obedience, pov­ erty, chastity, and observe enclosure. Colette includes the exact measurements for the habit. It is to be made of a coarse dark grey material three and a half yard3 wide. The length of the garment is to be deter­ mined by the nun's height and is to be three Inches from the ground. The girth, which is loosely hung around the waist, is a plain coarse cord; it has four knots, each representing one of the vows taken as its only decorative element. The head is to be completely covered with white kerchiefs and 37 arranged In such a way that the whole face can never be seen. A white wimple, a collar, Is to cover the neck. Each nun Is to be provided with two black veils and three changes of white kerchiefs. The hair is to be cut short. The nuns wear no shoes; however, the diversity of climate in certain areas makes it necessary for woolen socks or little shoes or both. These articles are to be "pruden- ly considered" by the abbess. Colette also permits the con­ vents, with the permission of the abbess, to have in common pious books which can be read privately or in chapter. The community, the Constitution continues, is bound to meet every day, usually after Prime, In chapter to transact common busi­ ness and to consider the moral and spiritual welfare of the convent. The Divine Office is to be said attentively, distinct­ ly, entirely, and religiously. No whispering, laughing, or "vainly looking about" Is to be permitted and the nuns are to read in unison. Meat is not to be eaten at any time. Communion and confession are extended and required twelve times a year and, if the abbess permits, confessions can be heard every fifteen days and communion received every Sunday. Confession and communion can be administered only by the Fran­ ciscan priest appointed to the convent for this purpose. The confessor's position is strengthened and yet restricted. He can enter the convent as indicated on Sundays for Mass and every fifteen days for confession. He cannot, for example, enter the enclosure to say a special Mass for a sick nun or 38 for a "special intention." The exception to this order is if a nun is in apparent danger of death, then the priest can enter the enclosure at any time, accompanied by three or more sisters, to administer the sacrament of Extreme Unction. Visitations are to be yearly and composed of members of the First Order of St. Francis. In section seven of the Constitution it states that enclosure must be complete. Goods delivered to the convent are to be accepted at a "turn" table and one turn should suf­ fice to deliver the article(s). If the gifts are large or bulky, a door can be used and the nuns are to avoid being seen. All convents are to have a single area reserved for public use. This area, preferably at the front of the con­ vent, is to be used by the public on those days when visitors are allowed. As one opens the entrance door, a parlor of simple furnishing should present Itself. The opposite wall will include the grate made of iron and covered with a drape from the inside, the turn table, and the door to enter the cloister. This reform carried on from within the Order was met with apprehension. Some convents accepted it unquestionably. Those following the Rule of St. Clare added all of the Colet- tine refprms to their rule since Colette came to the con­ clusion that the nuns should live without personal property of any kind. The convents observing the Urbanist Rule agreed to follow the Constitution except the one section which con­ cerned poverty. Other small groups of nuns used various 39 mitigated or reformed versions of their rule. Again the at­ tempt to unify the Order under one rule proved unsuccessful. The Colettine reform movement spread throughout Europe with varied success. In the Germanles most Urbanist houses chose to comply with the reform but omitted the concept of absolute poverty.Such was the case with the Clare clois­ ter of Nuremberg. It was also during this period that the First Order of St. Francis experienced administrative and spiritual dis­ sension. Two parties vied for recognition as the true fol­ lowers of the poverello. Abuses In the order were rampant and the reform movement which ensued touched the Poor Clare cloister in Nuremberg. A detailed description of the reform within the Friars Minor is unnecessary; it suffices to state that the split within the First Order between the Observants and the Conventuals favorably effected the Nuremberg Clares. In 1447, the Nuremberg friars, In whose pastoral care the nuns were entrusted, Joined the Observants. The city council of Nuremberg also wanted to see the nunnery under the direction of the more disciplined and more organized Francis­ can community. To achieve this union, the city fathers sent a magistrate, Nicholas Muffel, to Rome, not only to represent the town at the Imperial coronation of King Frederick III but

27LIna Eckenstein, Women Under Monastlclsm (New York: Russell and Russell, 19^3)* _P* to obtain the merger of the Nuremberg Clares with the Strass- burg Province of Observants.*^® The convent had prepared for this association ever since the election of the reforming abbess, Clara Gundelfingen (1450-1460), in October 1450. Clara, a humble and modest superior, commanded the respect and obedience of her flock. The nuns were so well instruct­ ed in the strict observance of the rule and in the consti­ tutions of Colette that the incorporation proceeded smoothly. At the formal celebration of the merger on June 25, 1452, attended by the Provincial Vicar of Strassburg, Nicholas Caroli (1450-1455), the more notable spiritual leaders of Nuremberg, and several councillors, the nuns vowed to live under the direction of the Observants and to obey the vicar. The visit and sermon of St. John of Capistrano on July 17, 1452, inspired the ladies to try and imitate the life of their foundress and the "evangelical women of the gospel." This union began the period of the Nuremberg cloister’s best spiritual development. The reforming zeal of Clara Gundelflngen was so effective that the Nuremberg Clares were recruited to reform Poor Clare convents throughout the empire.

2Bjohannes Kist, Das Klarlssenkloster in Numbers bis zum Beglnn des 16. Jahrhundert (Nurnberg: Sebaldus- Verlag, 1929), pp. 52-54. CHAPTER II The Poor Clares In Nuremberg

The Nuremberg convent had not always been the home of the Poor Clares. The peaceful transfer of the nunnery to the observantist branch of the Franciscan order in 1452

was unusual. A previous change in 1278 caused consternation and discord because the convent, housed and owned by the nuns of the Order of Mary Magdalene, had to become a Poor Clare cloister. It then became known as the convent of St. Clare. The reception of the Urbanist Rule for Poor

Clares (1 2 7 8) by the convent of Mary Magdalene provoked apprehension. The Order of Mary Magdalene originated and was widespread In the Germanies and its existence was sanc­ tioned by Pope Gregory IX (1227-41) in 1232. The Magda- lenes lived according to the Rule of St. Augustine and were modeled after and placed under the direction of the Sistine Nuns In Rome. The order's purpose was to provide salvation for "fallen young women." The Magdalenes Instructed, ar­ ranged, and directed these women into marriage or took those who desired to enter the religious life into their convents. This order, because of its rehabilitative efforts and "blessed activity" received the full support of the papacy and the empire.

41 42 Proof that a Nuremberg community of Magdalenes existed as early as 1240 comes from a personal document of the Imperial Minister Ulrich of Konigstein. Ulrich donated three of his estates in Engelschalksdorf to the sist.ers in return for their continuous prayers for his soul and those of his children.On this property the nuns built a clois­ ter, named it Engelthal, and dedicated it to their patron saint, Mary Magdalene. Over the next thirty years the Engelthal convent ac­ quired numerous grants of land from several noble and mer­ cantile families. These endowments helped to secure the con­ vent's establishment and financial independence. The nuns were also provided with several important privileges from popes and emperors. For example, the Magdalenes were exempt from ecclesiastical and civil taxes. Another favor was the right to collect alms. For the faithful who gave alms the popes and bishops offered particular inducements, usually in the form of indulgences. Although the nuns were richly endowed with large fiefs, their rights to their property were constantly chal­ lenged by noble families whose land surrounded the estates given the nuns'. For this reason several officials of the city

of Nuremberg began, in 1 2 6 3 , to witness the renunciation of

^•Johannes Kist, Das Klarissenkloster in NUrnberg bis zum Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts (Nurnberg: Sebaidus- Verlag, 192977 P. 3. property by the donors to the convent.^ The presence or the city officials at these transactions could then legally guar­ antee the convent's unquestioned right to its estates. The Order of Mary Magdalene was very popular In the empire and the result was an increase In the number of women that joined. The Engelthal convent was no exception. Around

1 2 7 0 , the convent could no longer provide adequate housing for its members. Therefore, new facilities were built just outside one of the gates of the city of Nuremberg (Frauen Tor.or the Women's Gate). The city council,with its imperial privilege to dispense with land In its domain, agreed to the location and realized that the convent's new home would facil­ itate Its legal and physical protection and would strengthen Its supervision over the religious community. No sooner were the buildings erected when a difficult problem presented it­ self. The Second Council of Lyon (1274) decided that the dictates of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) regarding mendicant orders would be strictly enforced. All new orders established without the approval of the Holy See were to dis­ band immediately. Orders founded and papally approved since

1215 were condemned to die a slow death; in other words, they would continue to exist but would be deprived of applicants so that when the last member died the order would be eradi­ cated. The exceptions to this decree were the Dominican and Franciscan orders. Since the Magdalenes had papal permission

2 Ibid., p. 6 to exist, they were left with two choices: they could die out 3lowly or they could join one of the accepted mendicant or­

ders. The Engelthal convent opted for the latter. In 1278* a majority of the nuns decided to enter the Second Order of St. Francis. At first, the Engelthal nuns hoped they could be Poor Clares in name only and be allowed by their Franciscan directors to live according to their former Augustinian Rule. To ensure this they asked King Rudolph of Hapsburg (1273-1291) to mediate on their behalf with Pope Nicholas III (1277-1280).

On July 6, 1278, Nicholas disapproved the request and command­

ed Bishop Berthold of Bamberg (1 2 5 7-1 2 8 5), in conjunction with the Franciscan provincial of Strassburg, to incorporate the Nuremberg convent into the order of Poor Clares, and to make sure they were economically independent.3 Bishop Berthold

initiated the papal decree on October 13* 1 2 7 8. To help ease this union, several Poor Clares were dispatched from their convent at Soflingen in Ulm in January 1279 to explain and to instruct the Nuremberg nuns in the Rule of Poor Clares.^ The Nuremberg cloister came under the direction of the Gener­ al Minister of the Upper German Province whose residence was at Strassburg. The Rule of the Poor Clares, written by Pope

Urban IV October 1 8, 1263* was to be observed.

3ibid., p. 8 .

^Ibld., p. 9 . 45 A few of the Nuremberg nuns refused to commit them­

selves to the Poor Clares. Therefore, Bishop Berthold, sup­ ported by 3ome understanding Nuremberg councillors, discus­ sed their problems and convinced them to remain and to try and follow the new rule. Beyond this consultation, history is silent on whether further difficulties may have arisen

in the convent in that period. On January 29* 1279* a mass was celebrated to announce the completion of the incorpora­ tion and a document was compiled, signed, and sealed with the crest of the Bishop to formally state that the merger had been put into e f f e c t . 5

The internal history of the convent during the latter part of the thirteenth and all of the fourteenth centuries is not known. Records were not kept or have not survived. How­ ever, documents do appear In the fifteenth century which give a glimpse of the type of life these nuns led and of the dis­ cipline which governed the convent. Although the literature comes from the fifteenth century, it demonstrates that for the previous one and a quarter centuries the rule and the way of life of the Urbanist Clares was not easily assimilated by the Nuremberg women. The change in purpose and in life style brought the nuns into conflict with a whole tradition and, at the same time, with the city council of Nuremberg, the Bishop of Bamberg in whose diocese they resided, and the Franciscan provincial at Strassburg. From the sources one can only

5lbld., p. io. A complete copy of the letter of incorporation is reproduced on pp. 144-145. 46 surmise that the difficulties finally became evident in the early l400's. After a series of reform programs, the Nurem­ berg Clares succeeded, In 1452, in establishing a house devoted to a rich monastic life. On the other hand, Information on the external trans­ actions of the convent for the thirteenth and fourteenth cen­ turies is abundant. In It can be seen the seeds of the con­ flict which will grow and help to explain the fate of the Nuremberg Clares In the period of the Reformation. From its inception the Nuremberg Poor Clare cloister acquired privileges, monies, and land to be added to what they possessed from the defunct Magdalenes. Pope Martin IV (1 2 8 1 -6 5} in his bull Sacrosancta romano ecclesla. issued March 28, 1284, stated that all the convent's present and future possessions were under papal protection.^ On June 9 , 1284, Martin IV con­ firmed and guaranteed all of the freedoms previously granted and to be granted to the convent by popes, kings, emperors, or other magnates in his bull Ad audienclam nostram.7 The Clares In Nuremberg automatically participated in all the privileges given the entire order. For example, on July 3, 1296, Boni­ face VIII (1294-1303) decreed that the Poor Clares were freed from every form of taxation, temporal and spiritual.®

6Ibid.. p. 145. 7ibid.. p. 147. Two secular leaders also published documents of pro­ tection for the Nuremberg cloister. An Imperial letter from Louis of Bavaria on May 15, 1316, provided the convent and its possessions with imperial protection and freedom from any form of taxation.9 On January 10, 1395. King Wenceslaus ordered the city council of Nuremberg to protect the cloister, its subjects, and its possessions against force and injustice. The king realized he could not attend to the convent's needs so he gave this responsibility to the city council. The council had already assumed this duty in the thirteenth century when the cloister had belonged to the Magdalenes. In fact all the monastic establishments in Nuremberg were gov­ erned, to some degree, by council directives. The Clares were not exempt from the council's paternalistic control and desire to place the convent under its scrutiny. Now the emperor merely sanctioned a position the council long held. The above mentioned documents did not always safe­ guard the freedoms of the nuns; in fact, their privileges were often ignored by local church and temporal authorities. When Innocent VI (1352-1362) commanded a subsidy (the sub sldlum carltativum) from all the church's corporations to relieve the financial burden of the Holy See, the Poor Clares, at least in the eyes of their immediate religious superiors ,

9lbld. . p. 148-149. lOlbld.. pp. 153-154 were no exception. In Nuremberg, ecclesiastical collectors demanded that the convent's subsidy be one-sixteenth of its income. The nuns objected and as a consequence the papal

nuncio, Bishop Paul of Gurk, on December 19, 135^j decided it was not the Intent of the Pope to have the Poor Clares pay these extraordinary taxes.^ The nuns were not so fortunate two years later when the subsidy was due again. They were unable to obtain a reprieve and paid the tax on June 20, 1360. In September, 13&2, the Nuremberg Clares were asked to pay the tax by Dean of the Cathedral of Bamberg, Frederick, the representative of the papal nuncio. In a let­ ter of protest to the apostolic nuncio, Abbess Margaret Pfinzlng pointed out that, first, the Convent of the Clares was exempted from paying taxes of any kind by the bulls of Martin IV, Boniface VIII, and Innocent VI, and that, secondly, a precedent had been set when the convent was relieved of payment in 1358. The convent had payed the obligation in 1360 because the nuns feared Bishop Louis of Bamberg would have carried out his threat of excommunication if they re­ fused payment. The demand was lifted for 1362 but on August 29, 1363, Abbess Margaret received a letter from Bishop Johann of Hildesheim ordering the cloister to pay the 1362 subsidy within twenty days or suffer an edict of excom­ munication. In a response to the bishop, the abbess restated the convent's privileges. The bishop's answer to Margaret

13-Ibid. . p. 12. 49 Rabenbecker is not extant and the assumption is that the nuns were exempted from paying the tax.-*-2 Several years later Bishop Ludwig of Bamberg

(1366-1373) requested another exaction from the Nuremberg Clares. The nuns refused to comply and defended their posi­ tion to the nuncio, Bishop Johann of Worms. Johann ordered the bishop of Bamberg to rescind his demand and to refrain from placing a tax on the Poor Clares.13 Ludwig obeyed the directive, but efforts by him and others to force the con­ vent to pay taxes were not exhausted by the nuncio's command. The nuns were harassed on this issue well into the fifteenth century. The convent, quite justly, preserved and stated its privileges in order to secure its freedom from taxation and to protect its properties from confiscation. Because of the difficulties the Nuremberg Clares had experienced, Pope

Martin V (1368-1431) published a bull on February 1 8, 1418 which restated all the nuns' privileges. Temporal lords also practiced this "policy of exemption." King Rupert (1352-1410) announced that King

Wenceslaus1 letter of protection to the Nuremberg cloister was still valid. A stronger statement of protection was renewed by King Siglsmund on January 20, 1415 which emphasized

1 2 ibid.. pp. 1 2 -1 3 .

13lbld.. p. 1 3 .

l^Ibid.. p. I6 7. 50 that the privileges offered the convent by his predecessors were in force and to pressure the nuns unduly was to incur his and the empire's displeasure. Thirty years later the protection of the empire for the convent was repeated on May 25, 1445 by King Frederick III, In all instances, the city council of Nuremberg was recognized as the agent charged with enforcing the imperial decree. The Nuremberg Clares needed what protection the papacy and the empire could offer. Their possessions were scattered and numerous. And it was exceedingly difficult for these cloistered nuns to give adequate attention to their enormous holdings. The Magdalenes had approximately thirty estates of varied sizes in different locations which they brought with them into the order. By the first half of the fourteenth cen­ tury the cloister possessed an additional sixty pieces of property, and by the end of that century had acquired eighteen more estates plus three parcels of land in the city of Nurem­ berg. The popularity of the convent is exemplified in these gifts of real property given it by pious citizens. In return for these endowments the nuns offered their prayers for the deceased. Gifts in the form of cash were often presented to the community by the family of a girl who entered the nunnery. Other noteworthy sums of money were given regularly for spe­ cial intentions. Several Nuremberg and Wurttemberg citizens provided memorial foundations so that on the anniversary of 51 their deaths the nuns received a stated annuity. Two size­ able annuities came from Queen Agnes of Hungary (1307) and Countess Helen von Kadolzburg (1309)» valued at twenty marks of silver respectively.*5 Lay and ecclesiastical lords, as well as wealthy burgher families, competed with one another in how much money, property, or both they contributed to the Clares. These donations established a solid economic founda­ tion which was considered important for the convent's finan­ cial Independence and success in attracting applicants. Cash income from gifts, annuities, and rents were used for the upkeep of the cloister's physical plant and for the purchase of additional land to round out possessions. Because a considerable amount of money was surplus money, it was loaned to private individuals at an interest of approxi­ mately 3 .5 percent and it was invested as ewiggeld. munici­ pal bonds.Rents paid in kind provided the nuns with food throughout the year. Some of the naturalia that the women received were chickens, eggs, cheese, oats, beer, hay, and vegetables. Constant disagreements with rival landlords, tenants, and debtors made it difficult for the Clares to manage their vast holdings. And the vow of perpetual enclosure prevented the nuns from defending themselves in law courts in person. To protect the Clares' economic and legal interests, the city

15lbid., p. 16

l6lbld., p. 17 52 council, vested by imperial decree to assist the convent, appointed a proctor to plead the nuns1 cases in court. The legal advisor was given the title of steward (schaffer). Although a steward was assigned in 1290, the first name documented in April 14, 1330 was Rupert.17 Later, a book­ keeper or accountant (Uberreiter) assisted the steward. Hermann Ebner (1378-1380), as bookkeeper, appeared in a document of November 26, 1 3 7 8 * The office of guardian

(pfleger), established in 1 3 5 1* applied to the protector or trustee of the convent. The council always appointed one of its members to this position. In 1448, the guardian assumed the responsibilities of the accountant and in 1501 undertook the duties of the steward.^ Nothing in the secular arena was done without his permission; in the early 1 5 0 0's this was extended to include spiritual matters. The women, by virtue of their life-style, accepted the council's economic advice and allowed the council's appointees to safeguard their financial rights. Only once did a guardian prove unworthy. Nicholas Muffel (1440-1469)* the guardian of St. Clares and the first treasurer (losunger) of the city, the highest of­ fice in Nuremberg, misappropriated funds from the convent and the city. The crime, the trial, and the execution by hanging in 1469 of Muffel created considerable embarrassment

I7lbid., p. 1 3 8.

l8Ibld., p. 1 3 9.

I9ibid., pp. 1 3 7-1 3 9* 53 to his colleagues. Nonetheless the city, as the imperial guardian of the cloister, tried never to neglect its duty. The council oversaw, at least at this time, every economic detail, which the following incidents illustrate. As an Income-producing institution, the convent lent money to private individuals. Georg of Seckendorf and Georg and Wygeleiss Schenck borrowed one-hundred fifty gulden from the Nuremberg Clares on March 22, 1427. They promised to return the money with interest by Christmas. For collateral the nuns accepted the hamlet of Heumedern. When the loan was not paid at the specified period, the cloister issued a com­ plaint against the three men at the local court. They were warned of their negligence and told to pay the long overdue obligation to the Clares or face imprisonment. The men died with the debt in arrears so the council reminded their heirs, on December 19, 1444,about their responsibility to the clois­ ter. Several months later the Clares received the money. The city was also compelled to protect the rights of the convent’s subjects. When Paul of Streitberg attacked the hamlet of Schnaitbach, he took three horses from the con­ vent's subject, Kunz Heckel. On August 3, 1443, the council demanded and successfully obtained the return of the horses. In 1452, Bartholomew Steiber of Regensberg's sheep grazed illegally on the convent' 3 fields in Pomme. When the peasants claimed the sheep for the convent's fief, Bartholomew threat­ ened the cloister's tenants in Pomme with confiscation of their 54 cattle If they did not return his sheep. The council simply told Bartholomew, on May 23, 1452, that they considered it unwise for him to disturb their long-established relationship. The council's subtle hint paved the way for a compromise. Even temporal lords were negligent in repaying loans they had borrowed from the convent. The city of Schweinfurt owed a considerable sum of money. Therefore, the council of Nuremberg dispatched a letter to Schweinfurt and asked the city to pay the cloister. An answer was not forthcoming, so the Nuremberg council went to court on June 14, 1466. With other temporal lords Nuremberg was not as fortu­ nate. In 1431, Margrave Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansbach commanded the monasteries of St. Clare’s, St. Catherine's, and St. Egidien's to offer their spiritual services for his campaign against the Hussites. The council made objection to these demands to Emperor Sigismund. The emperor replied that for such an important venture the margrave's wishes should be upheld; however, this wa3 an isolated instance and would not set a precedent for the future. But in 1453 Mar­ grave Albrecht Achilles quarreled with the city over the protection of the above mentioned cloisters and the services rendered in those communities. These were incidental argu­ ments compared to the more crucial question of territorial rights which the margrave made against the city. The council, however, never considered any of its privileges insignificant. In a short-lived war, the defeated margrave "gave up forever" his claim to protect the cloisters.20 ^ In the fifteenth century the cloister continued to

experience difficulties with the bishop of Bamberg. The con­ flicts, as was the case in the fourteenth century, stemmed from the tax requirements which the episcopal office believed it had a right to demand of the nuns under its jurisdiction. The Clares refused to pay and supported their position by referring to their documented freedoms of taxation. The city council Intervened once for the nuns on the tax issue, but the bishop remained adamant. The council did not repeat Its request because the nuns had successfully managed In the past to defend their privileges and, therefore, felt it unnecessary to get Involved. The nuns appealed to Rome, to a papal nuncio, to their cardinal protector, or to the public and were usually able to reverse the bishop’s demands. This presents in miniature a problem which Pierre Janelle called "the disease within the church."2I The Clare cloister was a product of Its time. The exemptions this con­ vent received were not isolated. In the fifteenth century this practice was ever-increasing and the bishops, naturally, at­ tempted to minimize Its effect. The Franciscan male and female houses, as well as the Carthusians, Benedictines, Augustinians,

SOibid., pp. 72-73■ In the Treaty of Lauf the Margrave relinquished any claim he may have had to Nuremberg religious houses. 2Ipierre Janelle, The Catholic Reformation (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Co., 19&3}t P* 1 f* 56 Dominicans, and Carmelites in Nuremberg, were self-governing and independent units, and were by papal decree exempt from episcopal jurisdiction. This "practice of exemption" threat­ ened the bishop's authority and created spiritual, financial, and disciplinary disorder in the diocese. The popes, in a misguided effort to extend their Jurisdiction, weakened the chain of command in the ecclesiastical hierarchy. This process of administrative disorganization, where authority and jurisdiction were inextricably entangled, led to "ad­ ministrative anarchy."22 In struggling to acquire the resources needed for diocesan work, the bishop of Bamberg customarily levied duties on benefices, religious .property, and charged chancery and law fee3. But less money was entering the exchequer because more exempt institutions refused to pay. Rather than neglect the diocese, the bishop tried to countermand the encroachments of these exempt bodies which resisted his every move. The bishop continually restated his position of authority and the right to tax and hoped that his constant reiteration of his prerogatives would at some point set a precedent with these communities. The Clares fought precisely against this action. The following examples demonstrate the bishop of Bamberg's futile attempts to obtain exactions from the Clare cloister in Nuremberg.

