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Environment Scan – 20 Jul 2015
ENVIRONMENT SCAN – 20 JUL 2015 CHINA Col C Madhwal, VSM China has Urged the Philippines to Remove a Ship which Serves as a Military Outpost in the Disputed South China Sea. Filipino soldiers wave from the dilapidated Sierra Madre ship of the Philippine Navy as it is anchored near Ayungin shoal (Second Thomas Shoal) in the Spratly group of islands in the South China Sea, west of Palawan, Philippines China on Wednesday condemned the Philippines for doing repairs to a rusting ship it ran aground on a South China Sea reef, demanding Manila remove the vessel while adding that Beijing "reserved the right to take further measures". The Foreign Ministry did not elaborate on those measures in a statement that called Manila the "real regional trouble maker" for reinforcing the ship, which has sat on Second Thomas Shoal since 1999. The wording of the warning mirrors what China has said in the past when it's particularly angry with other countries. The Philippine navy had been using wooden fishing boats and other small craft to move cement, steel and welding equipment to the BRP Sierra Madre since late last year for repair work aimed at stopping the ship from breaking apart. Manila regards Second Thomas Shoal, which lies 105 nautical miles (195 km) southwest of the Philippine region of Palawan, as being within its 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone. China, which claims virtually all the South China Sea, says the reef is part of its territory Conflicting claims in the South China Sea The 100 meter-long (330-foot) BRP Sierra Madre, a tank landing ship, was built for the U.S. -
Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression for More Information on This Publication, Visit
C O R P O R A T I O N MICHAEL J. MAZARR, JOE CHERAVITCH, JEFFREY W. HORNUNG, STEPHANIE PEZARD What Deters and Why Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3142 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0397-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: REUTERS/Kyodo Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project entitled What Deters and Why: North Korea and Russia, sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. -
China Launches First Home-Made Amphibious Assault Ship — P. 4
www.rsis.edu.sg September 2019 A Monthly Maritime Bulletin and Perspectives of the Maritime Security Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies MINDEF Singapore Naval Development and Policy: China launches first home-made amphibious assault ship — p. 4 Maritime Safety and Security: Inaugural AUMX Exercise Seeks to Deepen U.S.-ASEAN Maritime Cooperation — p. 6 Shipping, Ports, and the Maritime Economy: Singapore, China tie-up to ease sea port clearance with the use of e-certificates — p. 8 Broader Horizons — September 2019 1 Table of Contents NAVAL DEVELOPMENT AND POLICY 4 China launches first home-made amphibious assault ship 4 Taiwan Navy missile boat program delayed due to lack of funds 4 Russia offers to build six submarines under inter-government agreement with India 4 US Navy deploys new ship-killer missile to China’s backyard 4 Tweet May Have Inadvertently Revealed India’s Next-Gen Nuclear Weapons Platform With Global Reach 4 First sub to carry Poseidon underwater nuke drone to begin sea trials in 2020 4 China and Thailand sign shipbuilding agreement for Type 071E LPD 5 China To Help Bangladesh Build Submarine Base, Senior Official Says 5 How to Seize Islands, Set Up a Forward Refueling Point: Marine Corps Recipes for Expeditionary Operations 5 U.S. destroyer sails in disputed South China Sea amid trade talks 5 China’s CSIC Lays Keel for Royal Thai Navy’s First S26T Submarine 5 SDF, U.S. Army stage first drill using missiles to avert sea attack 5 No attack weapons deployed on N. Korea's Hambak Island in Yellow -
The Views Expressed in This Presentation Are the Personal Opinion of the Author and Do Not Necessarily Represent the Position of the Philippine Government
Justice Antonio T. Carpio The views expressed in this presentation are the personal opinion of the author and do not necessarily represent the position of the Philippine Government. China’s 9-dashed Lines China’s new “national boundaries” under the 9-dashed lines Macclesfield Bank Nine-dashed Lines Map Submitted by China to UN in 2009 China did not explain the legal basis for the dashes. The dashes had no fixed coordinates. In 2013, China released a new map of China, adding a 10th dash on the eastern side of Taiwan. In its 2013 map, China claims the 10 dashed lines are its “national boundaries” without explaining the legal basis or giving the fixed coordinates for the dashes. The 2013 China map was published by SinoMaps Press, under the jurisdiction of China’s State Bureau of Surveying and Mapping. This means the 2013 Map is an official Chinese government map. In its Note Verbale of June 7, 2013 to China, the Philippines stated it "strongly objects to the indication that the nine- dash lines are China's national boundaries in the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea.” China’s New Map with 10 dashes (2013) Printed in a 1947 map, China’s 9-dashed lines have no fixed coordinates. Originally 11 dashes, two dashes in the Gulf of Tonkin were removed in 1950 without explanation. In 2013, one dash was added east of Taiwan. The new 2013 China map, with 10 dashed lines, is printed by SinoMaps Press. What is the Effect of China’s “National Boundaries” under the 9-dashed Lines? The Philippines loses about 80% of its EEZ facing the West Philippine Sea, including the entire Reed Bank and part of the Malampaya gas field. -
The South China Sea Arbitration Case Filed by the Philippines Against China: Arguments Concerning Low Tide Elevations, Rocks, and Islands
