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The Views Expressed in This Presentation Are the Personal Opinion of the Author and Do Not Necessarily Represent the Position of the Philippine Government
Justice Antonio T. Carpio The views expressed in this presentation are the personal opinion of the author and do not necessarily represent the position of the Philippine Government. China’s 9-dashed Lines China’s new “national boundaries” under the 9-dashed lines Macclesfield Bank Nine-dashed Lines Map Submitted by China to UN in 2009 China did not explain the legal basis for the dashes. The dashes had no fixed coordinates. In 2013, China released a new map of China, adding a 10th dash on the eastern side of Taiwan. In its 2013 map, China claims the 10 dashed lines are its “national boundaries” without explaining the legal basis or giving the fixed coordinates for the dashes. The 2013 China map was published by SinoMaps Press, under the jurisdiction of China’s State Bureau of Surveying and Mapping. This means the 2013 Map is an official Chinese government map. In its Note Verbale of June 7, 2013 to China, the Philippines stated it "strongly objects to the indication that the nine- dash lines are China's national boundaries in the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea.” China’s New Map with 10 dashes (2013) Printed in a 1947 map, China’s 9-dashed lines have no fixed coordinates. Originally 11 dashes, two dashes in the Gulf of Tonkin were removed in 1950 without explanation. In 2013, one dash was added east of Taiwan. The new 2013 China map, with 10 dashed lines, is printed by SinoMaps Press. What is the Effect of China’s “National Boundaries” under the 9-dashed Lines? The Philippines loses about 80% of its EEZ facing the West Philippine Sea, including the entire Reed Bank and part of the Malampaya gas field. -
The South China Sea Arbitration Case Filed by the Philippines Against China: Arguments Concerning Low Tide Elevations, Rocks, and Islands
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Xiamen University Institutional Repository 322 China Oceans Law Review (Vol. 2015 No. 1) The South China Sea Arbitration Case Filed by the Philippines against China: Arguments concerning Low Tide Elevations, Rocks, and Islands Yann-huei SONG* Abstract: On March 30, 2014, the Philippines submitted its Memorial to the Arbitral Tribunal, which presents the country’s case on the jurisdiction of the Tribunal and the merits of its claims. In the Memorial, the Philippines argues that Mischief Reef, Second Thomas Shoal, Subi Reef, Gaven Reef, McKennan Reef, Hughes Reef are low-tide elevations, and that Scarborough Shoal, Johnson Reef, Cuarteron Reef, and Fiery Cross Reef are “rocks”, therefore these land features cannot generate entitlement to a 200-nautical-mile EEZ or continental shelf. This paper discusses if the claims made by the Philippines are well founded in fact and law. It concludes that it would be difficult for the Tribunal to rule in favor of the Philippines’ claims. Key Words: Arbitration; South China Sea; China; The Philippines; Low tide elevation; Island; Rock; UNCLOS I. Introduction On January 22, 2013, the Republic of the Philippines (hereinafter “the Philippines”) initiated arbitral proceedings against the People’s Republic of China (hereinafter “China” or “PRC”) when it presented a Note Verbale1 to the Chinese * Yann-huie Song, Professor, Institute of Marine Affairs, College of Marine Sciences, Sun- yet Sen University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan and Research Fellow, Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan. E-mail: [email protected]. -
Bulletin No. 91 The
Bulletin No. 91 Law of the Sea Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea Office of Legal Affairs United Nations Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea Office of Legal Affairs Law of the Sea Bulletin No. 91 United Nations New York, 2017 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the ex- pression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The texts of treaties and national legislation contained in the Bulletin are reproduced as submitted to the Secretariat, without formal editing. Furthermore, publication in the Bulletin of information concerning developments relating to the law of the sea emanating from actions and decisions taken by States does not imply recognition by the United Na- tions of the validity of the actions and decisions in question. IF ANY MATERIAL CONTAINED IN THE BULLETIN IS REPRODUCED IN PART OR IN WHOLE, DUE ACKNOWLEDGEMENT SHOULD BE GIVEN. United Nations Publication ISBN 978-92-1-133855-3 Copyright © United Nations, 2017 All rights reserved Printed at the United Nations, New York ContentS Page I. UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE LAW OF THE SEA Status of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, of the Agreement relating to the Implementation of Part XI of the Convention and of the Agreement for the Implementation of the Provisions of the Convention relating to the Conservation and Management of Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks 1. -