22Ibld.. p. 7. 57 In 1*107 the dloce3an bishop, Albert of Wertheim (1399-1*121), Imposed a tax on the convent. The cloisterfs Franciscan guardian, Eberhard Forstmelster, obtained a nota­ rized public document which was published and nailed on the church door of St. Sebald. It accused the bishop of violating the nuns’ rights and ordered him to appear in the ecclesias­ tical court and defend himself. Legally unable to argue his position, the bishop retracted his demand and the court case was dismissed. Bishop Albert, however, did not desist in his attempt to exercise his authority to obtain exactions from religious institutions In his diocese. In 1*111, he prescribed a tax for all cloisters in his area to be paid within six days of notification. The Nuremberg Clares were assessed twenty- six gulden. Their guardian, once again, informed the bishop of the papal privileges granted the nuns. On May 12, 1411, the city council asked the bishop to relieve the women from the procuration in view of their vow of poverty.These ef­ forts were unsuccessful. The Clares, therefore, petitioned the pope on May 21, 1411. A copy of their plea was posted on the church door at St. Sebald. The results of the process t are unavailable; however, it appears that the convent benefited from this action since it was not burdened with episcopal taxes until 1457. At this time the diocese was in dire financial straits. After Bishop Anton of Rotenhan (1432-1455) exhausted

23KIst, Das Klarissenkloster. p. 68. Also see above on p. 12. 58 all other means to appropriate money he and his chapter agreed to impose a subsidy on the female cloisters on Septem­ ber 23, 1457. The religious houses had until November 11, 1457 to pay the established sum to the episcopal collector, Heinrich Zollner, or bear the suspension of spiritual ser­ vices in their convents. Records do not show whether the nuns paid or whether the threat was executed. The bishop's death on May 5, 1459 probably ended the Issue. Five months later, however, Anton's successor, Georg I of Schaumberg (1459-1475), demanded an exaction of one gulden to be paid by November 30, l459i otherwise the cloister would be subject to a fine. The tax and the penalty were removed when the bishop received .word that the abbess, Clara Gundelfingen, had appeal­ ed against his action to Rome. When Cardinal Bessarior the cardinal protector of the Franciscan order, visited Nuremberg in the spring of 1460, the sisters informed him of the bishop's harassments. In a letter to the bishop, written on April 21, 1460, Bessarion reiterated the freedoms the convent enjoyed.^4 By virtue of his papal authority, he warned the bishop that pressures by him or his representatives were forbidden under pain of excommunication. The nuns were not troubled again by Bishop Georg. But in January, 1477, the Nuremberg Clares were taxed by the new bishop, Philip of Henneberg (l475~l487). The convent

^Ibid., p. 69.A complete copy of the letter I3 on pages 179-1807“ 59 pleaded with Philip to respect their privileges. Instead the bishop intimidated the women with excommunication if his demands were not obeyed by October 2 8 , 1477. In conjunction with the women of St. Catherine's Dominican cloister, the Clares obtained a notarized document ordering the bishop to appear In court. The bishop refused to comply with the court order. When the notary, Pink, attempted to nail the order on the cathedral door of Bamberg, he was restrained from doing so by several armed episcopal secretaries. The nuns did not want to pay the tax; instead they decided to appeal personal­ ly to the bishop on his forthcoming visit to Nuremberg In February 1477. The two female cloisters presented Philip with a gift of appeasement: a priestly vestment embossed in gold thread and valued at two gulden. It was graciously accepted but his answer to the tax question was ambiguous. The only recourse of the nuns was to ask the Holy See for a restate­ ment of their privileges. Johannes Alpart, the Franciscan provincial, advised the Clares, on April 26, 1477* to work with the women of St. Catherine's on the matter. The Clares entrusted the Dominican Joseph of Steyer, who was traveling to Home, to act as their representative. For his services the Dominican received thirty-three gulden from the Clares. On July 15, 1477, a letter from Sixtus IV warned the bishop and his chapter at Bamberg to respect the privileges and freedoms of the nuns In Nuremberg or face punishment.^5 a copy of this

25lbld., p. 7 1. 60 letter was given the women. The bishop removed his taxation order on the convents and told the women that for a similar fee he would have bestowed upon them the same privileges. Although the bishop agreed to forget the whole Incident, he had no intention of relinquishing his fundamental right to tax those in his jurisdiction. The position of the nuns was to oppose this action for to acquiesce meant to set a prece­ dent which could continue unabated and which could lead to oppressive exactions. Philip tried again to assert his claim to tax the women in 1^79. The nuns protested. Evidence of the outcome is unavailable. On March 28, l48l, Philip asked for a spe­ cial ten percent tax known as the turklsh tithe (turken zehnt). The sum of money this provided was minimal. There­ fore, Philip was most likely not interested in the amount of money he collected from the Clares but in the enforcement of his episcopal prerogative--to compel obedience to his direc­ tives. His Intentions (and the intentions of the other bish­ ops mentioned) were not aimed at the nuns but at their exemp­ tions and at his right to direct and to control those re­ ligious communities in his pastoral care. If the city council of Nuremberg, a temporal lord, could assert its independence and intervene in almost every aspect of the cloister's life, the bishop believed that he, as the convent's immediate ecclesiastical overlord, should not be denied these same prerogatives, especially when they dealt with spiritual 61 matters. To the bishop, his authority over the nuns super­ seded the authority of the city council. To the council, the religious were citizens of the town and thus subject to its laws. The relations between church and state in Nurem­ berg were strained but not openly hostile. Little more than verbal resistance from the bishop menaced the city. Nuremberg was not an episcopal seat, merely one of the many communities in the diocese, and as a result, her ties with the bishop were nominal. The diocese was large, the work involved was overwhelming, travel was difficult, and the number of clerical assistants was insufficient. There­ fore, the bishop, as one man, could not provide proper pas­ toral care. Also, the Nuremberg councilfs monetary powers and skillful diplomacy at the papal curia had, over the years, secured for itself several important concessions at the ex­ pense of the bishop of Bamberg. Vital questions of church management, such as the rights of presentation and appointment to the parish churches, supervision of all endowments donated by the faithful to the religious communities within the city's domain, appointment of administrative officers for the monas­ teries and convents, rights to determine who would enter the various houses, to mention the council's direct involvement in church affairs, did not ingratiate the magistrates with the b i s h o p . 26 «£o these frustrations must be added the

26oerai(j[ Strauss, Nuremberg in the Sixteenth Century (New York: John Wiley & Sons> Inc., I9 6 6J, pp. 155“159« 62 Independent attitude of the religious orders. The bishop could not compel them to obedience-. This "individualistic spirit" (as stated previously) bred decentralization in the church; a process Rome fostered by the practice of exemp­ tion, thus, unintentionally dissipating the power of one link in the chain of hierarchy. Unknowingly, the Holy See was eroding the the entire system. All this worked to the bishop's disadvantage since he had no recourse; unable to apply force to his opposition, the council could usurp the bishop's powers without fear of retaliation and this worked to the advantage of the city. The council's motives in assisting the Clares at least in this early period, were not entirely economic or political. If it considered the law of its city God's laws, and the salvation of its members the responsibility of their community, then it was "almost bound to come into conflict with the ecclesiastical institution whose Judicial structure was foreign to it." 2 7 For a burgher who could hardly tolerate residents who were not full members of the civic community it was hardly endur­ able that the eternal salvation of the city should be dependent on a source?af authority outside the city walls....

27Bernd Moeller, Imperial Cities and the Reforma­ tion , trans. and ed., H. C. E. Mldelfort and M. U. Edwards,Jr. (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1962), p. 48. gQlbid.. p. 48. Nuremberg and other cities 63 ...began systematically taking over the ecclesiastical duties... They achieved a real monopoly of patronage and made the church into a sort of private church (ecclesia propria) reserved for the urban community. Behind such moves stood the hope of thereby controlling the quality (and the loyalty) of the clergy.... Since the town conceived of itself as a sacred society, its government necessarily assumed various spiritual tasks. It may be possible to see here the seeds of those tend­ encies destined ultimately to oppose the hierarchical church. Indeed, if our interpretation is correct, the above mentioned Infringements of the burghers on the ecclesiastical domain had no other goal than stimulating the spiritual life. Nonetheless, it was with­ out scruples that the town decided to settle disciplinary and administrative questions and to assume the responsi­ bility of carefully preparing the way to eternal salvation without submitting to the church hierarchy.29 Besides administering the external affairs of the Nuremberg Clares, the council Involved itself in the internal matters of the convent. Once the bishop of Bamberg incor­ porated the Engelthal Magdalenes into the Order of Poor Clares

(1 2 7 8) he never exercised the right of visitation over the cloister. True, the rule entrusted the visitation of the Clares to the Franciscans, but the city council of Nuremberg often demanded to participate in the visits and managed to have it3 way.

g9lbid.. PP. 48-49, 64 Evidence of Internal difficulties in the cloister became obvious at the beginning of the fifteenth century. The machinery of self reform, a weekly meeting of the con­ vent. in the chapter house, gave rise to ill-feeling and un­ desirable gossip, both inside and outside the cloister. When the chapter meeting was unable to maintain or raise the convent*s standard of life and control its members, external forces restored discipline. The system of visitation for the Poor Clares was clearly outlined in the rule; the friars were to conduct the visits. After the death of Francis of Assisi, the friars were unsuccessful in attempting to remove them­ selves from this responsibility. Nonetheless, many monks left nuns in their charge uncared for materially and spiritually. In 1279, the Nuremberg Clares welcomed the disinterest and carelessness of the friars. Although the sources do not provide the information to determine how and when the Nurem­ berg women fully accepted cloistered life, it is evident that by 1400 they observed strict enclosure. It seems that problems related to their former patron, Mary Magdalene, created disorder. In 1405, when unrest and partisanship be­ tween the nuns who honored St. Clare and those who payed homage to St. Magdalene became known to the provincial, Johann Leonis (1405-1414), the house was in complete disarray. Public transaction of business by common advice in chapter and public confession and punishments of faults were neglected. Chapter meetings were a source of discord, malice, 65 and animosities, a vent for private grudges, and the two rival cliques turned the meetings into chaos. Nuns failed to at­ tend compline, others wandered idly in the garden and often arrived late at matins. The offices were performed negli­ gently, verses were omitted, sentences were skipped, words were mumbled or slurred. The services became empty forms. The nun3 quarreled, were ill-tempered, and on occasion scan­ dalously irreverent. The dread disease accldia had set in, a reaction to the routine and monotony of monastic life, bore­ dom, melancholia, "gloom and sloth, and Irritation."30 The faults were not serious in themselves but their cumulative effect on the convent was disastrous. To stop these infractions of the rule the provincial, Johann Leonls, on May 19> 1405* issued a set of injunctions for the Nuremberg convent. The nuns were ordered to stop their bickering. Women were to refrain from calling themselves Magdalenes. The feast of St. Magdalene was to be celebrated according to the rubrics of the day. No special prayers, hymns, chants, or other forms of homage were to be added to what was prescribed. Nothing was to be subtracted from or added to the mass. Inordinate devotion to their patron saints was not to compromise their devotion to Christ and His mother. If nuns remained recalcitrant, the abbess and prioress were to imprison them in their cells, assume all their possessions,

3 ° E i l e e n power, Medieval English Nunneries; 1275“1535 (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1964) pp. 294-295- 66 and wait for further instructions from the provincial. Leonis stressed goodwill and seriousness during public confession and public accusation of each others*faults. This phase of the chapter meeting was to be entered into with modesty and a sense of responsibility in order to uphold the standard of spiritual life and to control "backsliders." Naturally, the right of every nun to charge another with fault was a source of dissension. To avoid confrontation and to promote peace and charity, Leonis permitted three nuns to speak in chapter meetings; the abbess, the prioress, and the accused. A sister who falsely accused another was to eat bread and water on the floor of the refectory during repast for three days. The provincial's regulations were as canonically bind­ ing as the original rule; any breach of the law was liable to punishment by excommunication. The injunctions were in German and were placed where they could be easily read by the sisters. Leonis* endeavor to control and to reform the Nuremberg Clares by the method of injunction proved unsatisfactory. Adherence to the regulations depended on the convent's desire to maintain the statutes and to punish those who violated them. The num­ ber of nuns who outrightly opposed or wavered in observing discipline were in the majority. Under these circumstances it was impossible to raise the standard of life without addi­ tional external supervision. The statutes were soon pushed aside as is evident in a letter written by the council to 67 the provincial on August 31t l407«31 The magistrates con­ sidered the constant issuance of injunctions as an inadequate solution so they asked the vicar to come personally and order the nuns to obey the rule and his laws. Once again Leonis sent the Clares a copy of his injunctions and warned them to comply or face excommunication. The threat obtained results for a brief period. However, the situation became intolerable because in 1410 several nuns wrote directly to the pope about the abuses in their convent. Pressure from above prompted Leonis to visit the cloister but his hurried visitation skimmed the surface of the problem. The council thanked the provincial for his efforts but was compelled, one month later, to ask Leonis to return to rectify recurring violations. At this time, he was too preoccupied with other duties to respond immediately. During this interlude, several conscientious nuns, most likely the same women who wrote to the pope, devised a reform program. They informed the guardian, Sebald Pflnzing, that his and the council's assistance was needed to implement the program. The nuns asked the council to deal energetically with the abuses and to undertake a reform of the cloister. Ac­ cording to these nuns, the council could intervene in the in­ ternal affairs of a convent in order to promote the honor and glory of God. The women cautioned the council not to be

3-^Kist, Das Klarissenkloster. p. 21. influenced or misdirected in its obligation by a few obstinate nuns. Rumors alleging that the nuns mastered and controlled the council were spreading. To subdue the gossip the city fathers were advised to participate actively in the reforma­ tion of the convent. In a seven-page booklet, positive sug­ gestions, described in detail by the nuns, were to aid the council in obtaining from the nuns exact observance to the three vows of poverty, chastity, and o b e d i e n c e . 32

32ibid., p. 22. The entire booklet is reproduced on pp. I5V-1 6 2 . 69 faithful and created a poor image for the cloister. These zealous nuns believed the friars led unacceptable monastic lives and, therefore, were incapable of providing them with proper pastoral care. To say the least, the council was impressed with the program, with the powerful position relegated to them, and with the nuns' desire to reform their house. Independent action by the council on this matter was canonically illegal; therefore, on Pebruary 24, 1411, the city fathers thought it prudent to inform Leonis of the misunder­ standings In the convent. The vicar, convinced by the council' Idea to use the approaching Lenten season as the best time to Instill in the nuns the need for repentance and a renewal of their lives, arrived In Nuremberg in late March 1411. Accompanying Leonis for a full scale examination of the nuns was a delegation of four councillors, the guardian, and the Franciscan confessor and preacher. On October 14,1411, Leonis issued statutes that were to reform the cloister. These regulations went Into greater detail than the Injunctions of 1405 but were not in essence much different. The council felt the presence of the vicar and the thorough visitation ac­ complished more than a written injunction from Strassburg; and they were correct. Injunctions and rare visitations were seldom effective methods in maintaining control. A funda­ mental difficulty was that the vicar usually had to trust the abbess, the prioress, and the nuns to enforce his decrees. In this case, Leonis added a precaution. He ordered the 70 Franciscan lector, confessor, and guardian to see to it that nuns guilty of disobedience were punished by the abbess and prioress; if not, the friars were given authority to punish wrongdoers and to check the nuns1 behavior in choir and in chapter by viewing them through the choir and chapter house windows. The nuns disliked the statutes but promised to obey them. On October 19, 1411, the council reported to Leonis Clara Vingrel's decision to leave the convent of her own free will because his laws were too strict. To promote a lasting effect, the regulations were to be read weekly in chapter and copies, attached to letters written by the vicar, were sent periodically to the cloister. The nuns gave all their personal possessions to the city on September 25, 1413. The money, from the sale of these articles, was to be spent on the convent; however, the council was left with the decision to determine what the house needed, thus Involving the city fathers more directly with the life and necessities of the nuns. The good intentions of the sisters did not last long. On January 25, 1415, the General Minister of the Franciscan Order, Antonius Angelus Vinitti of Pireto, received word that Nuremberg citizens complained about the nuns' life style to the Holy See. Even the i;Ouncil fathers at Constance heard of the abuses in the Nuremberg cloister and strongly criti­ cized the General Minister for neglecting his duty. Antonius 71 wrote a sharp letter to the nuns expressing his dissatisfac­ tion with them.33 He admonished them to change their pride into humility and their Jealousy into love. The celebration of the feasts of St. Clare and St, Magdalene were not to be occasions for division. Disobedience to the abbess, the "work of the devil," was to cease immediately. For the moment the harsh tone of the general's letter stunned the women into submission. On January 20, 1415, Jodokus Langenberg (l4l5“l43o) replaced Leonis as vicar of the Strassburg Province. In July, the council sent its best wishes to the vicar and re­ ported to him the abusive conditions in the convent. Jodokus thanked the council in a letter of January 27, 1416 and prom­ ised to visit the cloister. Under this reforming provincial, the behavior of the nuns was relatively peaceful. It was to take years of constant external supervision, however, before peace and unity endured. Disunity crept in around 1419 and with great despair as to what to do with these women the council turned to Jodokus for assistance on January 2, 1420. In response to the council, the provincial informed the city fathers of a letter he had written to the nuns several days before the arrival of the city's letter to him. He reproved the women for their faults and commanded them by their vow of obedience to refrain from behavior objectional to God and the pious citizens of Nuremberg. Gossip was the source of

33Ibid.. p. 165. 72 their unrest, thus silence was to be strictly enforced. Moreover, he stressed their reading and re-reading the rule and all the injunctions sent to them for the ''sake of God:! and their eternal salvation. He knew a few nuns refused to obey the abbess and emphasized upon them the "great command­ ment" to love one another. Whenever love was absent, Jodokus believed good works were impossible. Finally, the vicar re­ minded the nuns of the shortness of life on earth when com­ pared with eternal life. He refused to take responsibility for their actions before God if they did not follow his in­ structions explicitly. Jodokus reiterated this message he sent to the nuns to the council and hoped it restored order. The expressive language of the vicar compelled the nuns to submit to the rule. Unity prevailed until January, 1*427. It is difficult to determine the real reasons for the great divi­ sion. The convent was a Clare cloister for over one-hundred years. Undoubtedly a few women never belonged in the Poor Clares and probably were forced by their families to enter the convent. Nevertheless, they were there and had to be disciplined. When violations erupted in 1*427* the Nuremberg council received permission from Jodokus to have the respected Bamberg Franciscan, Conrad Ade, visit the Clares with representatives of the city. On October 15* 1*427* Ade found four nuns, Catherine Zollner, Catherine Schapper, Clara Rindsmaul, and Briggitta Sternberger in violation of the rule and the statutes' of Leonis. They were constantly disobedient to the abbess, Elizabeth Schurstab, and refused to accept punishment for their transgressions, thereby alienating the cloister. Ade gave these nuns a monastic prison sentence (placed under lock and key in their cells) until they consented to obey the abbess, to tolerate her punishments for their offenses, and to observe the rule and statutes. Difficulties ceased for approximately eighteen months. On April 7* 1^29, the councillors obtained Ade's return to settle conflicts in the convent which were made known to them via the abbess and the guardian. Upon completion of this visitation Ade informed the vicar of his findings and of the solution he judged necessary for order in the convent. Clara Rindsmaul and Briggitta dternberger were uncooperative during .the interrogation and were accused by the other nuns of disobedience to the abbess and violation of the rule. Therefore, Ade recommended the transfer of these two women to another convent. The council's resolution differed from Ade's. The magistrates suggested bringing nuns from another Poor Clare cloister to the Nuremberg convent to help "put the house in order." Jodokus agreed with the council. Since the two troublemakers remained, it was a matter of time before dissension reappeared. On January 7> 1^30, the council petitioned the vicar to send the two nuns to another nunnery. This was subsequently done. But within eight months the council was writing to Jodokus again complaining about the nuns' refusal to accept new members and of their disobe­ dience to the abbess. His personal attention was requested. The council believed the vicar's presence in a visitation 74 might improve the nuns' spiritual life, so they asked that he Journey to Nuremberg as soon as possible. It was not until June, 1432 that Jodokus visited the Clares. In the meantime, Ade was transferred to Nuremberg and named official visitor of the convent In the vicar's absence. After the vicar's in­ quiry In 1432, Ade was given the power to punish, to reform, and to admonish the nuns for breaking the rule. He was empowered to remove convent officers and the abbess with the approval of the majority of the nuns. Imprisonment and de­ privation of spiritual services were to be used extensively to bring obstinate nuns to obedience. Outwardly the clois­ ter seemed peaceful. In 1434, Abbess Anna Gartner wrote a letter to the council explaining her policy on accepting new members for the cloister. She held that over the last few years many nuns had died, and that those who were left were 111, and the others old. Anna Gartner believed new members would enhance the contemplative life of the convent but without the ap­ proval of the nuns she hesitated to act alone, therefore she petitioned the council to look Into the matter. The city fathers sent three councillors to Conrad Ade to discuss the abbess' predicament. A decision was made to Interrogate the nuns. During the examination several nuns were spiteful to the delegation and Insubordinate to the abbess. Most of the nuns were cooperative and asked the visitors to reform the cloister. When this committee presented the minutes of its meeting with the nuns to the council, a long debate ensued. 75 Exasperated by the constant turmoil in the convent, the coun­ cil requested to see the cloister's documents. Upon reviewing the statutes of 1405 and l4ll and the official orders naming Ade visitor, the council, satisfied with the validity and con­ sistency of the decrees, ordered the nuns to observe the laws, to maintain peace and order, and then threatened them with punishment if they defied the council's wishes. After con­ sultation with the councillors, the nuns accepted five novices. In an address given on the occasion of the postulants' entrance to the cloister, the council instructed all the women to follow the rule and statutes of the Nuremberg convent. No resistance to the council’s interference came from the nuns, the confes­ sor, or the vicar. At this point the council's assistance was probably appreciated because the council believed its holy mission was to stimulate the life of the convent, but a precedent had been set. A deep rooted concept that the clois­ ter was closely entwined with the life of the city made it all the more important for the council to control the nuns' actions. The people visited the convent for spiritual comfort and to obtain the prayers of the nuns for their secular and religious welfare. The nuns' exclusion from the world and their ac­ ceptance of the state of virginity gave them an exalted status among ordinary men. Therefore, the faithful theorized that the prayers of these "priceless jewels" were more readily heard by God and He in turn showered His blessings on the city and its citizens for lodging His handmaids. "Natural catastrophies and disastrous fires were God's punishment for the sins of the town"34 and the nuns' life style helped 7 6 counterbalance His anger and vengeance. The public interest, both secular and religious, was to a degree dependent on the nuns' reverent service to God. Discord in the convent could upset that delicate balance. Therefore, the magistrates deem­ ed it their responsibility to take measures against the nuns' misconduct. Superstitious as these attitudes may appear to­ day, they were seriously adhered to by most pious and God­ fearing men in the Middle Ages. According to Moeller, "when the council took part in reforming the monasteries,... it was with the idea that the community as such, and every individual, ought to provide for the common welfare."35 The council was allowed to participate passively in the internal affairs of the convent since 1411 but in 1432 the council, on its own initiative, demanded for the first time that the nuns strict­ ly observe the statutes of the order, thus becoming actively engaged in the inner life of the cloister. The guardian was now instructed to inspect the written correspondences of the women; workers within the cloister walls were forbidden to take anything into or out of the convent. For five years peace and order existed. The council, pleased with the results, sent city representatives to the Franciscan chapter meeting in Strassburg, on June 14, 1433, to thank the friars for their services to the Clares and to request the reappointment of the

3^Moeller, Imperial Cities, p. 45.