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Xiamen University Institutional Repository 322 China Oceans Law Review (Vol. 2015 No. 1) The South China Sea Arbitration Case Filed by the Philippines against China: Arguments concerning Low Tide Elevations, Rocks, and Islands Yann-huei SONG* Abstract: On March 30, 2014, the Philippines submitted its Memorial to the Arbitral Tribunal, which presents the country’s case on the jurisdiction of the Tribunal and the merits of its claims. In the Memorial, the Philippines argues that Mischief Reef, Second Thomas Shoal, Subi Reef, Gaven Reef, McKennan Reef, Hughes Reef are low-tide elevations, and that Scarborough Shoal, Johnson Reef, Cuarteron Reef, and Fiery Cross Reef are “rocks”, therefore these land features cannot generate entitlement to a 200-nautical-mile EEZ or continental shelf. This paper discusses if the claims made by the Philippines are well founded in fact and law. It concludes that it would be difficult for the Tribunal to rule in favor of the Philippines’ claims. Key Words: Arbitration; South China Sea; China; The Philippines; Low tide elevation; Island; Rock; UNCLOS I. Introduction On January 22, 2013, the Republic of the Philippines (hereinafter “the Philippines”) initiated arbitral proceedings against the People’s Republic of China (hereinafter “China” or “PRC”) when it presented a Note Verbale1 to the Chinese * Yann-huie Song, Professor, Institute of Marine Affairs, College of Marine Sciences, Sun- yet Sen University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan and Research Fellow, Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan. E-mail: [email protected]. -
Escalation and De-Escalation: Approaches to the South China Sea Tensions
Escalation and De-Escalation: Approaches to the South China Sea Tensions Jacqueline Joyce F. Espenilla United Nations – The Nippon Foundation of Japan Fellowship Programme 2016 Disclaimer The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations, The Nippon Foundation of Japan, or the government of the Republic of the Philippines. ABSTRACT The South China Sea dispute is a story of action and reaction. Ever since the Philippine government initiated arbitration under the compulsory dispute settlement provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, China has been behaving in a manner that has unsettled its neighbors and has practically guaranteed the continued volatility of the region. This research steps into this scenario and explores two questions: “What can escalate tensions in the South China Sea to the point of all-out war?” and “How can such an escalation be avoided or mitigated?” The complexity of the situation means that there are no straightforward answers to these questions. This research thus chose to approach the first question by limiting itself to a discussion of two broad categories of China’s escalatory actions: (1) instrumental escalations (e.g. China’s artificial island-building and possible declaration of an Air Defense Identification Zone), and (2) suggestive escalations (e.g. China’s engagement in a spectrum of threats against other South China Sea stakeholders and its conduct of enforcement activities in disputed areas). It asserts that instrumental escalatory acts invite “push back” from other countries, increasing the possibility of misperception and miscalculation during confrontations in disputed areas. -
Bulletin No. 91 The
Bulletin No. 91 Law of the Sea Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea Office of Legal Affairs United Nations Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea Office of Legal Affairs Law of the Sea Bulletin No. 91 United Nations New York, 2017 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the ex- pression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The texts of treaties and national legislation contained in the Bulletin are reproduced as submitted to the Secretariat, without formal editing. Furthermore, publication in the Bulletin of information concerning developments relating to the law of the sea emanating from actions and decisions taken by States does not imply recognition by the United Na- tions of the validity of the actions and decisions in question. IF ANY MATERIAL CONTAINED IN THE BULLETIN IS REPRODUCED IN PART OR IN WHOLE, DUE ACKNOWLEDGEMENT SHOULD BE GIVEN. United Nations Publication ISBN 978-92-1-133855-3 Copyright © United Nations, 2017 All rights reserved Printed at the United Nations, New York ContentS Page I. UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE LAW OF THE SEA Status of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, of the Agreement relating to the Implementation of Part XI of the Convention and of the Agreement for the Implementation of the Provisions of the Convention relating to the Conservation and Management of Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks 1. -
The Republic of the Philippines and U.S. Interests--2014
The Republic of the Philippines and U.S. Interests—2014 Thomas Lum Specialist in Asian Affairs Ben Dolven Specialist in Asian Affairs May 15, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43498 The Republic of the Philippines and U.S. Interests—2014 Summary The United States and the Republic of the Philippines maintain close ties stemming from the U.S. colonial period (1898-1946), the bilateral security alliance bound by the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1951, and common strategic and economic interests. In the past decade, the Philippines has been one of the largest recipients of U.S. foreign assistance in Southeast Asia, including both military and development aid. Many observers say that U.S. public and private support to the Philippines following Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan), which struck the central part of the country on November 8, 2013, bolstered the already strong bilateral relationship. Although the United States closed its military bases in the Philippines in 1992, the two sides have maintained security cooperation. Joint counterterrorism efforts, in which U.S. forces play a non- combat role, have helped to reduce Islamist terrorist threats in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago in the southern Philippines. During the past year, Washington and Manila have held discussions on the framework for an increased, non-permanent U.S. military presence in the Philippines. Since 2012, the Philippines has played a key role in the Obama Administration’s “rebalancing” of foreign policy priorities to Asia, particularly as maritime territorial disputes between China and other claimants in the South China Sea have intensified. The U.S. -