Maritime Issues in the East and South China Seas
Maritime Issues in the East and South China Seas Summary of a Conference Held January 12–13, 2016 Volume Editors: Rafiq Dossani, Scott Warren Harold Contributing Authors: Michael S. Chase, Chun-i Chen, Tetsuo Kotani, Cheng-yi Lin, Chunhao Lou, Mira Rapp-Hooper, Yann-huei Song, Joanna Yu Taylor C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/CF358 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: Detailed look at Eastern China and Taiwan (Anton Balazh/Fotolia). Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Disputes over land features and maritime zones in the East China Sea and South China Sea have been growing in prominence over the past decade and could lead to serious conflict among the claimant countries. -
US-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas
U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas: Background and Issues for Congress Updated September 8, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42784 U.S.-China Strategic Competition in South and East China Seas Summary Over the past several years, the South China Sea (SCS) has emerged as an arena of U.S.-China strategic competition. China’s actions in the SCS—including extensive island-building and base- construction activities at sites that it occupies in the Spratly Islands, as well as actions by its maritime forces to assert China’s claims against competing claims by regional neighbors such as the Philippines and Vietnam—have heightened concerns among U.S. observers that China is gaining effective control of the SCS, an area of strategic, political, and economic importance to the United States and its allies and partners. Actions by China’s maritime forces at the Japan- administered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (ECS) are another concern for U.S. observers. Chinese domination of China’s near-seas region—meaning the SCS and ECS, along with the Yellow Sea—could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. Potential general U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: fulfilling U.S. security commitments in the Western Pacific, including treaty commitments to Japan and the Philippines; maintaining and enhancing the U.S.-led security architecture in the Western Pacific, including U.S. -
South China Sea Timeline 2014
South China Sea Timeline 2014 NISCSS 2015/1/11 January (1) 1 January 2014 The third amendment of the implementation measures for the Fisheries Law of the People's Republic of China in Hainan Province came into force. The measures reassert China’s regulatory authority over relevant waters in the South China Sea. In accordance with the measures, foreigners and foreign fishing vessels must abide by relevant laws and regulations of the People’s Republic of China referring to fisheries, environmental protection, and exit & entry administration and related regulations of Hainan Province and must secure permission to enter the waters within the jurisdiction of Hainan province.1 In a subsequent press conference on January 9, the US State Department interpreted this to be an assertion of regulatory authority over the area within the nine-dash line and called the measure “provocative and potentially dangerous.”2 (2) 16 January 2014 Vietnam received a second diesel-powered 06361 Kilo-class submarine, HQ-183 Ho Chi Minh City, which was made by a Russian navy shipyard located in St. Petersburg. The existing order will send four more submarines to Vietnam in the future.3 February (3) 5 February 2014 Daniel R. Russel, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, said in testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs that any use of the nine-dash line by China to claim maritime rights in the South China Sea would be inconsistent with international law and China should clarify or adjust its nine-dash line claim. 4 (4) 19 February 2014 The fifth round of consultation of the China-Vietnam expert group for low-sensitivity maritime cooperation was held in Hanoi. -
Pacnet Number 28 Apr
Pacific Forum CSIS Honolulu, Hawaii PacNet Number 28 Apr. 10, 2014 The Philippines’ South China Sea Memorial: Sailing into Eventually the Philippine ship entered shallower waters and the Wind by Gregory Poling escaped, delivering long-overdue supplies and troops to replace the garrison at Second Thomas Shoal. Gregory Poling ([email protected]) is a fellow at the Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies at CSIS. This article The incident underscored a lesson that the Philippines originally appeared in “Southeast Asia from Scott Circle” on learned well after Scarborough Shoal: China has no intention April 3, available at http://csis.org/publication/southeast-asia- of compromising on its claims, restricting them to the bounds