35lbid.. p. 47. 77 convent's confessor, Conrad Lawdenberger. Soon after the death of Ade and Jodokus in 1438, the convent was in disorder. On Pentecost Sunday, 1439, when the new vicar, Konrad Bromlin (1438-1449)# arrived in Nuremberg, a number of councillors spoke with him about abuses in the nunnery. Bromlin knew of the dissensions in the convent and intended to deal personally with the violations. At first, Bromlin chose to ignore the council's position in previous visitations. Bromlin notified the council of complaints the nuns made against the abbess and promised to forward his re­ sults to the council upon completion of his visit. Bromlin was made aware that his independent action displeased the council. Nevertheless, he proceeded with the inquiry on his own. Bromlin's visitation began with the usual sermon ad­ monishing the nuns to speak the truth. The abbess was dis­ missed and a verbal examination of each nun followed in the presence of colleagues. Since the bulk of the information was to be obtained by careful cross-examination,the chapter house was cleared and each nun was questioned individually. In this manner Bromlin hoped to detect the abuses. The women were encouraged to speak freely while a clerk took notes. Later, these comperta. or faults, were written in the form of min­ utes. With the exception of three nuns, the women charged the abbess, Anna Gartner, with being too harsh, too autocratic, and too strict. She conducted chapter meetings too seriously and was merciless in her punishment of the nuns. She acted 78 arbitrarily and rarely took the advice of the council-slsters. Motives for complaints ranged from a private grudge to the disciplinarian's zeal for reform. The result of the visitation indicated that the nuns wanted Anna Gartner removed from the office of abbess. An election was in order. Bromlin sent a copy of the comperta to the city fathers and requested their support. The council thanked the vicar for the report and responded in the following manner. As the provider of the convent's worldly goods, the council realized its obligation to the women and would continue with this responsibility. However, when the secrets of the nuns' chapter meetings or the conditions of their religious life became public knowledge and started rumors and gossip among the laity, it was the sacred duty of the magistrates to recti­ fy and guard against such civic misconduct. The sisters en­ dangered not only their eternal salvation but the salvation of the Nuremberg citizens when they influenced the faithful to act contrary to the ordinances of Christianity. If the women found it difficult to uphold the statute forbidding them to reveal convent secrets, then the council maintained it had the right to examine the Clares and reform the monas­ tery for the common and spiritual welfare of the city. Over the previous forty years the council had taken the initiative, with the help of the friars, in reforming the community. The cooperation of the two authorities resulted in an effective remedy which steadily Improved the cloister's religious life. The council was dismayed by Bromlin1s hesitation to use an 79 established procedure which had proven its merit. If the vicar desired the council's support, a visitation in conjunc­ tion with council members, "as was done previously," was re­ quired. According to the council, the civil and religious communities in Nuremberg represented one organisation working for the honor and glory of God. Bromlin's visitation was un­ official and unauthorized and thus illegal. Only an inter­ rogation conducted with the municipal government was valid and binding; until such an inquiry occurred the council re­ fused to Justify an election of a new abbess. This crucial confrontation to established counciliar control of the in­ ternal affairs of the convent and to deprive the Franciscans of their sole right of visitation was not intended to be malicious or to usurp completely the power of the friars. It stemmed from the belief that the council should strive to guarantee the priestly measures of salvation for the city. In the sixteenth century, however, it was a short step to the idea that the "community ought to regulate itself."36 Besides demanding active participation in the exam­ ination of the nuns, the council now insisted on using its own system of visitation. In the council's opinion, Anna Gartner was examined improperly and should have the oppor­ tunity to defend herself against the nuns' accusations. Bromlin maintained he had no choice but to trust the word of the majority of the women. He questioned Anna Gartner about

36ibid.. p. 48. 80 the charges and she denied all of them. Bromlin stated he had nothing personal against the abbess and would gladly confirm her in that office if she were re-elected in the future. The nunnery was in an uproar; it was caused by the nuns1 Inability to live with Anna Gartner. The women had asked for his as­ sistance in the removal of the abbess; the choice was theirs, not his or the council's. Then Bromlin restated his desire for the council's support. The council refused to cooperate and blamed the provincial for the disunity in the convent. Bromlin had to conduct another visitation in Bamberg but would return to Nuremberg in four days. During that time Bromlin permitted the council to speak with the nuns and to see for themselves the justification of his decision. Five councillors went to the convent to hear the nuns' views. In the absence of the abbess, the men told the nuns they wanted to question them about violations they had heard existed from a report given them by the vicar. The magistrates assured the women that the council wanted to help eliminate the abuses and, therefore, expected the nuns to repeat their complaints to them. Margaret Wagenhals (d. August 25* 1^48), accompanied by two nuns, came forward as spokesman. The complaints against the abbess were true and she had spoken to the abbess about the abuses prior to informing the vicar. This pro­ cedure of reporting difficulties in the convent to the vicar was conducted in compliance with the rule and with the know­ ledge of the abbess. The results of the provincial's visitation demonstrated the need for an election and the con­ vent hoped the council was in agreement. The men thanked Margaret for the information and asked to speak with the abbess alone. The nuns approved and left the chapel. Anna Gartner, however, wanted her statements heard by the nuns and pleaded with the delegation to allow her to speak in the presence of the entire convent. Her wish was granted. Anna Gartner realized her inability to maintain peace and order. On bended knee before the councillors and the convent she begged the council to give Its support for a new election. The mag­ istrates still desired to speak with the abbess individually. The nuns, with the exception of one, who acted as a companion and witness to the abbess' behavior, were dismissed. The dis­ cussion with the abbess revealed two problems. The nun3 re­ sented her strict adherence to the rule and the statutes and believed she divulged too much of the convent's inner affairs to the municipal officers assigned the convent. On Wednesday, June 2, 1^39, Bromlin was informed of the council's discussion with the sisters. The council re­ peated its demand for another hearing in the presence of its representatives. If abuses were still evident and if Bromlin dealt with them expeditiously, the council would support an election. Further negotiation resulted in an agreement to let the Abbott of St. Egidien, the priests of St. Sebaid, the guardian, and several councillors be present at the visita­ tion conducted by the Franciscans. 82 In the cloister refectory, Bromlin delivered an ad­ dress to the assembled nuns. The abbess was assigned a speci­ fic seat and the nuns were sent to an adjoining room. The women were called in one at a time- and questioned about their grievances against the abbess. Anna Gartner was permitted to defend herself against these individual attacks. After the inquiry the nuns reassembled in the refectory and kneeling before the provincial petitioned him to hold an election ac­ cording to the rule of the order. One magistrate rose and stated that jealousy created the division among the nuns. In his opinion, Anna Gartner was the victim of the nuns' envy and should remain in office; nevertheless, he would relate the events to the council. He thanked the spiritual lords for their time and effort and the meeting adjourned. On July 5* 1^39, Margaret Volckhamer (l439-l44l) was elected abbess. At the inauguration ceremony Bromlin com­ manded Margaret to follow the rule and the injunctions of Leonis. He admonished her to perform her duties with the participation of the old abbess and councilwomen until she familiarized herself with the administration of the house. The nuns were urged to remain faithful and obedient to the abbess and the rule. Then one of the city fathers turned to the nuns and in the name of the city ordered them to live by the laws and traditions of the town, if they desired the coun­ cil's "good graces." With this speech the convocation ended. 83 In August the council sent four members and the guardian, Paul Vorchtel (1426-1440), to obtain from the Clares

their bulls, orders, and letters. The abbess refused to grant this request. On August 20, 1439, the magistrates returned. The council, upset with the abbess' unwillingness to give them the documents, wanted to assure the nuns that the documents were to be returned untouched. The abbess expressed her sur­ prise at the council's demand because the council itself had stipulated that no lay person or Institution was to remove any­ thing from the premises. The councillors also knew the nuns were forbidden under pain of excommunication to deliver their letters to temporal authorities. Notwithstanding, the officials continued to press for the documents. The council, they main­ tained, Intended to review the materials to familiarise itself with Its exact relationship to the cloister. The council's motives were honorable and righteous and directed toward the salvation of the souls of all who resided in the city. Again, the nuns refused. The women were reminded that they were sub­ jects of the town, that the convent was completely under the protection of the council, and that the cloister's possessions were given to them by the city and the council's friends; there­ fore, It was a just demand and the nuns could not demur. The abbess stood firm In her decision. She would comply with the council's directive only if her spiritual superiors agreed to the release of the documents. The men called the women "hard- headed and stubborn" and threatened to transfer the abbess to another convent. Margaret, unmoved by the threat, simply told 84 the magistrates she would discuss the matter in chapter that evening. The next morning the nuns sent a letter to the coun­ cil stating the reasons why they were unable to fulfill the council's wishes..37 The convent's noncompliance was not to be interpreted as recalcitrance on its part for it would be willing to give the council the documents if its superiors consented. The nuns called upon the council to respect their decision and the regulations that bound them to move, at this time, in opposition to the council. But constant pressure by the council forced the nuns to compromise on the issue. The materials were given to Abbot Georg of St. Egidien, who made copies for the council and returned the originals to the Clares. The council, furious with the rebuff of the nuns, as­ sumed they were influenced by outsiders. Its suspicions were directed to the family of the abbess. Considerable questioning and cross-examination convinced the council that its suspicions against the Volckhamers were unfounded. Three friars, however, were charged with obstructing justice and giving poor advice to the nuns on the document controversy; they were exiled. Shortly thereafter, the council insisted that the provincial visit the Clares and investigate the recent events. Without the constant supervision of the vicar, the council believed it was Impossible to continue the reform of the convent; therefore, it desired permission to have the guardian, certain priests,

37 Kist, Das Klarissenkloster. pp. 42-43. 85 and councillors, who were permanent residents of the city, regularly interrogate the nuns according to methods prescrib­ ed by the provincial. On April 17* 1440, Bromlin permitted the lector, Martin Hesmeir, to act as official visitor of the cloister. He also allowed council representatives to accompany Hesmeir during visitation. The examination of 1440 revealed mis­ management of financial records, laxity of discipline, unnec­ essary building, and money wasted on spices and condiments. Margaret Volckhamer did not work with the former abbess and the former convent councilsisters. Feuds and factions were visible in the community. The magistrates demanded a new election and to their dismay Volckhamer was re-elected. On Saturday, April 8, 1441, a craftsman reported see­ ing a friar take two letters from the convent. The council sent for the friar who was apprehended near the town of Feucht. The letters, which were to be destroyed if the friar was captured, were found in a basket. The convent's Francis­ can guardian, Bertold Holtzschuher, and the municipal guardian, Nicholas Muffel, assembled the nuns in the chapel and confronted them with the letters. The abbess admitted she had written them and stated that,as head of the house,she had the right to send reports of the convent's internal conditions to her superiors without informing the other nuns. The intercepted letters were answers to grievances made against her to two Regensburg friars by several of her sisters. The abbess permitted the men to read the letters aloud. The two letters, addressed to the friars 86 who were exiled from Nuremberg in 1439, revealed that the abbess had spoken truthfully. The nuns, distressed by the incident and by the council's persistent interference in their Internal and spiritual affairs, insisted that their Francis­ can guardian handle the situation. When Bromlin traveled to Nuremberg for the feast of the Holy Relics,^^April 28, l44l, the council reported the letter episode to the vicar. In an intensive two-day inter­ rogation, the provincial and the secular delegation witnessed a problem they considered impossible even for the pope to solve. Five nuns possessed such intense jealousy and hatred for other sisters that they contaminated the entire convent. The house was divided into two factions. At the head of one was the abbess and Margaret Wagenhals with the support of twenty-eight nuns. The other party numbered eight sisters led by Anna Gartner. An election held on Ascension Thursday, May 25, l44l, installed Agnes Hubner (1441-1450) as abbess. To assure peace Bromlin wanted the leaders and their out­ spoken supporters sent to other cloisters. The council, how­ ever, decided to transfer Margaret Volckhamer and Margaret Wagenhals. The magistrates had labeled Volckhamer a "trouble­ maker" since the day she refused to give them the convent's documents; Wagenhals was termed an "instigator" since she had

3^Nuremberg kept the relics of the empire. On the last Friday in April the relics were carried throughout the town for veneration. 87 registered grievances against Anna Gartner to the religious authorities. Bromlin, not convinced of the correctness of the council's solution, wanted several of the opposition to leave the nunnery too. The council disapproved. Having experienced the council's determination to have its way and desiring to restore stability to the convent, Bromlin yielded to the council's decision. But vehement opposition by the nuns' families halted the transfers. To strengthen its position with regard to the internal affairs of the convent, the council informed Rome of the last two visitations and complained of the provincial's inability to understand the special character of the cloister's, problem. The council requested that visitations be conducted by the priests of St. Seblad and St. Lorenz, the Abbot of St. Egidien, and the prior of the Carthusians. It is best to Keep in mind that the two secular clergy of the parish churches were indebted to the council for their positions and as long as they complied with council directives their reappointments were secure. On December 10,144**,Pope Eugene IV decreed in his bull, Super gregem dominicum.that the convent could be visited by the superiors of the order only when the representatives of the city-were present. 39 7 This pronouncement complicated the problem of exemption by exempting communities within exempt orders. Now the Holy See jeopardized the authority of the

^Kist,39 Das Klarissenkloster, p. 171. Also in Ulricus Huntemann, O.F.M.,ed., Bullarium Franciscanum (Quaracchi* St. Bonaventure, 1929)» Nova Series, I.p. 393. 88 Nuremberg Franciscans--the -friars could not exclusively govern their own houses. The bull placed the initiative for calling and holding a visitation in the hands of the city council. The 1441 visitation seems to have been very successful. Perhaps the frightening thought that a mass transfer of nuns had almost occurred started the process of reform. From this point on,the Nuremberg Clares began to live in harmony. And the vigorous influence and reforming zeal of Abbess Clara Gundel- fingen (1450-1460) greatly improved the cloister's discipline.^0 She instilled in the nuns the concept of a reformation conducted from within through pious exercises, prayer, and frequent con­ fession. The observance of the Colettine constitutions also enhanced the reform movement. In 1452, the subjection of the Nuremberg Clares to the Strassburg Franciscan Observants com­ pleted the reform of the house.Henceforth, postulants were Immediately Introduced into the rigors and austerities of the order. Women, physically and spiritually unsound, were dis­ missed. Girls forced into the contemplative life by their families because It was a reputable career for daughters who could not be dowered for marriage in a manner befitting their estate were also released. As the religious reputation of the convent became renowned,the number of applicants increased. Although contrary to the rule, a dowry had become customary.

^See above. Chapter I, p. 31*

^See above. Chapter I, pp. 2 5 -3 0 . 89 As the overseer of the convent’s financial affairs, the council recognized that the immediate good of the dowry would be out-balanced by the strain on their revenues in the future. Since the cloister had a relatively set income, which did not increase with inflation, a limitation on membership was neces­ sary, Sixty women could be adequately housed and fed at the convent; more than sixty would deplete the community's resources. It was one thing to determine the number of women entering the convent but an entirely different matter when the council de­ manded to decide who would enter. The conventb reputation was unblemished, external reform was no longer needed, the Obser­ vants conducted yearly visitatiors with councillors present, and the Clares had since 1^52 ca.ofY \y screened candidates. This action can only be seen as > ; : - ’ attempt on the part of the city fathers to force theiT' co: ,L over the convent. The nuns objected and complained i< P->;-.w about the council’ 3 re­ fusal to allow their ohoice ot . m.idates to fill vacancies.

On July 22, 1467j the bishop or lair.Derg received papal permis­ sion to determine in conjunction with the Nuremberg Clares the qualifications of the postulants. The council bided its time and eventually obtained, for a large fee, a bull from Sixtus IV which stipulated two important points.The convents of St.

Clare and St.Catherine and the cloisters of Fillenreuth and Grundelbach could admit only as many ladies as they could

^2Kist, Das Klarissenkloster, p. 186. The papal bull, Sincere devocionis affectus, was issued on May 2, 1478. 90 support and were to accept girls indigenous to Nuremberg, A controversy developed between the cloister of Clare and the council over the interpretation of the word indlgena, The council believed indigenous meant acceptance of girls born in the city. The Clares maintained a broader explana­ tion, To them the word indicated girls resident, natural­ ized, or born in Nuremberg. The nuns were notified of the bull but were never given a copy for their records. On February 15* 1479* three councillors were not admitted to the cloister to read the bull to the nuns. Abbess Margaret Grundherr (1470-1488) main­ tained that since they were not a visitation committee the enclosure rule was applicable. She received them at the grille to inspect the bull. The men, however, wanted to wit­ ness Margaret reading the document to all the nuns so they could state that the women were informed of its contents. The magistrates interpreted the abbess’ behavior as disres­ pectful to the pope and the city. The abbess was aware of the convent’s right to a copy of the bull but the councillors did not give her one. Without a facsimile the cloister would be unable to defend its actions. On May 15* 1479* the coun­ cillors accompanied by the Franciscan guardian, Johannis Alphart, presented to the assembled nuns the original bull for their inspection and a duplicate for their records. On August 10, 1479* when the vicar, Johannes Heiman of Linden- fels, visited the Clares and read the bull he recognized that the bull threatened the nuns' right to govern their own 91 destiny. Heiman sent a copy of the bull to the Franciscan commissioner in Rome, Emericus Kernel, who undertook the difficult task of obtaining the pope’s revocation of an ill- conceived bull. Meanwhile, the council tried to protect its right as stated in the bull. Determined to exercise this privilege in order to build a precedent for approving candidates to the convents, the council became involved in several test cases. For example, when Agatha Dokler, a naturalized citizen, wanted to enter the Clares on September 25, 1482, the council rejected her application. After the family and the nuns peti­ tioned the council on Agatha's behalf, the magistrates an­ swered that they could not disobey or oppose a papal regula­ tion. On February 5> 1483, the newly elected vicar, Johannes Alphart, declared, by virtue of his authority as papal indul­ gence preacher, that according to his interpretation of the bull Agatha was eligible to become a Nuremberg Clare. The council kept its distance and did not argue the decisioni instead, it sought to receive papal clarification of the bull. When Sixtus IV died on August 12, 1484, the Clares hoped to get from his successor, Innocent VIII (1484-1492), a retrac­ tion of the ruling which they felt was too restrictive. On March 31, i486, Innocent permitted the four cloisters to take girls resident, naturalized, or born in N u r e m b e r g . ^3 The

^3ibid., pp. 93-99. A copy of the bull, Nuper nobis exponl. is on p. 1 8 8. 92 contents of the bull were summarized in a letter which was 3ent to the nuns by the council on June 13, 1486. Unfortu­ nately, the preacher of the convent, Stephen Fridolin, accepted the letter as a valid interpretation of the bull.

In 1503j when the Clares approved a resident of the city as a postulant, the city fathers denied her the neces­ sary documents for entrance to the cloister because she was not born in Nuremberg. The nuns reminded the council of the letter of i486, but the council maintained it had no knowledge of the letter or of the bull referred to in the sisters' letter. Without a certified copy of Innocent VIII’s bull, the nuns grudgingly submitted to the council's directive. The council was particularly difficult on the women and de­ clared further that it could not extend the rights of Nurem­ bergers to non-Nurembergers. The councillors asserted the decree stated in the bull of Sixtus IV which contained the vague word indlgena. and which they chose to mean born in Nuremberg. The magistrates, irritated by the convent's op­ position, demanded the resignation of Abbess Helen Meisner (1488-1503). The abbess, advanced in age and in poor health, decided to resign but maintained that the council's pressure had nothing to do with her retirement. She left office because she was no longer able to fulfill her arduous duties. The council acknowledged her resignation and took the opportunity to advise the nuns that If they occasionally complied with its requests they would find the council more obliging to their wishes.^ This was the last major confrontation between the council and the convent until the council's attempt to dissolve the cloister in 1525. With the convent's submission to the Observants in 1452, the cloister began a period of unrivaled spiritual and intellectual development. Grammar, Latin, and other liberal arts were studied in the novitiate to attain a "perfect know­ ledge of religion." The nuns read the books of the Old and New Testament, the writings of the church fathers, the life of St. Clare and her letters to Agnes of Prague, canonical decrees, and the laws of the church. These Nuremberg ladies fostered a love of books and learning for the honor and glory of God. The monastic ideal of study together with prayer and labor, as the three basic tenents of monastic life, were re­ vived. The nuns learned to read and write Latin. Some women, undoubtedly, sang the offices in choir by rote but by 1480 the majority of the choir nuns understood what they read. This was an astonishing accomplishment when studies of con­ temporary convent records show that most European nuns knew no Latin.* Unlike so many other nuns of their high social standing, the Nuremberg Clares were well-educated for women of their day.