Maritime Issues in the East and South China Seas
Maritime Issues in the East and South China Seas Summary of a Conference Held January 12–13, 2016 Volume Editors: Rafiq Dossani, Scott Warren Harold Contributing Authors: Michael S. Chase, Chun-i Chen, Tetsuo Kotani, Cheng-yi Lin, Chunhao Lou, Mira Rapp-Hooper, Yann-huei Song, Joanna Yu Taylor C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/CF358 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: Detailed look at Eastern China and Taiwan (Anton Balazh/Fotolia). Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Disputes over land features and maritime zones in the East China Sea and South China Sea have been growing in prominence over the past decade and could lead to serious conflict among the claimant countries. -
US-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas
U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas: Background and Issues for Congress Updated September 8, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42784 U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas Summary Over the past several years, the South China Sea (SCS) has emerged as an arena of U.S.-China strategic competition. China’s actions in the SCS—including extensive island-building and base- construction activities at sites that it occupies in the Spratly Islands, as well as actions by its maritime forces to assert China’s claims against competing claims by regional neighbors such as the Philippines and Vietnam—have heightened concerns among U.S. observers that China is gaining effective control of the SCS, an area of strategic, political, and economic importance to the United States and its allies and partners. Actions by China’s maritime forces at the Japan- administered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (ECS) are another concern for U.S. observers. Chinese domination of China’s near-seas region—meaning the SCS and ECS, along with the Yellow Sea—could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. Potential general U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: fulfilling U.S. security commitments in the Western Pacific, including treaty commitments to Japan and the Philippines; maintaining and enhancing the U.S.-led security architecture in the Western Pacific, including U.S. -
South China Sea Timeline 2014
South China Sea Timeline 2014 NISCSS 2015/1/11 January (1) 1 January 2014 The third amendment of the implementation measures for the Fisheries Law of the People's Republic of China in Hainan Province came into force. The measures reassert China’s regulatory authority over relevant waters in the South China Sea. In accordance with the measures, foreigners and foreign fishing vessels must abide by relevant laws and regulations of the People’s Republic of China referring to fisheries, environmental protection, and exit & entry administration and related regulations of Hainan Province and must secure permission to enter the waters within the jurisdiction of Hainan province.1 In a subsequent press conference on January 9, the US State Department interpreted this to be an assertion of regulatory authority over the area within the nine-dash line and called the measure “provocative and potentially dangerous.”2 (2) 16 January 2014 Vietnam received a second diesel-powered 06361 Kilo-class submarine, HQ-183 Ho Chi Minh City, which was made by a Russian navy shipyard located in St. Petersburg. The existing order will send four more submarines to Vietnam in the future.3 February (3) 5 February 2014 Daniel R. Russel, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, said in testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs that any use of the nine-dash line by China to claim maritime rights in the South China Sea would be inconsistent with international law and China should clarify or adjust its nine-dash line claim. 4 (4) 19 February 2014 The fifth round of consultation of the China-Vietnam expert group for low-sensitivity maritime cooperation was held in Hanoi. -
Pacnet Number 28 Apr
Pacific Forum CSIS Honolulu, Hawaii PacNet Number 28 Apr. 10, 2014 The Philippines’ South China Sea Memorial: Sailing into Eventually the Philippine ship entered shallower waters and the Wind by Gregory Poling escaped, delivering long-overdue supplies and troops to replace the garrison at Second Thomas Shoal. Gregory Poling ([email protected]) is a fellow at the Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies at CSIS. This article The incident underscored a lesson that the Philippines originally appeared in “Southeast Asia from Scott Circle” on learned well after Scarborough Shoal: China has no intention April 3, available at http://csis.org/publication/southeast-asia- of compromising on its claims, restricting them to the bounds scott-circle-philippines-south-china-sea-memorial-sailing- of international law, or treating fellow claimants as equal wind). parties to the disputes. On March 30, the Philippines submitted a memorial Despite frequent insistence from Beijing that its claims in detailing its arguments and evidence against China’s nine- the South China Sea are based on international law and dash line and other aspects of Beijing’s South China Sea encompass only the “islands and adjacent waters” within the claims to an arbitration tribunal at The Hague. The 10-volume, nine-dash line, Chinese actions tell a different story. Second nearly 4,000-page document marks a bold step by Manila, and Thomas Shoal is not an island or even a rock. It is a low-tide one that Beijing seems to have believed never would actually elevation that is not subject to any independent territorial happen. The Philippines chose the right course.