scott-circle-philippines-south-china-sea-memorial-sailing- of international law, or treating fellow claimants as equal wind). parties to the disputes. On March 30, the Philippines submitted a memorial Despite frequent insistence from Beijing that its claims in detailing its arguments and evidence against China’s nine- the South China Sea are based on international law and dash line and other aspects of Beijing’s South China Sea encompass only the “islands and adjacent waters” within the claims to an arbitration tribunal at The Hague. The 10-volume, nine-dash line, Chinese actions tell a different story. Second nearly 4,000-page document marks a bold step by Manila, and Thomas Shoal is not an island or even a rock. It is a low-tide one that Beijing seems to have believed never would actually elevation that is not subject to any independent territorial happen. The Philippines chose the right course. -
Model Maritime Militia: Tanmen's Leading Role in the April 2012
6/28/2016 Model Maritime Militia: Tanmen’s Leading Role in the April 2012 Scarborough Shoal Incident Center for International Maritime Security ASIA-PACIFIC MODEL MARITIME MILITIA: TANMEN’S LEADING ROLE IN THE APRIL 2012 SCARBOROUGH SHOAL INCIDENT APRIL 21, 2016 | ANDREW ERICKSON | LEAVE A COMMENT By Conor M. Kennedy and Andrew S. Erickson This series on the leading maritime militias of Hainan Province began by examining the “rights protection” efforts of Sanya City’s maritime militia, whose exploits have given them a prominent position among the province’s irregular sea forces. Discussions about the Sanya City maritime militia are still ongoing as we watch their development. Next came our evaluation of the historical legacy of Danzhou’s maritime militia, which directly demonstrated the value of irregular forces in naval warfare during the 1974 Paracels Sea Battle. This third installment http://cimsec.org/model-maritime-militia-tanmens-leading-role-april-2012-scarborough-shoal-incident/24573 1/17 6/28/2016 Model Maritime Militia: Tanmen’s Leading Role in the April 2012 Scarborough Shoal Incident in the series is part one of a two-part in-depth look at the maritime militia of Tanmen. Tanmen Fishing Harbor is a small fishing port on the eastern shore of Hainan Island. It is home to one of China’s best-known maritime militia units, the Tanmen Maritime Militia Company (潭门海上民兵连). This irregular force receives disproportionate media coverage stemming largely from its involvement in numerous incidents with foreign actors at sea, most notably the April 2012 Scarborough Shoal Incident between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Philippines. -
Bill No. ___ an ACT IDENTIFYING the PHILIPPINE MARITIME
Bill No. ___ AN ACT IDENTIFYING THE PHILIPPINE MARITIME FEATURES OF THE WEST PHILIPPINE SEA, DEFINING THEIR RESPECTIVE APPLICABLE BASELINES, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES* EXPLANATORY NOTE In a few weeks, the country will mark the 5th year of the Philippines’ victory against China in the South China Sea (SCS) Arbitration. The Arbitral Award declared that China's Nine-Dash Line claim violates the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).1 It declared that the Philippines has an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and Continental Shelf (CS) in the areas of Panganiban (Mischief) Reef, Ayungin (Second Thomas) Shoal and Recto (Reed) Bank, and that Filipino fishermen have traditional fishing rights, in common with Chinese and Vietnamese fishermen, in the Territorial Sea (TS) of Bajo de Masinloc. Yet, the Philippines has remained unable to translate its victory into actual exercise of exclusive sovereign rights over fishing and resource exploitation in its recognized EEZ and CS and traditional fishing rights in the TS of Bajo de Masinloc. This proposed new baselines law seeks to break that impasse Firstly, it identifies by name and coordinates at least 100 features being claimed and occupied by the Philippines. This is an exercise of acts of sovereignty pertaining to each and every feature, consistent with the requirements of international law on the establishment and maintenance of territorial title. Secondly, it adopts normal baselines around each feature that qualifies as a high- tide elevation. This is to delineate the TS of each of said feature. Thirdly, it reiterates continuing Philippine sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction, as appropriate, over these features. -
Press Release