44 Ibid., p. 100.

^5Power, Medieval English Nunneries, p. 246 and p.255* I

CHAPTER III Charitas Pirckhelmer: Nuremberg Poor Clare and Abbess

The women who entered the Clare cloister in Nuremberg were from the patrician class--the daughters of the "well-to- do" burgher families. Besides marriage, the religious life was the only acceptable career open to women of their social standing. The life of the Poor Clare nun, as we have seen, was purely contemplative. By prayers, sacrifices, and penance, a Poor Clare atoned for the numberless sins committed against the Eternal Father. Her life was spent in supplication, pray­ ing for the needs of the church, personal sanctification, the sanctification of priests, the salvation of souls, and the conversion of sinners. In addition to the austere and morti­ fied life of prayer and penance, the nuns engaged in manual labor. They made vestments, church linens, and altar breads. In the Nuremberg cloister additional occupations Included reading the Scriptures and the works of the church fathers, copying and illuminating religious books, and studying Latin to Improve their understanding of the mass and the office they recited daily. To this religious community twelve-year- old Barbara Pirckhelmer (1466-15.32) entered in It was

^Johannes KIst, Charitas Pirckhelmer. Eln Frauenleben lm Zeitalter des Humanlsmus und der Reformation (Bamberg: Verlagshaus Meisenbach, 19437, p. 9. •94 95 not unusual for one so young to decide to dedicate her life to God. Customarily, girls were accepted when about fifteen years of age, hut because of Barbara's maturity, intelligence, and piety the convent made an exception. Another possible reason for Barbara's decision to become a Nuremberg Clare was to continue her education. At St. Clare's the choir nuns not only led active spiritual lives but eagerly studied Latin and Scripture. Here she could develop and expand her intellectual capabilities. Because Barbara, who later becomes known by her religious name, Charitas, was the superior of the abbey during the Lutheran Reformation of the city in 1525» a study of her family, personality, character, and her religious and academic traditions and upbringing is crucial to understanding her hero ic opposition to the council's attempt to dissolve the convent The Pirckheimers, a well-known and established Nurem­ berg patrician family, embodied a life style in keeping with the greatness of their city. Barbara's father, Johannes Pirckhelmer, a distinguished lawyer who graduated from the University of Padua, August 2, 1465* had served several years as legal advisor to the city council. Johannes believed in educating all his children. He personally undertook the in­ struction of his son Willibald (two other sons died in infan­ cy) and had his Aunt Katherine tutor his nine daughters. Willibald mentioned his Great Aunt Katherine's learning and piety in his literary works and recognized and honored her scholarship by dedicating several books to her. In his opinion, his oldest sister Barbara also possessed these two 96 outstanding traits. Willibald (1470 1530), educated in the finest universities in Italy and one of the more noted German humanists of his day, assisted the Nuremberg magistrates in varying degrees and was a member of that governing body from

1496-1523. Of his nine sisters, he respected, admired, trusted, and loved Barbara the most. A close bond developed between these two brilliant children of Johannes and Barbara L'offelholz Pirckhelmer (d. March 21, 1438).2 Only once,

from 1513 to 1519 did the harmony between them become estranged. The reason for this alienation stemmed from what Charitas con­ sidered Willibald's immoral and unethical behavior. After the death of his wife Cresentia.Rieter In 1504, rumors spread that Willibald Indulged in the "joys of table and of bed."3 in­ dignant with his sister's reprimand, he stayed away from the convent for one and a half years. This disassociation deeply wounded Charitas but she did not attempt to write or get into contact with him. Their sister Clara, who had entered the cloister in 1494, pleaded with Willibald to set the argument aside and was ultimately responsible for the reconciliation. More than an association of blood bound them together. They were intellectually of the same caliber and were recognized for their talents throughout the empire. Discussions and

2Emil Reicke, "Der Liebes-und Ehehandel der Barbara Lttffelholz, der Mutter Willibald PIrckhelmers mit Sigmund Stromer zur Goldenen Rose," Mltteilungen des Verelns fur Geschichte der Stadt Nuremberg, 18 (1 9 0 6),134-159 3Lewls W. Sptiz, The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1 9 6 3), p. 160. 97 disagreement on academic topics did not mar their affection for each other. An unusual accomplishment for Willibald, given the extremely volatile temper he displayed toward any­ one who contradicted him. The parents, devout and pious Catholics, considered prayer, church services, and religious readings an integral part of family life. Their loving and deep relationship left memorable and pleasant impressions on the children. The mother predeceased the father by thirteen years in i486, and when all the children had settled into their respective lives, Johannes became a Franciscan priest and died in the Nuremberg friary on May 3, 1501. Without this solid familial environ­ ment and traditional religious foundation, it would be diffi­ cult to explain why seven out of nine girls became nuns. When Barbara, the oldest of twelve children, entered the Poor Clares, she already had an excellent background in Latin. But from 1479 to 1497 nothing is known of her life in the nunnery except that she took the religious name of Charitas greatly improved her knowledge of Latin, and apparently found happiness in her chosen career. Our first public encounter of Chai’itas is in a series of letters written to her by Sixtus Tucher,^ provost of the church of St. Lorenz, and brother

^Joseph Pfanner, ed., Brlefe von, an und uber Carltas Pirckhelmer (Landshut: Solanus-Druck, 1966), pp. 31-6 9. The letters of Sixtus Tucher to Charitas were first compiled and translated into German by Christoph Scheurl in 1515* Dr. Pfanner has re-edited them and added letters written about her and to her. Hereafter referred to as Briefe. 9 8 of her closest friend in the convent, Appolonia Tucher. Unfortunately the letters of Charitas to Sixtus are lost, but in the twenty-eight letters written to her, the four to Appolonia, and the two to the entire cloister we can observe the direction of Charitas1 education and spiritual life and gain an insight into her character. Prom Tucher1s conversa­ tions we know that biblical studies interested Charitas and that a deep religious piety, so prevalent in fifteenth-century mysticism, permeated her life and the life of the convent. The "shining light" of religious piety in the Clare convent appears to have been Appolonia Tucher. Appolonia*s nephew, Christoph S c h e u r l , 5 described his aunt as "the crown of the convent--a lover of liturgy and spirituality, a God­ fearing and holy person who had never seriously sinned; and who served as a glorious example to the sisters."8 In Ap­ polonia Tucher, Charitas found a true friend--a comrade of like spirit. The friendship between the intellectual Charitas and the mystical Appolonia that lasted for fifty-three years provided a strong and deep bond from which both benefited. Charitas, the better educated and the more sophisticated,

.^Christoph Scheurl (1481-1542), educated In law at the University of Bologna, was the nephew of Appolonia and Sixtus Tucher. Periodically, he corresponded with Charitas and dedicated one o'f his earliest works in her honor (Eplstolae ad Charitatem Pirckameram Utilltates Mlssae, 1513). Scheurl remained loyal to the Roman church and to the women of St. Clare. See Allgemelne Deutsche Blographie (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1890), 3 1 , 145-154.

^Wilhelm Loose, Aus dem Leben der Charitas Pirckhelmer. Abtlssen zu St. Clara in Nurnberg (Dresden: C. Hlnerlch. 1870). p. 8. Hereafter cited as Loose,Aus dem Leben. 99 mastered Latin with self assurance; on the other hand, Ap­ polonia strove with great difficulty to learn the language, but her spiritual charm, piety, and purity of heart had a tremendous effect on everyone she met. While Charitas Instructed Appolonia In Latin, Appolonia strengthened Chari­ tas1 commitment to her religious vocation and to God. Their mutual assistance and admiration Is a good example of an Ideal relationship in a cloister. Both were filled with the same Inner strivings to fulfill their "lives In Christ." The example they set Increased the intellectual and spiritual life of the convent and won for them the love and respect of their colleagues, their relatives, and their town. Fortunately for the nuns, the Franciscan preachers and confessors assigned to their cloister were learned and pious men. One preacher In particular, Stephan Fridolin (d. 1498), exerted a strong influence upon the highly con­ scientious and young Charitas and on the life of the convent during his service to the cloister. Fridolin, an upstanding member of the Nuremberg community and of the Franciscan order, delivered his sermons In the cloister church in the early evening and encouraged the laity to attend, to listen and to participate in the discussion of the various subjects he selected. Many of his homilies focused on topics of interest to the nuns; for example, he gave several expositions of the ecclesiastical hours to give the sisters a better understanding of their spiritual day. But most of his preaching dealt with the life of Christ. His christocentric direction derived from 100 his preoccupation with the evangelists, the gospels, and the acts of the apostles. Another aspect of Fridolin's devotion to Christ that deeply affected the nuns was his veneration of the "Sacred Heart of Jesus." Fridolin was particularly sensitive to the Savior's agony and death on the cross to redeem the sins of mankind and to the suffering of Christ's mother, Mary. Frido­ lin *s writings on the Sacred Heart and on the "Sorrowful Mother," devotions which developed in Germany, although unphilo- sophical, are important examples of contemporary German reli­ gious expressions. The preacher's works were widely read and had great Impact on the readers. Two books he wrote specifically for the Nuremberg sisters, Spiritual Autumn and Spiritual May, concerned Christ's mental and physical suffering and then His "glorious" resurrection.7 Spiritual May made reference to Fridolin's love of nature and of the May garden. Symbolically, the May garden was full of growing and divine white lilies where the nuns' holy foundress, St. Clare of Assisi, dwelt, and ultimately where the sisters vrould reside if they fol­ lowed in her footsteps.8 One aim of Fridolin's books, sec­ tions of which were read by the nuns during Mass, was to demonstrate from examples in nature that life and death

7Gerta Krabbel, Charitas Pirckhelmer: Eln Lebenblld aus der Zelt der Reformation (Munster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 15^7), pp. l3-iy.

8Ibld., p. 1 9 . complemented each other and contained the seeds of one another. In the cycle of nature, he maintained, there was change but no real death and used the changes in the seasons as symbols of how death and life were linked. Fridolin wanted the nuns to examine, clarify, and express their own personal feelings toward death. Before the sisters could lead a life of "true faith," which was life based on the belief that eternal life came through death, they had to sort out their attitudes toward death and salvation. To promote this, Fridolin ex­ tensively used Christ's words and metaphors about death to stimulate the hope of the nuns in a future life. He encour­ aged them to read Christ's teachings on death, resurrection, and eternal life. With the coming of Christ and the accounts of the apostles about His resurrection, Fridolin believed, man had received very simple, concrete, and natural promises of help in dealing with questions of an afterlife. Therefore, he reminded the nuns that they must not only learn how to live but also how to die like Christ. Death was an absolute, yet not the end. They had to lose life in order to save it. As "brides of Christ," they lived but to die so that they would be eternally united with their "heavenly spouse." Repeatedly, Fridolin reinforced the notion of the imltatlo: to imitate Christ, to be pure in thought, to over­ come the temptations of the devil by active annihilation of self, and to permit the power of God to enter into one's heart. To fight against the wiles of the devil, the nuns 102 had to undertake constant prayer, constant humility, and

constant love of God and neighbor. Living in the footsteps of Christ required denial of self, sustained by the hope of reward. He reminded them of the words of St. Timothy that if they died with Him, they would reign with Him.9 Life's afflictions and tribulations were their crosses to bear-- their calvary. To assist them in their trials and to culti­ vate their inner life, the nuns were to increase their de­ votion to the Sacred Heart and the Immaculate Mother of God and take as models the lives of the saints, in particular, St. Clare and St. Francis of Assisi, who had excelled in the practice and virtues of poverty, chastity, and obedience and who had become one with Christ while on earth. As preacher of the convent for sixteen years (1476- 1492), Fridolin, a mild and humble personality with a strong devotional style, instilled in the Nuremberg Clares via his teachings, sermons, and writings, the traditions of the Imitation of Christ. This concept of pious living, which re­ presented the spirit of the movement called the New Devotion, became ingrained in the life of Charitas Pirckhelmer. During her first thirteen years in the convent, Fridolin1s religious approach and Instruction played a significant role in her • spiritual development and education, as did the careful daily readings of Scripture which acquainted her with the writings of the church fathers and the lives of the saints, especially

t i m o t h y 2: 11-12 the life of St. Clare attributed to Thomas of Celano. Later, in her correspondences with Sixtus Tucher, Fridolin's imprint can be observed, not from what she said, because her letters have not survived, but from what is discussed in Tucher*s letters to her. Often Tucher answered questions she had asked. But the Tucher letters bring to light that from 14-97 to 1506 a new dimension entered into her theological studies and religious meditation— she combined the piety of the New Devotion with the scholarship of the New Learn­ ing.^*0 Her inner spirituality, in addition to the tradition­ al upbringing she had received at home and in the convent, determined her intellectual pursuits* it is therefore no accident that her studies were directed toward Christian rather than classical sources. Sixtus Tucher (14-59-150?)» a secular priest, educated at the Universities of Heidelberg, Pavia, Padua, and Bologna, became professor of Law at Ingolstadt in 14-87 and rector of that university in 14-88. His lectures attracted large audiences because they were directed toward the "new learn­ ing"— Christian humanism. Nine years later Tucher left that post to accept the position of provost at the parish church of St. Lorenz in Nuremberg. Upon his return home he visited his sister Appolonia Tucher and through her met Charitas Firckheimer. In their conversations at the grille, Tucher realized that he and Charitas shared similar interests. German mysticism, the devotio moderna, biblical humanist

^°Loose, Aus dem Leben, p. 8. 104- studies, Jewish theosophy, Italian scholarship, Platonist interpretation of Christianity, Pico della Nirandola, and the Latin language were just a few topics these two German humanists enjoyed discussing. Being fully aware of Charitas1 strict schedule, Tucher reluctantly restricted his visits to the convent to three or four a year. But because he greatly desired to continue their friendship, he began a corres­ pondence of letters written In Latin which he believed would serve two purposes: the improvement of Charitas1 Latin gram­ mar and vocabulary and the continuation of her humanist education, within which he and Charitas assigned an important role to Scripture. The letters are not only a significant contribution to the life of Charitas Pirckhelmer but partially demonstrate the direction of fifteenth-century mysticism towards biblical humanist studies in Northern Europe and the effect German humanism had on the few women who expressed an interest in educating themselves. Since Christian humanism is a "hybrid" --the marriage of classical and biblical studies^— it should not seem strange that the Nuremberg Clares, deeply religious and intelligent women committed to educational attainments, viewed certain characteristics of classical studies as neces­ sary and practical for a formal education, even If that edu­ cation centered primarily on religious scholarship. To sup­ plement their studies, the women collected books for their

l^A. G. Dickens, The Age of Humanism and Reformation (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1972J, p. 129. 105 library. Willibald Pirckhelmer was exceedingly generous in giving and loaning books to the convent. New publications which he felt the nuns would enjoy he presented to his sis­ ter. He also dedicated several of his books to Charitas and often had her in mind when he translated from the Greek into Latin such patristic works as the sermons and prayers of Gregory Nazianzen. And Charitas usually borrowed books from her brother’s extensive and magnificent library. The nuns also had access to the Nuremberg friary library, which housed a wealth of material, merely for the asking. An in­ ventory of this library in 1448 revealed a great variety of resources.^ The commentaries of Jerome, Augustine, Gregory, and Nicholas of Lyra plus several editions of canon law were available; as well as the works of Anselm, Aquinas, Bona- venture, Duns Scotus, Holcott, and Brandwardine. Even the literature of Ovid, Aristotle, Boethius, Cassiodorus, Petrarch, and Boccaccio abounded. The pursuit of learning had held an ambiguous position since the founding of the two orders;for St. Francis distrusted erudition. Nevertheless, the beginning of the sixteenth century witnessed the develop­ ment of the intellectual prestige of the order by the friars. Two prominent Franciscans of the South German Province,

12paul L. Nyhus, "The Franciscans in South Germany, 1400-1530: Reform and Revolution," Transactions of the American Philosophical Society (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1975)* PP* 17» 21. Conrad Pellican, who asked Charitas to help him in his research of hebraic documents in Nuremberg, and Caspar Schatzgeyer, who from 1517 to 1520 served as guardian of the Nuremberg friary, undertook extensive humanist studies while wearing the friar's habit. Pellican, in particular, regarded life in the order as an opportunity to pursue learning as well as piety. Tucher and Charitas agreed with Pellican's philosophy as long as the learning was directed toward Christian scholarship. In this context they did not foresee a conflict between learning and obedience to the rule. Although a number of notable friars delved into letters and the liberal arts, it is again not un­ usual that this convent of Poor Clares participated in the "swelling tide of humanism" in an age when the education of women was of secondary importance and when the majority of nuns in Europe could not read or write.*3 Several reasons tend to explain why this convent took part In the Christian humanist movement. The Observantine reform (1450-1460), so called because It tried, albeit with considerable reservations, to observe the original rule of St. Francis and St. Clare, . valued the religious instruction of the sisters to promote an understanding of what they read at mass and In their breviaries. In Nuremberg, schooling in theology, Scripture, reading, writing, and Latin became an Integral part of the program In the novitiate. Requirements for entrance demanded

13Eileen Powers, Medieval English Nunneries: 1275 to 1535 (New York: BIblo and Tanner, 15^4), pp. 237-28l, 107 the ability to read and write, at least for the choir sisters. Undoubtedly this excluded almost anyone outside their social patrician class, but constant initiative to keep learning came from within the convent walls. As Mistress of Novices, Charitas carried on this pedagogical tradition and as mother superior (1503) broadened the education of the nuns by ex­ tensively instructing them in humanist methods. Her intel­ ligence, piety, humility, and her contact with Sixtus Tucher, who Introduced her to numerous clerical humanists, and her close association with her brother Willibald and his circle of friends, nurtured the convent’s role in the intellectual community of the city and the empire. And yet this affilia­ tion did not take her or the cloister outside the discipline of the order. What she learned she taught to her sisters for the sole purpose of promoting the "greater honor and glory of God." This motive alone sufficed for her and the convent’s conspicious zeal for learning. This active, some­ what public,phase of her life, was spent in ministering the "word" of the Master to the nuns who aspired to be perfect ’ as their Father in heaven is perfect. Sixtus Tucher and Chari­ tas accepted the philosophy that in order to know, love, and serve God, and to advance along the "way of perfection," which was toward union with God, meant modeling oneself upon Christ; to do so accurately demanded a considerable knowledge of Scripture. The commitment to Christian humanism is best por­

trayed in one of two letters Charitas wrote to Conrad Celtis 108 (1459-1508), a young German humanist who represented the humanism of the ancient world. Through her brother Willibald, Charitas became acquainted with Celtis and other humanists.

* -# They, in turn, knew of her because Willibald dedicated some of his books to Charitas and often spoke proudly and boast­ fully of his sister's knowledge of Latin, church law, and patristic works and of her zeal for learning. Celtis was merely one of many scholars with whom Charitas had the oppor­ tunity to correspond. Celtis, however, never became as close to her as Johannes Cochlaeus, Christoph Scheurl, Anton Kress, and, of course, her brother. Her reputation for scholarship and piety extended beyond the walls of Nuremberg, primarily because Willibald's pride overflowed into his letters to Erasmus, Luther, Bernhard Adelmann of Augsburg, and Johannes Reuchlin. Martin Luther and Otto Bethmann, in 1519> praised the Nuremberg convent and credited Charitas, one of the friend­ liest, purest, and uprighteous individuals they knew, for the cloister's evangelical spirit and love of the gospel.Kilian Leib, Prior of Rebdorf by Eichstatt (1471-1553) and. a noted . theologian and historian, called Charitas a "maiden distin­ guished by charity and virtues, by her knowledge of the Latin tongue, and by her firmness of faith.Many humanists devel­ oped and shared a high regard for the learned nun. In his work Roswltha. Celtis lauded Charitas and hoped all German

^Klst, Charitas Pirckheiroer. p. 45. *5ibld.. p. 45. 109 women would look to her as their model. In the spring of 1502, when Celtis arrived in Nuremberg to supervise the printing of his manuscripts, he sent Charitas several of his books.^ Bewildered and amazed at having received such gifts from a famous personality, she answered him in a Latin letter of thanks only because of the Insistence of Willibald. She could not understand why such an esteemed doctor would write to an unknown and lowly nun who was not worthy enough to re­ ceive his admiration or qualified to return the compliment.

On April 1502, editions of the Books of Love. The Origins 1 Customs, Manners, and Institutions of Nuremberg, and The Odes on the Life of St. Sebald by Celtis were published. The last two works, which appeared in one volume, Celtis dedicated to "the star and crown of all women, Charitas Pirckhelmer." He sent her a copy and thanked her for her previous letter. Charitas refused to talk to him at the grille because she considered herself too unpolished to con­ verse In Latin with the renowned Celtis. Therefore, Willibald had to pressure her again to answer and thank him for the gift and the honor he had bestowed on her. This letter, writ­ ten on April 5* 1502, clearly demonstrates her position on humanism. Embarrassed by the extent of ‘the homage Celtis had lavished on her, Charitas responded with a sense.of awe. Be­ cause she had nothing to give Celtis in return for the books

^ B e r n h a r d Hartmann, "Konrad Celtis in Nurnberg," Mlttellungen des Verelns fur Geschlchte der Stadt Nurnberg b (1889)j 50-52. 110 he had so generously given her, she gave him what she be­ lieved she had to offer--spiritual direction. Charitas told Celtis she could only call on the Lord, the giver of every perfect gift, to provide him with the gifts of the Holy Spirit, which were wisdom and faith. His writings on Nuremberg were commendable but she cautioned him to be mindful not of what could be seen, phys­ ical things, but of what could not be seen, spiritual things. Therefore, he should begin to write on the eternal Jerusalem. Charitas thought of herself as his unworthy pupil yet she continued in this vein because she considered herself to be primarily a lover jf the salvation of his soul. She would not ask him to give up the temporal and physical arts but to develop them one step further--to move from the writings of the pagans to those of Scripture, from that which was earthly to the spiritual, and from the created things to the Creator. All academic disciplines emanated from God and were not to be overthrown or discarded. Mystical ttedlogy and the virtuous life, however, were to have precedence. Human reason was * weak and could be illusory but faith was true; if one pos­ sessed a healthy conscience he could distinguish between the two. She asked Celtis to dare to act like the wisest of men and recognize the spirit of the Lord because the fullness of wisdom meant the fear of God. Vanities existed everywhere and overshadowed the spirit. In order to return to the one true wisdom which lay hidden in Holy Scripture, Celtis would have to reject the vanities of the world. On every acre of I

111 the Lord's land, Celtis would find and draw the flower from the thorn, the kernel from the chaff, the spirit from the letters,

and the 3weet smelling oil from the rocks. Thus she invited him to undertake in deep faith the study of church law and Holy Scripture and to do it Immediately, not tomorrow, for he would never know if he would have a tomorrow. As long as there was time, he had to set aside earthly riches for they had no permanence. Man knew he was finite and would take nothing with him when he left this world except his virtues and his sins for which he would receive reward or punishment according to the examination of the just judge. At that mo­ ment all would see what was just. The more knowledgeable the Individual, the greater the standard of judgment, and the harsher the sentence if one had not lived in a holy fashion. She admonished him, therefore, to leave the fables of Jupiter, Diana, Venus, and the other damned pagans whose souls burned in hell's fire. Instead she appealed to him to honor and imitate the Lord, his friends, and the saints in heaven. Charitas then stated that she did not wish to instruct him or to be didactic. Her only desire was to be his true friend. If she had overemphasized her point, she apologized. Her main concern was to stress the importance of Christian studies, and finally to pray for his salvation. Any error on her part concerning his reputation was unintentional. Gossip had spread some unsavory rumors about his life style and his faith, but she was not about to pass Judgment on him. Although she tried to live according to the meaning of her 112 name, which meant charity, this did not Imply that she herself was charitable. At this point Charitas mentioned the Parisian theologian, Jean Gerson, to add support to her statements. Gerson, she said, had shown that mystical theology was nothing more than the art of love. Love enabled one to know God but knowledge without love was more like damning than praising the Infinite Being. In closing she sent her wishes for a happy, healthy, and God-filled life.1? The correspondence is important in that it attests to the contact of Charitas with a humanist who worked In an area completely different from hers. More significant Is the at­ titude she took towards Christian scholarship. Her position was clear. The sources assisted her in knowing God better and the imitation of the saints provided a technique whereby one could cultivate mysticlsm--a daily and continuous losing of one's personal life In order to make room for the will of God. She conceived of God's will as the sole and simple end of all she did or suffered; and she firmly believed that work under - taken for the will of God was really God's will. Celtis, how­ ever, thought primarily of himself, of earthly, imperfect, and finite things and did not allow himself to be enlightened by the will- of God. As she told her brother, to whom she always sent her Latin letters for grammatical and stylistic corrections, she was trying to tell Celtis to keep his final

17Brlefe. pp. 105-103. 113 days in mind. She feared he would not appreciate the letter because of the warning contained within it, but she assured him that everything she said was done with good intention and in good conscience. Sixtus Tucher*s correspondence with Charitas also reveals two sides of her life. The humanist in her studied the Christian sources in a positive manner, since ecclesi­ astical criticism never entered into their discussions, and the contemplative in her aspired to sanctity and union with God. It was Tucher who encouraged a close friendship with Charitas on what he called eternal and platonlc terms between two God-fearing Christian humanists. To him their relation­ ship began in this worl.d and would continue in the next for only in their future life would they be able to meet and talk face to face without the hindrance of the grille. The exchange of letters was an unfamiliar medium to Charitas, which partly explains why she was reluctant to write to Celtis. She found it difficult to use the familiar form, T ft du, in her dialogue with Tucher. At first, she even hesi­ tated to answer hl3 letters because she believed herself in­ capable of corresponding with such an educated and famous person. Because it was a matter of courtesy to reply, Charitas forced herself to write but used the honored form of address. Apparently her responses to Tucher were guarded and her choice of words "too fancy." Realizing her anxiety, Tucher told her

l^Loose, Aus dem Leben, p. 13. 114 It was unnecessary to be outwardly formal or impressive among friends. Tucher hoped to dispell her apprehensions by drawing illustrations from the ancients, who employed the familiar form among friends. Eventually Charitas found their communication a pleasant occurrence. Her Latin style Improved tremendously despite her constant apologies for her primitive knowledge of the language. Tucher vowed to assist Charitas on all matters. He soon became her closest confidant and, through her, advisor to the cloister. She confided to him her innermost thoughts. Charitas occasionally suffered from what Tucher termed a "scrupulous conscience.11 Both Charitas and Appolonia re­ vealed that at times they doubted their life commitments and their ability to know God's will. This dilemma confronted them periodically. They experienced distractions while med­ itating and worried about the righteousness of their actions; they questioned whether they prayed and followed the rule reverently, with meaning and devotion. During these moments of internal crisis they felt themselves separated from rather than united with the Lord. The women knew how exceedingly difficult it was to cultivate genuine contemplation and to become "perfect followers of Christ." Tucher could only re­ peatedly reiterate the enormity of the task. Mastery over one's passions, feelings, wishes, memories, and thoughts was the work of the contemplative; these distractions constitut­ ing a formidable deterrent to any kind of spiritual advance. When these obstacles attacked with such force that they could 115 not "be repressed, Tucher maintained, it was better for the women to stop and to begin meditation at another time. From their inability to resist the enemy, which was ultimately themselves, should come the recognition of their humiliating defeat and impotence and the realization of how imbued with "selfhood" was the created being. Once complete internal peace, death of self, and blind love for God were achieved then and only then might the contemplative person see God or become the instrument of His Divine Will. Because few experi­ enced God as "He is in Himself," Tucher stressed that they do their best to live virtuously and be persistent in their re­ solve to be "perfect followers of Christ." Tucher also warned Charitas against having too nar­ row a conscience. Individuals who considered everything sin­ ful and even refused to trust in God's forgiveness and mercy presented problems to those trying to help them. Dwelling on past offenses and shortcomings that had been absolved and forgiven served no purpose but tended to increase one's thinking of self rather than of God. Tucher's overall advice was for her to test the demands of her conscience against Divine Law--the ten commandments--to seek the assistance of experienced religious, to read the works of the saints, and finally to ask God for a "sign of his holy will. "^-9 Con­ tinuing this discussion with Charitas in another letter,

19ltald. . p. 24. 116

Tucher emphasized moderation in everything she attempted. 20 He Implored her to set realistic ideals, to know her limita­ tions, and to remember she was human, and, therefore, frail. He warned her of the dangers of excess and of the need of discretion even in matters of piety. A practical approach to all activities would strengthen, not weaken, her resolve. Disappointment and failure would occur less frequently if her goals were more reasonable and obtainable from the begin­ ning. Before the actual reception of the sacraments, it was customary monastic practice to undergo a r,gocd" preparation and a careful Investigation of conscience. Tucher recommend­ ed this kind of introspection prior to her undertaking austere conventual tasks. During these periods of depression or melancholia, Charitas complained of emptiness, prudishness, and feelings of inadequacy. As a result of meticulously observing her monastic exercises, she was often ill and un­ able to attend mass and to carry out her duties. Tucher consoled, encouraged, and reprimanded her. When she felt she had inadequately confessed her sins or expressed her faults, he cautioned her to remember that in this life it was impossible to represent them in all their hideousness, espe­ cially when compared to the goodness of the Lord. Now she would have to be content with describing them as she had uttered them. When she was distressed over trifling imper­ fections, he warned her not to make a "big sin" out of a small

SOBriefe. p. 44 117 one. No doubt Satan worked hard to destroy her courage. Tucher, therefore, suggested she diligently read the lives of the saints and observe how they overcame these difficul­ ties. Despite his advice she remained extremely fastidious in fulfilling the obligations of the contemplative life. Tucher objected to Charitas' excessive fasting. In his opinion, she worked too hard, too long, and slept too little. He hoped she understood his intentions when he stressed she be sensible in the development of her virtues and in how she lived her life. The manner in which she exist­ ed ruined her health. Not one year went by without Charitas enduring some form of illness. According to Tucher's ac­ counts, we can assume she suffered from chronic anemia. In a letter dated 1502, Tucher wrote to Charitas about his conversation with her doctor. He implored her to follow medical advice and eat meat. Saddened by her decision to totally ignore the doctor's prescription, Tucher blamed her for her own sickness. To perform austerities beyond bodily endurance represented a disservice to the Lord. The work of Christ demanded a healthy and alert body and mind. Only the consumption of meat would restore these properties because the absence of flesh causes a "weakening of natural powers," Tucher then proceeded to discuss the omission of meat in eremitical orders. To forbid the eating of meat. In his Judg­ ment, was unwise, Impractical, and fanatical. And refusal to eat meat, when medically proven to improve one’s health, was a greater sin than to break the rule which forbade it under 118 any circumstances. The religious become valueless to them­ selves, to their fellow men'and to the Lord when they could not properly function physically and mentally. For in such a state they become prone to the temptations of the devil. Tucher asked Charitas not to repeat his words to others for he feared they would be misinterpreted. Because her health was of utmost importance to him, he desired her recovery and begged her not to let the matter get worse or for her to be­ come a martyr. He promised that on the last day of judgment he would assume all responsibility for her consumption of meat, if that proved sinful. Whether Charitas obeyed his directive is not known. In another letter Tucher again pray­ ed for her health and told her, although she caused her own malaise she at least learned the lessons of patience, endur­ ance, and sacrifice. Undoubtedly, warnings to mitigate strenuous activities often went unheeded. On December 20, 1503 .> Charitas was unanimously elect­ ed abbess of the Nuremberg convent. Unhappily but out of obedience to the will of her sisters, she accepted the posi­ tion. Her wish to remain a simple, unpretentious member of the community is not to be Interpreted as a desire to shrink from the great responsibilities the office would demand of her time, intelligence, and diplomatic skills; she did not consider herself worthy of the office. Her years as abbess were to be the most momentous for she proved to be the best equipped individual to handle the conflict of her convent with the':city council in 1 5 2 5. 119 Tucher sent a congratulatory letter to Charltas, stating that he did not know whether to be happy or sad for her. He knew she did not aspire to or want the office but he believed that the sisters who had acted out the will of the "Holy Spirit" had made the right decision. In his opinion, the women could not have chosen a better leader or mother superior. He had complete confidence in her ability to administer the secular and religious affairs of the clois- Pl ter. To Charitas the holder of the office of abbess had to do more than live an ethical, pure life. She had to be the best example of the contemplative life In the convent. As a result of this attitude, Charltas became more austere In her spiritual practices, maintaining that In doing so she fulfill­ ed her obligation to keep the religious spirit of the commun­ ity alive and strong. Although she did not require these excesses of the others, she did expect the nuns to read and study daily the Bible and the works of the church fathers and to improve their knowledge of Latin. She prevailed upon them to remain constant in their actions, to develop "good habits," and to keep the rule. Within the context of the monastic life, she taught a form of Justification by faith. Their faith rested on God’s love which prompted Him to send His Son to become the Savior of the world. Thl3 perfect act of love reconciled man with the Father. Those who believed in the gospel, or in the "good news," and accepted baptism were

2l!bid.. p. 46. See Loose, Aus dem Leben. pp. 34-35. 120 saved. Man would not be orphaned by the Lord If he professed his faith in Christ. For Charltas, therefore, the nuns' religious activities, or "good works," were in themselves not important; they merely represented a method of paying homage and of offering thanks to their redeeming Lord for His salvation of mankind. Good works were only a means to that end--the glorification of the Creator. She warned her sisters not to rely on good works for the purpose of earning heaven but to place their trust and faith in Christ. The practice of formal contemplation, the constant awareness of God s presence, the worship of God for God's sake, and the desire to be "perfect followers of Christ" constituted their total com­ mitment to their faith in Christ's saving mission. We know from the letters of sister Felicitas Grund-

herr to her father (1509-1529) Charltas acted as an able mistress and servant to her nuns. Felicitas called her a true,

friendly, loving, and worthy mother. 22 Charltas acquired a reputation for firmness in action tempered by extraordinary mildness and humility. Abuses were promptly corrected, disci­ pline enforced, the needed reprimands and punishments unfail­ ingly administered, but always with gentleness, so that Feli­ citas could write to her father of her great love and respect for her mother superior and of the desire to remain in her charge all her life. And Charltas, in turn, was devoted to

22ibid., pp. 248-257. 121 her slster3 . One heroic example of her sacrificing nature

occurred in 1 5 0 5, when an epidemic of the plague broke out in Nuremberg and struck down one of her Clares. Charltas* despite warnings of friends, doctors, and spiritual directors, personally cared for the sister. This charitable virtue, given the widespread fear and terror people had of the contagious disease, was a part of her character, developed, to a degree, by her years in this convent and by the read­ ings of the lives of the saints. She cared for and loved each nun as if she alone ekisted; concern for her own health was secondary, Tucher reacted negatively to her action. He im­ plored her to abstain from entering the convent hospital, where the nun was quaranteened. His opposition stemmed from the fact that there was nothing she could do to help the sis­ ter; all that could occur was to infect herself and the others. Those chosen to govern, he admonished her, had to be atten­ tive to the welfare of the entire community rather than of one individual. Because such foolishness could increase God's anger and prolong the plague, he insisted she refrain from visiting the sickbed. He did not view Charltas' motherly role to comfort others as a virtue in this Instance; he considered it a failing and told her so. By placing her­ self and the nuns in danger was tempting divine providence.23 Charltas did contract a mild case of the plague but both she and the sister recovered. The toll of victims within the

23rbid.;, pp. 55-57 122 city numbered more than four-thousand but the convent was spared. With humility and adoration the women of St. Clare's prayed In thanksgiving for their deliverance. Charltas never vacillated or recoiled In her action to care for the sick nun for her action Involved the intention of doing the will of God whatever the consequences. No exaltation of self or consideration of what might be gained in this world or in the next ever entered into her thoughts. Charltas' distaste for the office of abbess and utter disregard for her personal safety when another individual was involved are further testimony of the deeply imbedded religious ideal to imitate, in these cases, the perfect mother superior, St. Clare of Assisi. Nor could she violate that ideal in

1 5 2 5, when she assumed the obligation to save the convent from being dissolved by magisterial decree. Such was the idealism, mysticism, and faith of Charitas Pirckheimer. CHAPTER IV The Conflict between the Nuremberg Clares and the City Council

Life in the convent of St. Clare progressed peacefully from 1505 to 1521. The abbess performed the arduous admin­ istrative and financial duties fastidiously receiving the council's commendation for her excellent bookkeeping records. Willibald Pirckheimer assisted the cloister in economic mat­ ters, represented its interests to the council, provided edible delicacies such as fruits from southern Europe, cakes, candies, wine, and, of course, books and pamphlets, and of­ fered his linguistic services. Charitas, In turn, addressed and honored her brother by calling him "father" and "teacher." The entire convent thanked him for his undivided attention to their educational pursuits, and extended Its sympathy and prayers In his times of illness and crises. In 1513* two of Willibald's five daughters, Katherine (d. 15&3) anc* Cresenzia (d. 1529), entered the convent. Another joyous occasion for Charitas occurred in 1519* when the daughters of Caspar Nutzel, the magisterial guardian of the convent, and Hieronymus Ebnery.the treasurer of the city, received per­ mission to be admitted to the nunnery. Jacob Muffel and Hans Geiger, prominent patricians and magistrates, also permitted their daughters to become novices In St. Clare's in July, 1522.

123 12k Although the Lutheran doctrine had become popular in this imperial city, the council had not yet made any definite overture to the new teaching. Cognizant of the receptive attitude of the citizens toward the Lutherans, the magistrates invited and appointed evangelical preachers to the parish churches of St. Sebald and St. Lorenz, thus providing the spark for the Reformation in the town. The city's most re­ spected patrician lawyers, businessmen, doctors, and ecclesi­ astical personalities visualized the Lutheran cause as the "rising sun of better times." They believed Luther presented the best solution to the reform problems harassing Christen­ dom. As of July 1522 no one thought too seriously of chang­ ing the ecclesiastical system even though the council of Nur­ emberg contributed passively to the movement by its inaction, But as tensions grew between the defenders of the universal hierarchy and the supporters of Wittenberg, the council made its sympathies known. When the preaching in St. Sebald’s, St. Lorenz’s and St. Egidlen1s contradicted the sermons given in the Dominican, Franciscan, and Carmelite churches, the council refused to remain silent. Arguments among the clergy created civic disorder. The tranquility and harmony the in­ habitants of this proud, flourishing cosmopolitan community experienced for over a century were to soon end in bitter con­ troversy. Priests upholding the old faith publicly accused the Lutheran disciples of heresy. Such attacks on the preachers so incensed their popular followers that priests were openly 125 abused on the streets and in the churches by anyone who dis­ agreed with their strong defense of the traditional teachings. The Franciscan, Johannes Winzler, physically accosted in the

summer of 1522 by a weaver, was ordered by the council to "direct his heated sermons elsewhere.Winzler's accusation that heresy was sanctioned and preached from the pulpits of the parish churches forced the council to find him guilty of creating riots within the city. His expulsion from Nuremberg did not silence the Franciscans. The new preacher of the friary, Jeremias Mullch, also came before the council In March 1524. Again, the council sought temporary, pragmatic solutions, stating that It objected not to the doctrines he expounded but to the uproar his preaching caused among the citizens of the city. The matistrates, therefore, prohibited the friar from preaching. In an attempt to appeal this decree, the Franciscans sent a statement of their theological position to the council. To this, the council replied that their func­ tion was to maintain the peace, not to dispute religious ques­ tions. Nuremberg housed a sufficient number of men learned in theology who could argue on matters of doctrine; this designation the council did not apply to Itself.^ Caught be­ tween conflicting pressures--allegiance to- the church and the

Ipaul L. Nyhus, "The Franciscans in South Germany 1400- 1530• Reform and Revolution," Transactions of the American Philosophical Society (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1975), Vol. 6 5, 26. 2staatsarchiv Nurnberg, Rat3bucher 12, 227, 227v,228, 235. Hereafter cited as StaN, RB. 126 empire and to the desires of its people--the council even­ tually had to take a definitive stand. In the first years after Luther had posted his theses, Nuremberg temporized-- deci3ive action was not taken nor were decisive lines drawn. But in recognizing the tremendous following the new preachers had among the city's more volatile elements— Journeymen, artisans, weavers, miners--the council adjusted, albeit slow­ ly, to the wishes of the new majority. The threat of In­ ternal unrest and anarchy compelled the magistracy to act in what it believed to be in the best interest of the common good. Charltas followed the situation with apprehension, expressing fear for the future of the convent, especially when one major purpose of the Lutherans was the dissolution of monasteries. To prepare the convent for a possible on­ slaught, the abbess asked friends of the nunnery to protect the nuns not only from the teachings of Luther but from the sparse crowds that occasionally milled around the convent walls yelling obscenities at the women. Other Poor Clare cloisters responded by sending their Nuremberg sisters let­ ters of spiritual comfort and recently published articles attacking Luther's position. Charitas received from another Poor Clare abbess, Katherine of Seeberg, the works of

Hieronymus Emser (1478 1 5 2 7), Secretary to Duke Georg of

Saxony, and one-time teacher of Martin Luther at Erfurt in 1 5 0 4 .3

3johannes Klst, Charltas Plrckheimer. Ein Frauenleben im Zeltalter des Kumanlsmus und der Reformation (Bamberg: Verlagshaus Melsenbach, 1948), p. 5^K 12? Emser's writings defended Catholic doctrine against the teachings of his former pupil. Charltas eagerly accepted the gift. She had it read aloud and discussed thoroughly In the refectory of the convent. Emser's literature was introduced to laity friendly to the convent, to the Franciscans, Domini­ cans, and Carmelites. Copies were made and distributed to Individuals the Nuremberg Clares believed needed encourage­ ment to keep their loyalty to the Roman Church. Such activ­ ities did not ingratiate the nuns with the new evangelical reformers, or the council. Under repeated pressure from Abbess Katherine of See- berg, Charitas, overcoming her shyness and modesty, wrote a letter of thanks on June 6, 1522 to Emser. She told him the convent appreciated his consoling words, his concern with the "pure faith," and his attention to the true teachings of the patristic fathers. The women supported his endeavors and prayed that his efforts be rewarded with peace and unity in the church of Christ.** Her complaints to Emser about Nurem­ berg's laxity in dealing with religious disputes and with the "damned books" sold openly in the city were to haunt her later and cause her considerable embarrassment, for in 1525* Emser's enemies stole the letter, falsified, and published it with a set of unkind notes.

**Joseph Pfanner, ed., Brlefe von, an und uber Charltas Plrckheimer (Landshut: Solanus-Druck, 19&6), P* 121, Here- after cited as Brlefe. 128 The convent became a center of opposition long before the city proclaimed Itself an evangelical center. The women

Increased the number of pamphlets and books it purchased., copied and sent out to refute the Lutheran teaching. Felici­ tas Grundherr (1490-1539) wrote her father, Leonhard (d. 1531)> on August 15, 1524, and gave him a copy of Casper Schatz- geyer's book About True Christian Life (Von dem waren Christ- lichen leben). She implored him to read it "to the end" and then to give it to her younger sister, Ursula Helden, and to

tell her to pass it on to her friends.5 An interesting note is that Ursula was the sister-in-law of Clara Helden Nutzel, wife of Casper Nutzel, guardian of the cloister. Undoubtedly, the nuns' position started domestic conflicts creating con­

siderable unrest in several homes.^ On May 27» 1524, the council turned to its "scholars," or jurisconsults,for advice on how to introduce "good Christian" preachers in the cloisters. When the nuns heard of this, they were horrified with the council's intention to deprive them of their friar's pastoral care. The dependence of the Second Order of St. Francis on the First Order was a precept the foundress of the Poor Clares had worked her entire life to achieve. The rule stipulated that the spiritual guidance of the Clares was the responsibility of the monks. This had been

^Brlefe. p , 251.