PRESS RELEASE THE SOUTH CHINA SEA ARBITRATION (THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES V. THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA) The Hague, 12 July 2016 The Tribunal Renders Its Award A unanimous Award has been issued today by the Tribunal constituted under Annex VII to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (the “Convention”) in the arbitration instituted by the Republic of the Philippines against the People’s Republic of China. This arbitration concerned the role of historic rights and the source of maritime entitlements in the South China Sea, the status of certain maritime features and the maritime entitlements they are capable of generating, and the lawfulness of certain actions by China that were alleged by the Philippines to violate the Convention. In light of limitations on compulsory dispute settlement under the Convention, the Tribunal has emphasized that it does not rule on any question of sovereignty over land territory and does not delimit any boundary between the Parties. China has repeatedly stated that “it will neither accept nor participate in the arbitration unilaterally initiated by the Philippines.” Annex VII, however, provides that the “[a]bsence of a party or failure of a party to defend its case shall not constitute a bar to the proceedings.” Annex VII also provides that, in the event that a party does not participate in the proceedings, a tribunal “must satisfy itself not only that it has jurisdiction over the dispute but also that the claim is well founded in fact and law.” Accordingly, throughout these proceedings, the Tribunal has taken steps to test the accuracy of the Philippines’ claims, including by requesting further written submissions from the Philippines, by questioning the Philippines both prior to and during two hearings, by appointing independent experts to report to the Tribunal on technical matters, and by obtaining historical evidence concerning features in the South China Sea and providing it to the Parties for comment. -
Section 3: Hotspots Along China's Maritime Periphery
SECTION 3: HOTSPOTS ALONG CHINA’S MARITIME PERIPHERY Key Findings • U.S. presence and alliance commitments have helped main- tain regional stability in Asia. China’s aggressive actions in the East China Sea, South China Sea, and Taiwan Strait threaten principles such as freedom of navigation, the use of international law to settle disputes, and free trade. If Bei- jing continues to increase its control over the East and South China seas, the United States could receive requests for ad- ditional assistance by allies, friends, and partners to improve their capabilities to defend themselves, along with calls for the United States to remain engaged in the region to main- tain security and stability. • With China actively preparing contingency plans for oper- ations against U.S. allies, friends, and partners along Chi- na’s maritime periphery, the United States and China could quickly become involved in a conflict if Beijing escalates. This risk becomes greater depending on the level of tensions as- sociated with any of the following flashpoints: the Korean Peninsula, the South China Sea, the East China Sea, and cross-Strait relations. • Chinese leaders are cautious about letting a crisis escalate into conflict, and Chinese military thinkers study “war con- trol” as a method for limiting the scope of a conflict to mini- mize negative consequences and achieve a victory at minimal cost. However, if Beijing believes the risk of a response to Chinese action is low, China may be tempted to risk brinks- manship to achieve its national objectives. Furthermore, if Beijing is unable to avoid escalation, any crises involving the use of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) create opportuni- ties to widen a crisis into a conflict that results in the use of force. -
Managing Tensions in the South China Sea” Conference Held by CSIS on June 5-6, 2013
This paper was submitted by the author for the “Managing Tensions in the South China Sea” conference held by CSIS on June 5-6, 2013. The views expressed are solely those of the author, and have not been edited or endorsed by CSIS or the Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies. 2 Recent Developments in the South China Sea: Taiwan’s Policy, Response, Challenges and Opportunities Yann-huei Song* “Just as German soil constituted the military front line of the Cold War, the waters of the South China Sea may constitute the military front line of the coming decades.” “The 21st century's defining battleground is going to be on water” and “the South China Sea is the Future of Conflict.” – Robert D. Kaplan1 “Governance of the South China Sea presents challenges. The countries of the region as well as those with interests in these regions must work together to manage and protect these shared ocean spaces for the benefit of present and future generations.” – Jon M. Van Dyke2 Introduction In the light of recent developments in the South China Sea, there is an urgent need for the governments and policy makers of the countries that border this important body of water and other countries that are considered “outsiders” in the South China Sea dispute to take note seriously of the warning and recommendation made by Kaplan and Van Dyke, respectively, in 2011. If not managed well, the possibility for the territorial and maritime disputes in the South China Sea to be erupted into serious armed conflicts cannot be ruled out.