^See this chapter, p. 2 3 , for Caspar NUtzel's con­ frontation with the nuns on March 23, 1525* which had an up­ setting effect on his wlfe, causing her to rush Into the convent and unleash angry remarks at the Clares. 129 sanctioned by St. Clare and approved by the papacy. To sever this tie meant to destroy the cloister and the Franciscan ideal; the two were inseparable. As Advent approached, the convent of St. Clare found itself increasingly at odds with the city council. On November 30, 1524, the council informed the friars of the ’Verrible things" occurring in the cloister. Rumors revealed that the monks borrowed money from the nuns, thus adding to the problems of the women. The "attitude of the people" to­ ward the Clares and the monastic life in general decreased the amount of financial aid the nuns received from the various types of masses and the naturalia the citizens gave as out­ right gifts. The peasants living and tilling the convent's estates no longer paid their rents. Because the Clares were "poorer than the poor," the council thought it advisable to deny the Franciscans the pastoral care of t&e cloister lest the disrespect of the populace continue to the detriment of the women's needs.^ In order to make the religious more responsive to the will of the people, the magistracy asked the Clares and the friars to relinquish their temporal goods. For turning over their property for "Christian use," the city go-vernment v/ould repay and provide for them. The Clares inter­ preted this offer to mean that the council intended to replace the "loyal" clergy with the reformers and eventually disestablish

^Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer. p. 58. 130 the nunnery. On December 2, 1524, the friars declared the council's decision an usurpation of their right to minister to their own members. The Friars Minor had provided spirit­ ual guidance to the Clares for more than two hundred and fifty years; they acknowledged the council's material assist­ ance to the cloister but asserted that in the area of spirit­ ual affairs the council had no authority or just cause to in­ tervene. Permission to sit with the monks during a visita­ tion was granted the council, but this was not interpreted as an effort to reform abuses in the nunnery for abuses did not exist. This was an action to destroy their houses. The friars refused to cooperate, restating that they were ultimately responsible to their superiors with respect to questions of p. religious significance and not to the city council. The women of St. Clare also reacted negatively to the council's proposal. They emphatically refused to submit themselves to the powers of the "wild eyed preachers and escaped monks."9 In a chapter meeting, the nuns unanimously decided to reject the council's action as a fait compli. To inform the magistrates of their position, Charltas, in counsel with the sisters, wrote a letter in defense of the Clare's life-style. Because Willibald had a far more exacting knowledge of the

®Ibld., p. 5 8. ^Joseph Pfanner, ed., Die Denkwurdigkelten der Carltas Plrckhelmer (Landshut: Solanus-Druck, 1962), p. 8. Hereafter cited as Denkwurdlgkelten. 131 city's affairs, a good understanding of the religious atti­

tudes of the councillors, and of the beliefs and practices in the cloister, Charitas asked him for advice and aid. Clara, as secretary of the convent, corresponded with him.*0 She asked Willibald, in the name of the abbess, to read the supplication because Charitas wanted to be very careful in her coice of words and in what she had to say.** Complaints about the new preachers filled not only this letter but almost all of them.*^ In Clara's New Year's letter of 1525, she thanked her brother for his attention to the supplication, for his gifts, and especially for Erasmus' work De libero arbitrlo. which the women read with "great joy and pleasure.‘"*3 3*ne appealed not only to Willibald's familial relationship with the clois­ ter but stated that all the women of St. Clare considered him their brother and their "best and truest friend on the face of the earth." They therefore prayed for his continued'assistance lli in their trials with the council. Although Willibald was not a "great religious soul," vacillating between the evangelical

*°Throughout 1524 and 1525, Clara wrote to her brother twenty-five letter relating the events of the convent with the council, the preachers, and the parents of several sisters. Most of these letters were published for the first time by Joseph Pfanner in the Briefe.

**Briefe. p. 200.

*2Ibid., p. 201. *3Ibid.. pp. 201-202. *^Ibid.. pp. 201-202 132 and Catholic teachings, he never ceased .in his fraternal

obligation to the C l a r e s . He reviewed the supplication,

corrected some grammatical errors but on the whole found the document satisfactory. The nuns sent him their deepest thanks and love for not deserting them as so many others had done. In early December, 1524, Charltas wrote to Caspar Nutzel, the magisterial guardian of the convent, hoping to receive his help and support. She told him about the supplication and asked him to whcmshe should send it in order that it be dealt with expeditiously.^ Unfortunately, Ntttzel was the wrong person to secure for this task. He had become an outspoken proponent of the Lutheran cause, working with unbounded zeal for the intro­ duction of the new faith in Nuremberg. Charltas then sought the assistance of Hieronymus Ebner, treasurer of the city, and his daughter, Katherine, but to no avail for he was also emi­ nently responsible for the overthrow of the old faith. As a last resort, to get the supplication to the attention of the three most powerful men on the council, one of whom was Chari- tas* brother-in-law, Martin Geuder, she sent him an emotional and detailed letter. If he and the others on the council forced "lay priests" on the nuns, she wanted him to know that'this was tantamount to sending them ah executioner who would readily

l^por an English account of Willibald's advice to all monasteries and convents see Lewis W. Spitz, The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963)* PP* 185-188,

J-Slbld., p. 1 9 6. ^ Ibld. . p. 1 8 5. 133 "cut off their heads." These preachers, she maintained, were unchaste, drunken, and fallen priests and the nuns would have absolutely nothing to do with them. She begged him to use his Influence in favor of the nuns.^® These letters were not answered. Charitas finally sent the supplication to the council in late December, 1524, but there was no response from the council. In it Charltas justified the life of the Clares. First, she expressed the dismay of the nuns over the accusa­ tion that the Word of God was unknown to them. This she emphatically stated was untrue. The Clares studied and knew more about Scripture than most people. The Old and New Testa­ ments were read dally in choir, in chapter meetings, "at table," and by the individual nuns in both German and Latin. The Word of God flourished in the cloister. The Gospel, the words of St. Paul, and the writings of the patristic fathers were con­ stant companions. Good works played a secondary role in the convent— there was a place for them--but their faith in Christ was of primary importance. ^ Albeit it is reproached against us by some that we trust wholy in our own works, and hope by these alone to obtain salvation, it has not been hidden from us by the grace of God, let people say what they will, that by works alone (as says St. Paul) no man can be justified, but by faith In our Lord Jesus Christ. Besides which the Lord himself teaches us

^•^Denkwurdigkelten, p. 5* •^Ibid. , pp. 8-13. 134 that when we have done all we must still say that we are unprofitable servants. But we know also, on the other hand, that there can be no real faith without good works, any more than there can be a good tree without good fruit; that God will reward each one according to his deserts, and that when we appear before the judgment-seat of Christ we shall receive each of us accord­ ing to our works, good or evil.2^ Her twenty years of experience in the convent, she maintained, provided her with a far more accurate knowledge of what was necessary for the salvation of her sisters than the words of someone who lived in the world and knew little or nothing of the monastic life. Then Charitas asked the council why it wanted to give the women confessors- who had no faith in the sacrament of penance. Confessors were acceptable, but to Impose reformers upon the nuns under the guise of confessors meant obviously something completely different, especially since these men denied the validity of confession. Next Charltas discussed the obedience the convent had given the city government even in matters not always pleasing to the nuns. Because the financial reports were annually presented to the council for their inspection, she stated the council knew well enough that the Clares were innocent of the accusation that they

2°Johannes Janssen, History of the German People at the Close of the Middle Ages, trans. A. M. Christie (New York: Ams Press, Inc., 1966), Vol. 4, 68. The memoirs are not available in English for an occasional passage from Janssen. lavished money on the monks. The wages the Clares gave the friars for their spiritual guidance as confessors and preachers were so low that secular priests looked askance at these positions. And the council was also mindful of this because every penny issued was accounted for in her yearly fiscal statement. Charitas strongly protested the possible removal of the friar's pastoral care for her con­ vent. The appointment of new preachers, she lamented, in­ fringed upon the women's liberties. She could not comprehend why the council intended to destroy "a garden" they had labored so long to cultivate. And of what concern was it to the magistrates if some individuals freely chose to live in a monastery. Punishment for internal abuses she recognized as legitimate reasons for reform to which the nuns would willingly suffer the consequences. But "by the grace of God" abuses were unknown in the cloister, therefore, she demanded to know exactly what the women had done to deserve the coun­ cil's displeasure. Charitas asked the city government to consider the position of the convent at "great length." She pleaded with them to set the matter aside until the will of God could be better ascertained. In closing, the nuns, "like other believing Christians," prayed for the mercy of God and for the restoration of order during these troubled times; hopefully God would not punish the earth for its sins.2-1-

23-Penkwurdigkeiten, pp. 12-13. 136 No word came from the council regarding her message. For one month it seemed as if the danger had dissipated. The nuns, at least for the moment, had a brief reprieve. Clara's letter to Willibald, however, indicated the realization that more trouble was Inevitable, She informed him that the con­ vent had purchased, with money he had given them, the works of Erasmus. Clara believed he dealt decisively with the opposition forces. She admired Erasmus* restraint in using slanderous expressions in his attack against the Lutherans, which was more than she could say about the new preachers, who spoke of Christian love and "brotherly law" but acted contrary to their words. The concern of the Clares for the existence of the convent was not unfounded. On February 2, 1525* Mrs. Ursula Furer Tetzel stormed into the cloister unannounced demanding to speak alone with her daughter, Margaretta. Charltas suspected Ursula's motives but the mother's request violated the rule and Ursula knew the regulations. Nevertheless, Margaretta refused to discuss anything with her mother unless she had witnesses. Charitas permitted this irregular visit at the communion window with two nuns listening to the conver­ sation, as was stipulated in the rule. Ursula tried to convince

22Brlefe. pp. 201-202. 23penkwurdlKkeiten. p. 14. This and the following incidents are reported by Charitas on pp. 14-lB. 137 her daughter to leave the convent for four weeks; during this time she would be instructed in the Word of God. If she wished to return to the nunnery, her mother promised not to stop her. Ursula threatened, used endearing terms, and scolded but she labored in vain. After one hour, the weeping Margaretta sought protection among her fellow sis­ ters and the abbess. This brash intrusion prompted Charitas to complain to Caspar NUtzel. In the meantime, Ursula, per­ sisted in her cause and returned on February 5, 1525* with her two brothers, Sigmund and Christof Furer, councllmen; a third visit also proved fruitless. Another disappointment for the nuns was the guardian’s inattention to the matter. Nutzel had found tne Lutheran teachings most appealing and was, therefore, unsympathetic to the ordeal of the Clares; he simply sent his regrets. Shortly thereafter, the council asked the city's preachers of the new faith to advise it on the incident. The reply the council received obviously was what it wanted to hear--that the monastic life had no value, substance, or meaning; there­ fore, the magistracy was not to disturb Itself for the nuns, or to give much credence to what they said or did. Nor was it the government's responsibility to defend the women.^

rjh ^Gerhard Muller, ed., Andreas Oslander d. a . Gesamtausgabe t Vol. 1: 3chrlften und Brlefe 1522 bis Marz 1525 (GUtersloh: Gert Mohn, 1975), 464-469. 138 Having met with three failures, Ursula Tetzel went to the council to obtain permission to remove her daughter from the convent. Her demands and reasons reflected what was preached from the pulpits of the Nuremberg churches, namely, that the parents, for the salvation of their daughters souls, were to take their daughters home and have them instrue ted in the Gospel. Upon hearing the "good news," the women would see the error of their sinful lives and never return to the cloister. Ursula, unable to control her emotions, bit­ terly blamed Charitas for her daughter's stubbornness; for the abbess held Margaretta against her will by poisoning her with the words of the devil. As a result of this emotional encounter with Ursula, the magistrates asked Charitas for a statement of her viewpoint regarding the Tetzel case on February 14, 1525* They planned to consider the matter only after they had reviewed her request and reasons for keeping Margaretta. The abbess gave Niltzel a written supplication to present to the council. This apology stated that Holy Scripture did not condemn the monastic life; in fact, the first Christians lived as if they were in a cloister. In conclusion, she hoped the council would not approve the moth­ er's demands without first hearing Margaretta's position. Finally, she pledged the obedience of the convent to the coun­ cil's decision and prayed that every member of that body would follow the dictates of his conscience.2^ Charitas then

25penkwurdigkelten. pp. 2 1 -2 5 . 139 informed Niltzel that if the council ordered Margaretta1 a removal she expected two councillors present to witness her departure, otherwise Margarettds release was impossible. Once again the council ignored the convent's remarks. In­ stead, five preachers and the city's jurisconsults were asked to study the situation and to report their findings to the council. But these men were busy preparing for what was to be a public colloquy concerning the Lutheran and Catholic teachings on March 3* 1525*So the Tetzel affair was pushed aside until it could be argued in the disputa­ tion under the heading of monasticism. The result of the colloquy, of which one subject discussed was whether the monastic life was necessary for salvation, was to seal the fate of the old faith and the cloister. It was senseless to deal with an isolated case, when the entire issue of religious orders was to be ultimately resolved. In order to reform and rectify all the inconsisten­ cies which crept into the Christian faith, the council decid­ ed to hold a conference. Andreas Osiander (1498-1552), the fiery preacher of St. Lorenz, prepared twelve articles for discussion. It was apparent from the beginning to the old believers that the event had been carefully staged. The Catholic opponents refused to participate because the outcome

^Gerhard Pfeiffer, Quellen zur Niirenberger Reformations-geschlchte (Nurnberg: Selbstverlag des Vereins fur bayerische Kirchengeschichte, 1968), pp. 105-115* lAO meant giving up the magisterium In the church, in matters of faith, to the secular authority of the council. They

openly acknowledged their inability to bear the burden of the arguments or to defend their teachings as eloquently as the reformers, who were articulate orators capable of swaying large crowds. The clergy also reminded the council of the imperial Edict of Burgos which forbade public disputations over religious questions. For these reasons the Catholic party repeatedly objected to the ground rules established by the council. In addition, it wanted the theological faculties of the Universities of Heidelberg, Ingolstadt, and Tubingen to act as judges in the discussion. The council, however, refused to use this old norm for determining ortho­ dox teaching in the church; it insisted on settling the situation in its own way. The final judgment of the debate would rest with the magistracy. Although the council did not want to incur imperial disfavor, to halt the proceedings was dangerous. The people's expectation and the atmosphere in the city were at a fever pitch. The Catholics had no choice but to comply. They agreed to participate provided the discussion remained friend­ ly. What was to have been a short congenial colloquy ended after twelve days of bitter personal attacks, demonstrations in the streets, and an unruly mob venting its anti-clerical sentiment by defenestrating monks. Fortunately a strong guard kept this noisy situation from erupting into complete chaos. On Sunday, March 12, 1525* the debates ended. Each party was asked to chose a spokesman for a concluding speech

to he held on Tuesday, March 14, 1525« Andreas Stoss, the Carmelite prior and leader of the loyalists, convinced

of the outcome, protested the nature of the proceedings and informed the council of why the Catholics refused to parti­ cipate further. The Judges, he maintained, were not neutral, and, although the council called the entire event a discus­ sion, It was in reality a religious disputation, which was contrary to imperial mandate. At the appointed time Osiander, giving the Lutheran position in a two hour speech, blamed his opponents for disturbing the religious harmony in Nuremberg. On Wednesday, March 15* 1525* the council announced its verdict; Nuremberg was to be an evangelical city. In ordering the establishment of a new orthodoxy, the council expelled the more vocal proponents of the old order. Stoss, because he had attacked the proceedings, was also asked to leave the city, thus faci­ litating the surrender of the Carmelite monastery. The Franciscans and Dominicans refused to dissolve their com­ munities, but since they were forbidden to function as priests or to take new members they were virtually eradicated. This, of course, meant that they were deprived of giving pastoral care to their respective female cloisters. The preacher, Johannes Poliander, was assigned to the convent of St, Clare. The women were to chose one of three men as confessors: Euchar Karl, Hans Dorsch, both former

Augustinlan monk3 , or Hans Seybold, the chaplain of St. Lorenz. 142 On March 19, 1525* Christof Koler and Bernard F&umgartner, representatives of the council, announced the new regulations to the nuns, Deeply saddened by the news, Charitas expressed

the convent's appreciation for all the council had done in the past but found this action abhorent and coercive. The women were satisfied with their Franciscan preacher and confessor and believed the council had had no complaints against these friars up to this moment. The convent desired no change, furthermore, for the rule of the Clares permitted only Franciscan priests to .minister to them. She knew the government respected the nuns' freedom of conscience but only under force would they submit to the decree. The two delegates, furious with this humble yet resolute rebuff, declared the appointment of Poliander unretractable. When the councillors recommended two Augustinian monks as confessors, Charitas responded that if they were still monks, why remove from them the Francis­ cans. She could not comprehend why the council offered the nuns men who had led undisciplined lives. The two men, stunned momentarily by the effectiveness of her argument, retorted that these men had freely relinquished their habits, to which the abbess replied that that was their business and of no concern to the Clares. The nuns could and would not accept apostates as pastors.2^ Alw&ys respectful but firm,

27staN, RB 12, 294. Cf. Pfeiffer, Quellen. pp. 367-377. 2^Penkwurdigkeiten, pp. 25~28. ■ 143 Charitas demanded to know what prompted this action. The delegates left in a huff. On Charitas' fifty-eighth birthday, March 21, 1525, the convent's Franciscan confessor, Erhard Horolt, and preacher, Nicholas Lichtenstein, arrived to celebrate what was to be the last Latin Mass the nuns were to hear, and to give the nuns their last opportunity to confess themselves. Henceforth, the women were to be denied the spiritual con­ solation and services of the Franciscan priests. Later that afternoon, Koler and Paumgartner returned. The women com­ plained about the loss of the friars but the councillors insisted they had to obey the council's directive for the salvation of their souls. The nuns of St. Catherine, they were told, had accepted the government's order and it was to the best interests of the Clares to do the same. Even though they lied about the Dominican women, the technique to play one group against the other failed. Charitas reiterated that in good conscience the women could not do what the council demanded. To end the conversation, Charitas said she pre­ ferred to discuss the matter with Caspar Nutzel and that a report of the convent's position to the council was forth­ coming through the guardian. This suggestion met with agree­ ment. But the delegates cautioned the abbess not to enter into a correspondence with the council. The magistracy was less receptive to a formal request, stating that the convent's verbal discussion with NUtzel would be sufficient. From this reply Charitas knew the struggle to save the cloister would be difficult. To assess the opin­ ion of the women, Charitas assembled the nuns to a chapter meeting, March 22, 1525. After a thorough review of the situ­ ation, the nuns decided to put their ideas into written form. They agreed to entrust the contents to Nutzel and have him communicate their feelings to the council. On the following day, Niftzel arrived at the convent uninvited and unannounced at three o'clock in the afternoon. The nuns allowed him en­ trance although it was against regulations to permit anyone into the cloister at that hour. Once in the refectory with the assembled nuns, he thanked them on behalf of the council for having requested him to act as their intermediary during the reform of their convent. Apparently, he believed that the nuns1 call for him meant that they were ready to accept the city's commands and the new teaching. His purpose and presence at the cloister was to inform them of their new preacher and confessor. The women realized he had converted to the Lutheran faith but they felt that his long years of service to them might make him sympathetic to their cause. If the Clares had hoped to find an advocate in Nutzel, they soon recognized their mistake. Charitas came forward and, speaking for all the women, stated that if the council denied them the right to receive the sacraments from the Franciscans then they were willing to do without the sacraments for they did not wish to be misled by "runaway monks." Disappointed and angered by this statement, he accused the abbess of tyrannizing the nuns. To prove how wrong he was, Charitas 1^5 offered to leave while he spoke to the others. Appalled by the stubbornness of the nuns he repeated that the dis­ missal of the Franciscans was final. Besides, gossip filled the city about secret tunnels in the cloister which provided entrance to the Franciscan confessor. The council, he main­ tained, planned to inspect the premises to see if the rumors were founded. This scare tactic did not move the sisters for they knew no such passages existed. Nutzel attempted every means at his disposal to pierce the conscience of the nuns. He bribed, frightened, and threatened them. The city government, he continued, had the best interests of the nuns at heart and wanted them instructed in the new faith because their salvation rested on their know­ ledge of the "pure Word of God." Upon hearing the Word they would see their error and would choose to leave the nunnery. The outside world should not petrify them for the council in­ tended to give them food, clothing, and shelter. He also noted that the threatening masses of peasants, which grew larger day by day, spread the Word of God by the sword and destroyed all cloisters in their path. Again, Ntttzel's method to terrify the nuns, in this case by using the peasants as a lever against the women, fell upon deaf ears. His words made it quite clear that if the nuns expected the protection of the council in the face of a possible attack on the city by the peasant armies, they must become Lutheran. A3 a consequence of this conversion, the. women would have to leave the cloister buildings, which was what the municipal government now desired. If the nuns 146 would not accept the new faith, then the council would not be responsible for their safety.

When Charitas returned to the refectory, she presented Nutzel with the supplication. She asked him to read it, but he pushed it aside, claiming he already knew its contents. The abbess then instructed the prioress to read it aloud. In this second supplication the women complained about the ac­ cusation that they were contemptuous of the Word of God. In reality, their hearts thirsted for the faith. They were not only ’'listeners" of the Word they were workers of the Word. The council should not misconstrue their position during these difficult times, namely of remaining loyal to the old faith. Because "novelties" appeared constantly and changes viere In­ troduced dally they preferred to wait until the church had made a final judgment on the entire issue. Pressured from all sides, the Clares believed it better to fall victims to angry men than to fall from the hands of the "living God." If the council did not permit farmers to become involved in temporal affairs, or to assume positions of leadership in the government because they were not born into such a class, then why should the nuns transfer their allegiance from the church into which they were born. They rendered to Caesar the things that were Caesar's by obeying the council in secular matters. But In spiritual affairs‘they refused to render to the magis­ tracy that which belonged to God, Thus they begged the coun­ cil not to deny them their Christian freedom or their free­ dom of conscience. 1^7 To protect themselves from the "unclean and unchaste

relationships" that rumors maintained existed between the nuns and the friars, the women explained that their rule ordered them to have Franciscans as their confessors and preachers. If the evangelical freedom preached by the re­ formers was truly freedom, then the return of the friars would prove this. But if oral confession was unnecessary, then the nuns would confess to God alone and ask for His mercy and forgiveness on the basis of His son’s redemption. To compel them to accept reformers as their confessors was an infringement on their evangelical freedom. If the nuns were to be deprived of the spiritual care of the Franciscans, who had done them no harm and who were assigned by the rule of the Poor Clares, then they did not want a n y o n e . Nutzel listened but advised against sending the sup­ plication to the council. When the guardian left the re­ fectory, he asked Charitas to speak with him alone In the choirloft. For over an hour he implored her to relinquish her faith for the benefit of the community. The council placed great value on her endorsement of the new teaching because if she became Lutheran not only the nuns of St. Clare and St. Catherine but all the old believers In the country­ side would follow her example. Throughout the conversation, Charitas remained unaffected, Nutzel's compliments she

29Penkwurdlgkelten. PP. 30-35. 11+8 referred to as "tempting tricks" to get her to commit the sin of pride. It was incomprehensible to her how she alone could possibly affect so many people. Firm but respectful, Charitas answered that in "good conscience" she could not recognize the Lutheran faith. Even if she did subscribe to the new order the other sisters would not renounce their faith in the Roman Church. The business of Nutzel and the council with regard to the nunnery was in secular and economic affairs, not spiritual. The removal of the friars, who had been given to the convent by the popes and the founders of the order, v/as not within the city’s jurisdiction. What the council suggested to the sisters was tantamount to the destruction of the clois­ ter and divine order. Under the circumstances, the women re­ fused to comply with measures they believed v/ere ill-directed. Charitas also noted that Nutzel continuously praised Osiander and Poliander. He had great respect for the two preachers, yet in his debate with the abbess over the new faith, he ad­ mitted that he did not agree with all the changes the reformers introduced. Therefore, Charitas told him he was being "blind­ ed and misled" In the same way the "Arians and other heretics of long ago" had been tempted and seduced. They continued to argue but each remained adamant. Nutzel then blamed her for the approaching hordes of peasants. Because of her stubbornness, bloodshed and riots were inevitable. He re­ peated she had the power and the respect to stop the chaos and to change the hearts of the old believers If she herself became Lutheran. Finally, Charitas expressed the hope that at least 149 he would not condone the use of force against the women. Nutzel hinted at the possibility of an election for a new

abbess. The choice and the decision, she emphasized, rested with the nuns, not the city council. As he prepared to leave, his daughter, accompanied by other sisters whose fathers sat on the council, fell on their knees begging him to let them remain in the convent. Supposedly ur.moved by this plea, he departed angrily. The next day Mrs. Nutzel, distressed by her husband's ordeal with the nuns, entered the cloister and yelled at the women for what they did to her-husband. Apparently, Caspar Nutzel spent a sleepless night for he had been deeply af­ fected by the encounter of the previous day. Mrs. Nutzel kept admonishing and lecturing the Clares for their inflexi­ bility and obstinacy. And after a long tirade, in which she implored them to follow the faith the people had chosen for the peace and happiness of the city, she left. On March 25* 1525, two days after Nvltzel's conversa­ tion with the nuns, he sent a letter Informing them of the council's reaction to his verbal review of their requests. It was the opinion of the magistrates that the return of the Franciscans to St. Clare's was out of the question. He asked the sisters to trust the council and to do what it demanded of them. The adherence of the nuns to the old faith was bringing the rebellious peasants closer to Nurem­ berg. If murder and plundering occurred, the Clares would be cursed and held responsible. To prevent this from 150 happening, the council had at its service eight evangeli­ cal preachers who were willing to instruct the nuns in the new teaching. The least they could do was to expose them­ selves to the "truth." Surely one of these men would meet with their approval.30

The mood of the Clares is best demonstrated in a let­ ter of Clara Pirckhelmer to her brother, Willibald. She sent the second supplication to him for modification and correction and thanked him for his support. Clara acknowledged the force­ ful tone of the document but believed it had to be poignant in order to impress upon the council the true feelings of the women. The nuns valued their respect, honor, and reputation but much more was at stake--the salvation of their souls. They refused to allow these "wild men" to lead them to hell. The council treated Turks and heathens far more leniently than their own kin but this attitude did not frighten them. She could not imagine, she told Willibald, how the magistracy could hold them responsible for the peasant uprisings. The women rejected this as a ridiculous notion. The peasants took up the sword to free themselves from serfdom. The pea­ sants, she continued, equated Christian emancipation with free­ dom from debt. It is obvious from Clara's words that the nuns understood their plight. In conclusion, she stated that the council and the preachers would have to drive them out of the convent by force because they would not affirm or give

"30 Ibid. , pp. 4-1-45. Cf. Kist, Charitas Pirclcheimer.p.4^. 151 themselves over to the Lutheran doctrine. The outcome of their action, whether right or wrong, they left to the

judgment and mercy of God, not to the magistrates.3* Since the requests of the nunnery received no special consideration, the council commissioned Johannes Poliander as preacher of the convent.3^ Poliander delivered eight ser­ mons at the church of St. Clare between March 20 to April 4, 1525. The nuns attended twice. The impressions the homi­ lies made on the women are related in another letter Clara wrote to her brother. She admitted the nuns listened to the sermons but all that was "good" in his preaching they had already heard. However, what they had never heard before was that Christ had done everything for mankind, and, there­ fore, man need not do anything more to save himself. The religious, he stated, by distinguishing themselves as dif­ ferent and better than the common people, damned themselves in the eyes of the Lord. The monastic life and the repeti­ tious good works were valueless. He insulted their know­ ledge of the Lord and spoke down to them as if they had never known God or read Holy Scripture. After Poliander had attacked the life-style of the nuns, they no longer went to hear his sermons.^3 The absence of the nuns infuriated the

3lBriefe, p. 205. 32gtaN, RB 13, 294. Cf. Emil Relcke, Geschlchte der Relchstadt Nflrnberg (Niirnberg: 1 8 9 6), p. 8 1 9. 33Briefe. p. 206. 152 reformer. As a result, he left Nuremberg for Mansfeld, having received thirty-two florins for his sermons and for damages to his reputation. The council, upset at having lost such an important personality, attempted unsuccess­ fully to obtain his return. During the interval between Poliander's departure and the appointment of his successor, Georg Coberer, on April 24, 1525* the reformers of St. Sebald, St. Lorenz, and St. Egldien preached at the church of St. Clare. When Coberer assumed his position, he spoke on Mondays and Saturdays; Osiander on Sun­ days. In her diary Charitas asserted that these two men were rude and unchristian toward the nuns. They twisted Holy Scripture to suit their own needs; they rejected the Latin Mass, vigils, fasting, Anniversary Masses, and Communion in one kind; they slandered and abused the religious orders and personages of Importance, sparing neither pope nor emperor. Those who opposed their views they labeled tyrannts, devils, and antichrists. To turn the laity against the women, Chari- 1 tas stated, the preachers accused the nuns of the sins of lust, avarice, gossip, and pride. They admonished the people to destroy the "godless religious" and to evict them from their cloisters for they belonged to the class of the eter­ nally damned. Everything they said, Charitas admitted, she could not repeat. She thanked God for His protection and mercy every evening, for she expected the people to rush 153

Into the convent at any moment and throw the nuns out. The women lived in a constant fear; their future was indeed dim. So the Clares must have drawn hope and courage from within themselves, from their traditions, the rule of the order, and the life of St. Clare of Assisi. The situation intensified daily; before conditions Improved the nuns were to experience greater hardships and heartaches. The wives of Hieronymus Ebner and Sigmund Purer ar­ rived on Good Friday to speak with their daughter and nieces respectively In the parlor (sprechzlmmer). For three hours the women denounced the monastic life and demanded that the

girl3 leave the convent. Charitas wrote that if it were within their power they would have sent them to the depths of hell. In addition to parental Interruptions, the profane language and demand for action, the mob outside the convent mounted. They disturbed the services of the nuns by scream­ ing obscenities in the church, they threw stones through the windows, and sang derisive songs in the cloister ceme­ tery. When the nuns sang In choir, the crowds hissed and yelled; nevertheless, the women continued to recite their prayers, to sing the psalms during Matins, and.ring the church bells. As reports of the peasant atrocities reached the city, the Clares remained calm and did not seek the assistance of the government. When the nuns of the convents

3**Penkwurdlp;keiten . p . 5^. 15^ of Plllenreuth and Grundlach fled to Nuremberg to escape the "murdering and pillaging hordes of peasants," the Clares again did not petition for protection in the event of an attack.^5 On the Monday before Pentacost Sunday, Mrs. Nutzel entered the cloister, demanding the release of her daughter. Sigmund Furer followed her and asked for his two nieces. These relatives had not expected the nuns to object to their removal because of the proximity of the peasants and because the Augustinians, Benedictines, Carthusians, and Carmelites had accepted the new teaching without much ado. However, the three women firmly refused to leave the cloister. The next day, June 7, 1525, three magistrates presented the cloister with five articles, which were to be put into effect within four weeks. The magisterial orders demanded that the abbess free the sisters of their vows, and give them full freedom of action. Each nun was to relinquish the religious life; parents had the right to remove their daughters from the nunnery even against their will. And it was the respon­ sibility of the convent to provide each nun with a proper dowry. The habits were to be discarded. The grille was to be replaced with a window so that anyone speaking to a nun could see her. Finally, the convent v/as to prepare an exact inventory of all its possessions and income for the council's

records. ^

35sigmund Beale, "The World of Charitas Pirckhelmer," Review of Religion (Indiana, 1951)> Vol. 15, 139. 36staN, RB 13, 20. 155 After a long discussion, Charitas informed the repre­ sentatives of the council that these terms were a serious imposition ^n the internal life of the cloister, and that the council was acting outside its jurisdiction. Speechless and shocked with the council's intent to destroy the convent, the nuns wept. Only Charitas maintained her poise and as­ sembled the women to a chapter meeting that evening. Having regained their composure the women confirmed their desire, to each other and to the abbess, to remain true to the rule of the order. They prayed that Charitas would not weaken in her resolve to save the community. The abbess promised to work with all the strength she possessed, until death, for the Clares had proven that they adhered to the faith, the order, the rule, and the church. If they broke their vows and permitted the cloister to become an "open convent," she would not remain one day with them. In seeking assistance on this matter, Charitas once again turned to her brother. Willibald's support and words Inspired and consoled her. Fortunately, Martin Geuder, her brother-in-law, Jacob Muffel, Hieronymus Holzschuher, and Christof Furer also counseled the Clares on how to respond and act toward the council's ultimatum. These ex-councillors had lost their Influence In the government because they became disillusioned with the preachers and the forceful actions of their colleagues. They believed a compromise on the articles concerning the habit and the window might appease the council. However, they cautioned the women not to be disappointed if the council disagreed, for neither justice nor fairness per­ meated the magistracy. The council acted compulsively. It used force, fearing not pope, emperor, or God Himself. The magistrates enjoyed hearing themselves speak and command to others only what they considered right or just, insisting that they alone uttered the truth. The nuns accepted these suggestions to which Willibald also consented. They dyed part of their habit black and wore it when they visited the grille. They also had a window installed above the grille; but on the other points they refused to acquiesce. When the council allowed relatives to disregard the convent's regula­ tions for visitors, the masses extended the directive. The Clares rarely opened their doors to more than three indivi­ duals at a time, but at the cloister of St. Catherine more than thirty strangers pushed their way into the convent, wandering around, looking and listening to the conversations of the nuns with their relatives. Several of these people attempted to accost the nuns, some offered proposals of marriage, others used the premises for a brothel. Once word reached the council of what was happening, they quickly with­ drew the decree. While the council learned from experience, the nuns suffered the Indignities. Knowledge of the coun­ cil's intentions spread outside the city so that in June, 1525.1 Sabina (d. 1529), abbess of the Benedictine convent of the Holy Cross in Bergen, wrote to her brother, Willibald, 157 of her wish to house the Clares in her cloister rather than

have them sustain such i n j u r y . 37

The Clares compromised but the council was not satis­ fied. The council desired the complete disestablishment of the conVent, yet it hesitated to act decisively. Several days later., it attempted to accomplish its goal in a round­ about fashion. The city government allowed Caspar Nutzel and Hieronymus Ebner to inform their daughters to prepare to leave the cloister in one week for disobeying the magis­ terial order to wear proper clothing in the nunnery. The girls hoped somehow to be saved from the wrath and sins of their parents but their mothers could not wait a week. On

June 12, 1525, Mrs. Nutzel, Mrs. Ebner, Mrs. Tetzel, and Mrs. Furer (the last-named had no daughters in the cloister but two nieces) demanded entrance to the convent to speak freely and unhindered to their children. Since the council had rescinded its decree to permit relatives to enter the cloister indiscriminately, Charitas rejected their request. The women complained in half-truths to the council about the incident, whereby the council yielded to the women and demand­ ed of the abbess, on June 13* 1525* that she permit the moth­ ers to take their daughters. The council granted permission according to one of the articles given the cloister the previous week. With this command, the council sanctioned a

37Briefe, p. 2^7 158 series of events which took place on the eve of the feast of Corpus Christi (June 14, 1525). At noon, Mrs. Nutzel, Mrs. Tetzel, and Mrs. Ebner proceeded to the cloister with

two carts full of relatives. As news spread of what was happening, a large mob of spectators formed in the cemetery, churchyard, and streets surrounding the convent. In com­ pliance with the demand of the abbess, two councillors, Sebald Pfinzing and Andreas Imhof, officiated. With a "sor­ rowful heart" Charitas led the three nuns to the door which connected the cloisterto the church. In her diary Charitas related the event. These wolves, she called them, came among her sheep. The crowd had become so intense that the families of the sisters had to drive them from the church. Privacy was impossible. The mothers asked Charitas to let them out of the "garden door" but the abbess would release them only from the door from which she had accepted them. The mothers, she continued, called to her to take their daughters to them but she refused to break her vow of enclosure. Nor would she herself force­ fully evict the nuns or relieve them from their vows. Be­ cause the nuns did not want to leave, it was up to the moth­ ers to remove them. When the girls fell at the abbess' feet, asking her not to let them go, the mothers, "like hungry wolves," pulled the sisters out of the enclosure area. Chari­ tas, containing her emotions, closed the door of the chapel and joined the other Clares who were listening nearby. In the face of such force she and the sisters were powerless to assist the three young nuns. Where the Clares could not be seen but where they could view the events transpiring

in the church below, they saw the mothers tear the habits from the nuns and dress them in street clothes. The girls wept bitterly, begging in vain not to be taken from the cloister against their will. When the girls reached the door to the vestibule of the church, they wept uncontroll­ ably and in a last desperate attempt to foil their parents' endeavor fell to the floor and refused to move further. At this point, the male relatives picked them up and placed them in the carts. Lamenting their plight, the girls pleaded with the crowd to halt this illegal action of their relatives. Mrs, Ebner, infuriated by the entire scene, became so upset with her daughter that she "boxed her on the ears" and face, causing her to bleed from the nose and lips. The guards and the two delegates walking alongside this procession, in try­ ing to comfort the nuns, found themselves sympathizing with them. Later, in recounting the last part of the episode to Charitas, Pfinzing and Imhof admitted they were so flustered by the entire affair that had they had prior knowledge of the incident they would never have acted as witnesses. Completely shaken by the event, Charitas sought com­ fort in prayer. Five days later, still visibly unnerved by the affair, she dictated to Clara a letter for Caspar

3Qpenkwurdlgkeiten, pp. 75-84. 160 Schatzgeyer, In which she gave an accounting of the incident. She asked her "priestly friend" to write a book or an article on whether parents had the right to remove their child from a convent with force, when that child had already professed herself a nun according to the commandment of God. Was the nun duty bound to obey the parent?39 Schatzgeyer reported the incident in the Nuremberg cloister to William IV, Duke of Bavaria. William, In turn, asked the Swabian League, in his name, to Indicate his dis­ pleasure with the council's Inaction on the matter. News of the women's ordeal spread throughout the empire. The re­ actions of nearby cities undoubtedly caused the council to .begin to deal more tactfully with the nuns. The cry that the council permitted the least defensible in their town to be tormented while they stood by and allowed it to happen proved embarrassing. Force had not convinced the nuns to change their faith or to leave the convent. Relatives continued, unsuccessfully, to pressure the nuns, but now they rarely returned to the cloister after one or two visits. The coun­ cil, therefore, had to find another approach. George Coberer, the convent's preacher, in an unwar­ ranted attack during one of his sermons, remarked that the nuns were more corrupt than prostitutes. The congregation hooted and jeered at the Clares, who were sitting on the

39Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 8 9. 161 other side of the altar. The nuns were required to attend the lectures since the departure of Poliander for, as Chari­

tas wrote in her diary, They threatened us that if they found that we did not corne to hear the sermons, they would set people over us who would remain during the preaching and would observe if we were all there, and how we behaved, and if we stopped up our ears with wool. Some of them also advised that the door of the chapel should be taken off and a railing put in its place, so that we should sit publicly in the chapel in sight of everyone. u

B u g Charitas refused to overlook Cobererfs outrageous charge. She complained to the council for justice. At an investiga­ tion, Coberer intimated that the source of his homily was in St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans. The council temporarily dismissed him and assigned Osiander to the post. At the end of August, however, Osiander renounced the commission. He claimed overwork and the ingratitude of the nuns as reasons for his resignation. On August 25, 1525, the magistrates asked the Clares to tell them which of the reformers they wanted as preachers. The women declared that after the release of the Franciscans they desired no one. Yet, whatever pleased the council, they realized also had to satisfy them. To avoid further commotion in the church of St. Clare, the council agreed not to reinstate Coberer as preacher. But when it was unable to find a replacement, it reappointed Coberer, warning

^°Janssen, History of the German People, p. 7 5. 162 him to moderate his sermons and to refrain from calling the emperor a tyrant. Rather than create additional difficulties with Charles V and other leaders, the council ordered the preachers in the city to stop speaking out against persons in authority. Coberer returned to the cloister but illness prevented him from continuing his work. He had delivered three sermons when he apologized to the women for having to neglect his duties. Charitas wrote that if he never spoke again the nuns would not be unhappy. In her opinion, he was a more confused individual than Osiander. In the thirty-four sermons Csiander presented to the Clares, Charitas maintained he spoke little about the Word of God, preferring to attack the women.^ Because the women demonstrated no appreciation for Osiander, he relinquished his office of preacher at the cloister. Perhaps his inability to accept a failure initiated his resignation. Despite his mistreatment of the Clares1 beliefs and reputation, Charitas and the sisters forgave him and prayed for his soul. To the nuns this suffering--to attend the sermons of apostate priests was their cross to bear and they willingly accepted the burden To Charitas the reformers were "strange rods" God had sent to the Clares to punish them for their sins. Coberer*s two-hour-long lectures twice a week fatigued an already weak constitution. The women, at first, were angered by his words, but later they became bored and decided

^ Denkwurdigkeiten. pp. 5 2 -5 3. 163 not to pay attention to his contradictory statements. The Clares, accustomed to grueling workdays, were not to succumb to the exhausting pace. In fact, their energies were renewed. To counter the preacher's opposition to the saints, pope, con­ fession, and the monastic life, the women studied and delved more deeply into Scripture and the works of the church fath­ ers. They read the apologies of Luther's opponents, particu­ larly the writings of the Franciscan, Caspar Schatzgeyer. Throughout these trying days, when Charitas resisted the moves to close her house, Willibald provided the women of St. Clare with advice, offered shelter In his home or trans­ portation to other convents should they be driven from their cloister. Clara's letters, which complained about the dis­ missal of the Franciscan confessor and preacher, the reformer's Inconsistent words and harsh attacks against the church and the nuns, the use of a German Mass, the accusations and rumors of Immorality and sinfulness In the nunnery, the hostile mobs circling the convent grounds, the destruction of cloister goods and property, and the disloyalty of Ntftzel, disturbed Willi­ bald. Alarmed at the rude and rough treatment given the wo­ men, Plrckheimer lashed out at Osiander, calling him "a priest without experience" and at Lazarus Spengler, the city secre­ tary, as "a proud secretary without honor."^2 Finally, he petitioned Philip Melanchthon (1 4 9 7-1 5 6 0) to Intervene on the

^Spltz, German Humanists, p. 184. 16^ side of the nuns. In the letter to Melanchthon, Willibald explained that the conduct of the council and the preachers was oppressive, not to mention unchristian and Inconsistent with evangelical liberty--that their words did not suit their actions. He continued The preachers scream, curse, rage, leave no stone unturned in order to excite the hatred of the masses against the poor nuns; they say, indeed, if words do not avail, they must use force. It Is, in fact, a wonder that the convent has not been long ago plundered and destroyed, so sedulously has this fiendish hatred been deliberately nourished.^3

In November, 1525t Melanchthon came to Nuremberg to establish an academy. While there, Ntttzel secured permission from Charitas to have the reformer visit the convent. The abbess considered Melanchthon a pious, uprighteous, and intel­ ligent man. She correctly assumed that he disapproved of what was permitted to happen in the cloister. In her diary, Chari­ tas expressed her joy at his forthcoming visit. His reputa­ tion as a "lover of justice" she was sure made him sympathe­ tic to the convent's plight.^ Already acquainted with the affairs of the previous months, Melanchthon proceeded to dis­ cuss the faith the nuns followed. His conciliatory nature in contrast to the Nuremberg Lutherans was for Charitas a re­ freshing change. The Christian and classical curriculum in the convent and the nuns' knowledge of Scripture greatly

^3jans3en. History of the German People, p. 76. ^ Denkwurdigkelten. pp. 115-117* impressed the reformer. When he heard that the women placed their faith in the grace of God and not in good works, he acknowledged that salvation within their cloistered life was possible. But he admonished them not to place too much trust in their vows; only on thl3 matter did they disagree. Yet he never compelled the nuns to renounce their vows. Repulsed by the council and the preachers' coerslve tactics, he told the men present at the visitation of the convent that they had committed a grave injustice.^ The nuns, he informed the council, built their lives on Christ, knew the pure and simple Word of God, and kept a sincere faith, albeit not the true one. Assured of the "true beliefs" of the nuns, he asked the magistracy to permit them to remain In the old faith and in their cloister. With typical Melanchthonian moderation, he urged the council to allow the Clares to live their lives in peace but to prevent the return of the friars and entrance of new members.

4^bid.( pp. 131-132 CHAPTER V Conclusion

The conflict of 1525 between the convent and the council was merely not a segment of the Reformation in Nuremberg but a chapter in the "waning of the middle ages." It was a struggle which represented the best of the "past" meeting the best of the "present." The city council was not removing a decrepit religious community from its envir­ onment, but a cloister that lived according to the standards expounded by the early sixteenth-century reformers, in par­ ticular, Erasmus of Rotterdam. Instead of using the convent as an example for other religious in the city to follow, the council set out to destroy it. And thus it encounters the resourceful actions of the abbess, Charitas Pirckheimer. The story has been told and made more understandable by look­ ing into the sources of the abbess' spirituality. Her be­ havior and the roots of her strength stemmed from the tra­ ditions of her order, mysticism, the devotlo moderna.and the concept of imitatlo. Charitas had been taught to follow in the footsteps of St. Clare of Assisi and was, therefore, predisposed to act In a certain fashion. Because she was psychologically conditioned to Imitate the foundress of the order, she entered the conflict with the council in the hope of saving her convent. X66 167 Although the Nuremberg council ultimately succeeded In dissolving the cloister of St. Clare in 1590, sixty-five years after the reformation of the city, the Clares were also successful in that they never left their cloister. For as long as they lived they kept the traditions of their order alive In Nuremberg. Doomed to dissolution, this com­ munity, nonetheless, continued to represent the finest tra­ ditions of medieval monastlcism in a reformed city. Unfor­ tunately, the secluded world of Charitas Pirckheimer and the Poor Clares in Nuremberg has been largely ignored. This may be due to the religiosity that embodied their lives, yet it is the piety that surrounded their life style that helps explain why they acted as firmly against the council's de­ mands to convert them to Lutheranism and to disband their cloister. It was the nuns' state of mind, molded by the religious life they led and endowed with a mixture of mysticism and Christian humanism, that provided them with the unshake- able conviction of the righteousness of their cause. Their life was a striving toward perfection; an attempt to achieve sainthood. Thus, in seeking to acquire sainthood, they adopted, emulated, and strove to possess the characteristics of saintliness. Their best example, aside from Christ, was the foundress of the order. They had become Poor Clares be­ cause they were attracted to the spiritual life St. Clare of Assisi had set down for her followers, and which was ultl- mately the way Clare had lived her own life.

When the Nuremberg Clares were urged and compelled to leave the world they had known, It was this "faith-state" that provided them with the strength of soul, mind, and body to stand firm against the city council.* If they had acquiesced, their entire existence would have been worthless. But in having been reared to strive toward perfection and to suffer hardships for the sake of God, the church, and the order, they could not have acted otherwise. This does not mean to imply that these Clares were religious fanatics. They practiced a moderate and prudent mysticism. Their rule and regulations bound them to obey a conventional form of piety that guarded them from dangerous excesses of worship. The Nuremberg Clares reMd the works of Jean Gerson, which ex­ pounded moderation and the virtue of discretion in devotion, especially by those in the contemplative life. Sixtus Tucher, humanist, mystic, and friend of the Clares, had often warned Charitas of the great dangers of unmitigated fasting and

praying. 2 Even St. Clare of Assisi, in her letters to Agnes of Prague, advised her sisters against religious extrava­ gances. 3 Although Charitas fasted more rigorously than the

*William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (New York: New American Library of World Literature, 195tij, pp. 212-216. An excellent psychological study that describes how individuals of like-disposition react toward sainthood and the trials in their lives. ^See above pp. 47-48. ^Ignatius Brady, ed., The Legend and Writings of Saint Clare of Assisi (New York: The Franciscan Institute, 1953), pp. 133-1W. 169 others, when she became abbess, she was not conspicuous for a fanatical reverence toward fasting. She was warned re­ peatedly by Tucher to eat meat but her letters have not sur­ vived to reveal If she obeyed him. Still, Charitas lived to be sixty-six years old, so it is questionable whether she could have survived that long as a fanatical ascetic, which she was not. She and the Clares observed the rule; they ate one full meal a day and the other two repasts did not equal one full meal. Pood, though not luxurious, was provided in sufficient quantity to maintain health. Moderation and discretion were practiced at this con­ vent.. Once again It was the rule which checked dangerously Irregular asceticism. Their life was rigidly structured with a prescribed time for prayer, manual labor, study, and recreation. Clarine asceticism did not aim at ecstasies, raptures, private revelations, or self immolation; its pur­ pose was simply to please, honor, and glorify God. And visitors to the Nuremberg cloister, prior to the reformation of the city, were always impressed with the happiness and joy of the sisters. Three saintly features, dominant In the spiritual exercises of St. Clare, seem pronounced In the Nuremberg Clares, and thus tend to account for their energetical op­ position toward the council and the evangelicals. They weres one, the sense of God's presence among them; two, a strength of soul so intense that their fears and anxieties left them, thus permitting the virtues of patience and fortitude to 170 become pronounced In their everyday lives; and, three, charity— love of their enemies.^ By sensing God's unfail­ ing presence, the nuns experienced a repose and calmness, which drove away all fear of what could befall them. As the approaching peasant armies threatened their personal safety In March, 1525, the nuns demonstrated a constant and confi­ dent sense of security against this terror. They did not seek the council's protection, which they had a legal right to demand by virtue of the privilege of protection Charles V

had reconfirmed in 1 5 2 1 .^ in the name of the emperor, the council was to provide the Clares with protection, as it had done since 1279. This time-honored privilege was now In jeopardy because Niitzel, the guardian of the convent, had Informed the Clares that the council would not protect them In the event of an attack on the city by the peasants. In fact, Niitzel blamed the nuns for the peasants' anger, for it was their presence and Insistence on remaining in the old faith that endangered the peace of the entire community. The Clares were not without friends. They had the support of Willibald Pirckheimer, who was willing to house

^James, Religious Experience, pp. 216-217. 5johannes Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer, Sin Frauenleben lm Zeltalter des Humanismus und der Reformation (Bamberg: Verlagshaus Meisenbach, 1546), p. 93. Hereafter cited as Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer. 171 them in his house or send them to his sister Sabina, who wanted to shelter the women in her Benedictine cloister at Bergen. For these two concerned individuals, the Clares were deeply grateful. At least they had.a place of refuge in case their cloister was plundered. Nevertheless, the women real­ ized that God's love did not assure them of physical safety. If harm befell them, they would bear it for it was His will. They did not seek.martyrdom, but if a catastrophe occurred it would be viewed as a blessing. At the same time, the nuns surrendered to what they believed to be God's will by accept­ ing their plight as a suffering and a sacrifice for their sins. As a form of atonement, they had withstood the hatred of the mob, the caustic verbal abuse of the preachers, and the harassments of the council. In addition to the Clarine tradition of undergoing the physical sufferings sent by God, the strength of these women was also derived from that hard­ core, uncompromising Catholicism that sav; life on earth as no more than a passage to a higher bliss. In the words of Chari­ tas, It matters not whether we suffer shame, outrage, or slander for our Saviour Christ has already suffered far more than us; His innocence for our guilt; His justice for our in­ justices; He is to be praised and honored so that He will come again... for He alone is the One whose grace and compassions are eternal. We would even more gladly gain Heaven by the sweet rather than by the bitter path, if it were possible, but because .. . the Lord Christ teaches us to take up 172 our cross and. follow Him, we are well content to remain in the state to which we are called...Not man but God will judge, before whom all must wait... Christ tells us we should condemn no one if we would not be condemned ourselves.° Charitas did not condemn the council for its adoption of the new teaching. Therefore, in return, she did not expect it to condemn the Clares for remaining with the old faith. The convent simply preferred to wait until the church made a definite statement on matters of faith. In many of her letters and in sections of her memoirs,

Charlta3 stated that she and the sisters forgave, and asked God to forgive, the members of the council and the reformers for what they had done to them; they also prayed for the sal­ vation of their souls. These virtues of charity and broth­ erly love flowed naturally from their certainty of God's presence. They merely followed Christ’s precept to love their enemies, to bless those that cursed them, to do good to those that hated them, and to pray for those who used and persecuted them, for they were all the children of God.7 Charitas and the sisters had known the leaders of the government all their lives. Perhaps the Niitzels, Ebners, Tetzels, and Geuder’s hoped that the friendship, love, and trust they had developed with the women would suffice to

^Sigmund Beale, "The World of Charitas Pirckheimer." Review of Religion (Indiana, 1951)j Vol. 15, 140. 7Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer, pp. 92-93* 173 convince them to their way of thinking. But herein lay a

weakness of the magistrates. They failed to recognize what

it meant to be a contemplative Poor Clare. What they saw

were their daughters, sisters, aunts, cousins, and nieces.

To these unfortunate "children of satan," as they called

them, the councillors presented a strong and united front

for what they believed to be in the best interest of their

loved ones. However, when differences arose, the council

reacted indecisively; it threatened and tried to bluff the

women into submission but it never evicted them or expelled

the abbess from the city. There was nothing to stop the

magistracy from doing this for it had acted decisively with

the monks without experiencing the wrath of the emperor, the

bishop of Bamberg, or the Catholic princes. and some of the

monks were as respected in the city and in the empire as was

Charitas; others were sons of councillors and well known

patricians. Although the council desired the disestablish­

ment of the cloister for political, economic, social, and

religious reasons, it hesitated to enforce its will where

the women were concerned. V/hen the council ordered the

nuns to change their habits to street clothing, to place a

window above the grille to allow visitors to see them, to permit parents to remove their daughters, the end result was

not a mass exit from the cloister. Instead, Charitas firm­

ly informed the representatives of the council that these demands were an infringement on their Christian freedom and that the council had no authority to change or introduce 174 fnovelties' into the internal structure of the order. Such an unexpected rebuff caught the men off guard. They had not expected these women to resist. What the council did not reckon with was that the Clares, upon entering the cloister, were taught to renounce their human love of friends and relatives for the complete love of God, When the Clares became professed nuns, they prostrated themselves before the altar in renunciation of all earthly ties with their families and friends. The four vows of perpetual poverty, chastity, obedience, and enclo­ sure bound them to remain in the same cloister for life and to obey their religious superiors with humility in all things to give up private property, to cut themselves off from all relations with people, even their own families. As the hand maids of the Lord, they loved God first; then the church His son had established. God was loved to the extent that all creatures were forgotten. However, from this love of God flowed their love of the world and those within it, but from a distance. Allegiance to parents came after allegiance to God, the church, and the order. One important principle St, Clare of Assisi struggled continually to obtain was the dependence of the Second Order of St. Francis on the First Order. In 1247t the papal bull of Innocent IV, Cum omnis, determined the Franciscan origin of the Poor Clares. Thus, the Clares became an Integral part of the Franciscan family and were subject to the Jurisdiction 175 of S t , Francis’ successors. But when the Nuremberg council forcefully released the Franciscans of their obligations to

the Clares in 1525j it in effect destroyed the bond of unity / between the two orders. Just .as St. Clare had once refused to permit secular priests to serve the spiritual needs of her convent^ Charitas also refused to accept evangelicals as the religious directors of her cloister. Rather than deny their Franciscan heritage, the Nuremberg Clares preferred to have no one minister to them. After Georg Coherer stopped preach­ ing to the Clares for reasons of health in December 1525, no one replaced him. In 1527* however, the council hoped to reinstate Coberer in that position but Charitas, speaking for all the Clares, told the council that Coherer's contradictory sermons would only strengthen their loyalty to the old faith and increase their opposition to Lutheranism.5 It must have been ralL^r embarrassing for Casper Niitzel, the guardian of the cloister, and Lazarus Spengler, ■* secretary of the council, long-time friends of the convent, when the nuns and Charitas unequivocally denied to support the Lutheran movement. For the two men, this signaled the end of a cordial relationship. In spite of this, the cloister never wavered in its respect for the offices these men held within the government or for the secular authority of the council.

% e e above pp. 1 2 -1 3 . 9Klst, Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 9^- It Is conceivable that these two prominent proponents of the reformation in Nuremberg presumed that Charitas, whom they regarded as an Intelligent woman and a fellow humanist, would be sympathetic to the Lutheran Reformation as they and other humanists understood and interpreted the movement. Unfor­ tunately, they were incorrect in assuming that the humanist in her would draw her to the Reformation. To Charitas, Christian humanism meant studying the Christian sources to enhance the honor and glory of God within the monastic life and within the church that had sanctioned monasticism as a valid expression of religious asceticism. She realized the benefits of reform and was willing to submit the convent to a visitation of religious superiors and councillors. If she could not control Internal abuses. But abuses did not exist in the cloister, as was evident in the yearly visitations since 1^50 th which the council participated. Granted other communities needed reform but the answer, she believed, was not to be found in the destruction of monasticism. Charitas interpreted the council's actions as an attempt to overthrow all existing ecclesiastical institutions. This was not re­ form as she understood It but a political ploy to control the church. Philip Melanchthon's visit in November, 1525* merely halted the outwardly harsh treatment of the women by the council. True, he abhored the harassment the council per­ mitted others to inflict on the nuns, and rebuked the council's 177 inaction and use of force to compel people to believe what was against their conscience. Melanchthon even maintained that in matters offeith, parents could not be responsible for the dictates of children's conclence. 10 In having re­ moved their daughters against their wills, the mothers committed a grievous sin. But the end result of Melanch- thon's policy was the same as the council's--the dissolution of the convent. Only his method to accomplish this was different and time-consuming. Charitas was convinced that Melanchthon's visit helped ease the situation for the nuns. The mob diminished in size and became less disruptive, the guardian began to resume his duties as financial caretaker of the cloister and its properties, and the council refrain­ ed from using brutal tactics. The magistracy no longer de­ manded the women’s conversion to the new teaching. Period­ ically, the nuns were verbally attacked in the council cham­ ber and in the pulpits but for the most part they were left alone. Only Caspar Schatzgeyer worked to reinstate the sacranlents and the Franciscans, the celebration of the mass, and the entrance of new members for the Nuremberg Clares. He kept Duke William of Bavaria informed of the women's dilemma, who, in turn, notified King Ferdinand I (1503-1564)•

^Joseph Pfanner, ed., Die Penkwurdigkeiten der Caritas Pirckheimer (Landshut: Solanus-Druck, 1 9 6 2 ), pp. 131-132. 178 At Ferdinand's coronation on February 4, 1527, Nuremberg's two ambassadors were told of the king's displeasure with

the council's treatment of the Clares. Beyond this admon­ ishment, Ferdinand did very little for the women. The material well-being of the nunnery bore heavily on the shoulders of the abbess. Although NUtzel tried to be responsible for the financial welfare of the Clares, he could not bring himself to pressure the peasants, living on the estates of the convent, to pay their rents, or to force those who had borrowed money from the cloister to pay the interest on their loans.^ This was all the more difficult when the council itself was a prime offender, for it had 12 borrowed more than fifteen-hundred gulden from the Clares, The cloister buildings were in need of repair, but without funds it was impossible to care for them. In 1530# Killian Leib, a close friend of Charitas, recounted the hardships of the Nuremberg Clares to Charles V. As a result, the emperor sent fifty golden crowns to the convent. By using a more subtle form of pressure, the council continued to aggravate the women's situation. According to Johannes Kist, the council tried "to tax them to death" by doubling the tax on "drink. 11 -^Although the Clares had been

•^Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer. p. 52. l2johannes Kist, Das Klarissenkloster in Nurnberg bis zum Beglnn des 16. Jahrhunderts (Nurnberg: Druck, Sebaldus-Verlag), pp. Hereafter cited as Kist, Das Klarissenkloster. 13Ibid.. p. 9 3 . 179 freed from any form of taxation by Imperial decree, the city, which previously guarded the cloister from the taxa­ tion of others, now refused to honor the validity of imperial freedoms from taxation. Repeated requests by the Clares to lift the taxes had no success. The most the council did was to let the bills stand unpaid. This did not serve the

interests of the cloister for in 1528 its tax debt was over one hundred and fifty gulden. Besides this, Charitas found it almost impossible to provide merely the older nuns with a daily ration of beer or wine. This troubled her greatly but the nuns told her they would prefer to eat and drink bread and water if it meant living in the cloister together for the rest of their lives. Because of the opposition of the nuns, the council could not completely establish the "new order,” which it felt was absolutely necessary for harmony and peace within the city. And day by day Charitas saw more clearly that she and her sisters represented a lost cause. The end of the convent wa3 a question of time. As the years went by, death diminished the number of nuns which were not replaced with young postulants. Ironically, the council Justified its decision not to permit new members by stating the contents of Sixtus IV1s bull, Sincere devoclonis affectus, which gave the council permission to control the number of women in the cloister.

3-**Ibid., pp. 186-187 180 In the fall of 1527* rumors spread that the nuns were ready to accept the new teaching but that the power of the

abbess prevented the others from accomplishing this task. On All Saints Day, the council sent five representatives into the

i i'1 ' cloister, to ask each sister if she had any complaints and to determine her position on matters of faith. The negotiations caused a disturbance because the nuns refused to meet indivi­ dually with the magistrates. Sigmund Furer, who headed the delegation, then commanded Charitas to free the women of their vows but she refused. Finally, the councillors had to feel comfortable dealing with the whole community and with the fact that Charitas represented the Interests of the cloister in the name of the sisters. It was the council, she stated, that denied the sacraments to the dying, pastoral care to the convent, and their familial ties with the Franciscans. Furer wa3 unable to answer her arguments. All he could say was that she intim­ idated the others. Fearing that the councillors might spite­ fully proceed with their mission, Charitas granted them per­ mission to speak with each sister, but in the presence of a second nun as a witness. In the nave of the church, the nuns answered the questions presented to them. After thirty-nine women complained about the extremism of the preachers and the violations of their rights by the council while expressing satisfaction with their life In the convent, the councillors 181 IS halted the Interrogation. It was obvious that all the nuns would say the same things. In her memoirs, Charitas asked God to protect the convent from such visitations for the nuns derived no spiritual consolation "from these men." The monks, she continued, came once a year but "this plague" was con­ stant In November, 1528, the Margrave of Brandenburg decided to institute Lutheranism in all the parishes in his domain. Only the pastor of the church at Regelsbach, Lorenz Volker, refused to comply. Because the Clares had the right of patron­ age over this parish, the Margrave went to the Nuremberg coun­ cil to have It ask the women to order the pastor to submit to an examination of his faith. Although the Clares refused to grant the Margrave his wish, Volker was examined but gave the appearance of having accepted the new faith. Later, when word reached the Margrave that Volker used the old forms of service, the Clares were instructed to appoint a new preacher. The nuns, however, had no Interest in assigning that office to a reformer so the council took it upon itself to allow the Mar- 17 grave to fill the office with an evangelical preacher. ' a s a result-, the convent lost its right of patronage over the parish of Regelsbach.

l^staatsarchiv Nurnberg, Ratsbucher 14, 101. See also Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 95/ and Denkwurdigkeiten. pp. 144-147.

^ Denkwurdlgkelten. p. 147.

ITKist, Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 9 6. 182 Another unpleasant affair occurred In June 1529. The servant of Andreas Oslander delivered a derogatory poem against the preachers In the city to Hans Glockengiesser, a neighbor of the convent. Supposedly, the letter was writ­ ten by an Othmar Westerberger, who asked Glockengiesser to give the poem to the nuns. Upon receiving this note, Chari­ tas Immediately reported its contents to the council on June 23, 1529, denying the convent*s involvement In the in­ cident.Glockengiesser maintained that he was an Innocent bystander and did not know an Othmar Westerberger. In fact, no one knew of such an Individual. The person responsible for the letter, perhaps intentionally, could not be found. The Clares, however, suspected that Osiander had perpetrated the entire affair. One happy interlude in these disappointments was the celebration of Charitas1 silver jubilee. Christmas, 1528, marked twenty-five years of service as abbess. None of her predecessors had served so long or led the community during such difficult times. Her wisdom and diplomacy In dealing with the council and her attentlvcness to the needs of the women created a bond of unity never before equalled in the cloister. Therefore, It was understandable that the Clares wanted to do something special for their "beloved mother

iSjoseph Pfanner, ed., Brief von, an und uber Caritas Pirckheimer (Landshut: Solanus-Druck, 196b), p. 13*4. Hereafter cited as Briefe. 183 superior." On March 25, 1529, the festivities took place. Willibald provided wine and silver plates for the table.

His two married daughters sent food and drink; unfortunately,

sickness prevented Willibald from personally participating in the jubilee. In a letter to her father, Katherine Pirckheimer described the events of the day. Early in the morning the women, in single file went to the cell of the abbess carrying burning candles. The prioress, her dearest friend, Appolonia Tucher, placed a crown of flowers on her head. In procession they entered the choir singing Regina Mundl. For the first time during these troubled years, Charitas shed not tears of sorrow but tears of joy. The Clares began the day by recit­ ing the office and singing the songs for the mass of the day. Then Charitas lifted the monstrance containing the Holy Sacra ment. Katherine told her father that at that moment the sis­ ters felt as if they had actually received communion. Chari­ tas sat in a chair in front of the altar while each sister, from the oldest to the youngest, hugged and kissed her. The women renewed their vows to remain faithful to each other, the church, the order, and to live in the cloister until they died. To each sister, the abbess gave a small ring as a sign of their marriage to Christ. She believed they deserved these rings for their faith and trust in His love. Christ had chosen them, the infirmed and poor of the world to humble the strong, and they had not failed Him. But they could not 18 4 take credit for their steadfastness for it was their Spouse who supplied them with the grace of the Holy Spirit to per­ severe. Although it was not the custom of this particular community of Poor Clares to wear rings, she justified it by stating that an inner force compelled her to reward them for their obedience. Charitas also told them how she saved "little coins" for several years in order to have them melted into rings for them; only the keeper of the gate had shared this secret.^9 The sisters honored the abbess with a prayerbook they 20 had carefully copied and embellished. In it were her favorite prayers, which stand as a testimony to a conquering piety and a strong devotion to the life of Christ and St. Clare of Assisi. So much had happened in twenty-five years. She realized the future would not change the plight of the convent. But that the women were permitted to live out their lives in the nunnery afforded some consolation. Great satis­ faction did come from knowing that the convent had many friends in the city and the countryside. Particularly inter­ ested in the fate of the cloister were the relatives of Felicltas Grundherr, Christoph Scheurl, nephew of Appolonia Tucher, and Killian Leib, the prior of the church at Rebsdorf.

^ ibld. , pp. 240-242. 20Joseph Pfanner„ ed., Das Gebetbuch der Caritas Pirckheimer (Landshut: Solanus-Druck, 1^61}, pp. . 185 These friends sent desperately needed money, food, and drink. Killian Leib, in addition, advised the sisters from afar. His exchange of letters with the abbess furnished friendship, compassion, and spiritual guidance.But the strongest support came from Willibald Pirckheimer. Whenever the convent became embroiled with the council or the preachers, Charitas turned to her brother. Willibald's last deed for the nuns of St. Clare was his defense of the cloistered life in 1530. The major theme of his apology was that those who possessed the true Christ­ ian faith could, on the basis of that faith, lead true Christian lives inside as well as outside the walls of a con­ vent. ^ On December 22, 1530, Willibald died unexpectedly. In him Charitas lost a loving and devoted brother; the convent a true friend. What he had meant to the cloister became more evident in its struggle with the council. While he lived, the council acted cautiously toward the Clares. From this point on, its opposition increased. For example, in January, 1532, the abbess received strict orders to refrain from dis­ cussing the internal and external affairs of the convent with anyone without first obtaining permission from the council to do 3 0 . On March 1 8, 1532, delegates from the magistracy

glBrlefe, pp. 135-136. 22Lewls W. Spitz, The Religious Renaissance of the German Humanist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 19b3), pp. 187-189." Cf. Briefe, pp. 2 8 7-3 0 3. ^Kist, Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 103* 186 demanded from Charitas a record of all the convent's pos­ sessions. The report was to include the yearly income re­ ceived from its property from the time the convent was established in 1240. The councillors stressed that this in­ ventory was to enable them to protect the cloister more effectively; that it was not an attempt to deprive them of their possessions. Charitas pointed to the fact that this was an unusual request because the council had always been per­ mitted to inspect the financial registers. Nonetheless, the delegates now wanted a facsimile of all the records. This last humiliation which Charitas accepted took several weeks to complete for rhere were several hundred statements to copy.24 Weakened by frequent sickness, death must have come as a welcomed release on August 19* 1532. The necrology described the event: Within the octave of the feast of St. Clare a mirror of spirituality and a lover of virtue died simply and quickly. She had experienced great sorrows and fears but she had led the convent against the new teaching, and gave consolation and motherly love to her sisters.2-3 The sorrow which seized the convent speaks for itself in a note of an unknown nun:

2^Ibld., p. 103

25ibld., p. 103 187 She provided much help and fought for us in a knightly fashion. She remained faithful against all heresy until the end, May God grant her eter­ nal reward. There is no way to de­ scribe what she did for us; she did not succeed in saving the convent in the storm of division but for this we have no less respect for her. Just as a captain, when overpowered by the enemy, sinks with his ship, so it is that she was victorious in her defeat. Forty nuns remained. Clara Pirckheimer became abbess but died six months later. Katherine followed her aunts as abbess and, ironically, was the last Poor Clare nun to die on January 14, 1563. The convent, however, was not claimed by the city un­ til 1590 because nuns from the cloisters in the countryside were permitted to live in the nunnery when war ravaged their houses during the latter half of the sixteenth century.

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