Localizing Sacredness, Difference, and Yachacuscamcani a in Colonial Andean Painting Stella Nair

Nuestra Se?ora de Montserrat stands on a tices and beliefs also became one of windswept pampa way visualizing and in the south-central Andes. This colonial church is built cultural seven early interpreting change. By the latter half of the on the remains of an Inca estate in town imperial royal the of teenth century, indigenous artistsworked fluidly in European Per? as as Chinchero, (Fig. 1). Its plain facade, well the styles and media, transforming European traditions to fit the modest houses of the local masks the Andean context. Francisco Chivan an parishioners, opulence tito, important artist in of what lies within. the massive seventeenth the Cuzco the late exem Just beyond region during seventeenth century, doors are walls made of Inca stones century imperial and plifies this phenomenon. His portrait of the Virgin ofMont colonial adobe bricks with extensive serrat was in nave Spanish along murals, hung the of the church in Chinchero, an and an intricate Even after cen Inca estate that came paintings, Mudejar ceiling. imperial royal under Spanish control turies of neglect, the grandeur of the church's interior testi during the Viceroyalty of Per?.2 fies to its prior significance. At first glance, the iconography of this painting appears to One of the nine paintings, approximately by thirteen feet be strictlySpanish in origin.3 The Virgin of Montserrat is a four the titular saint of the from a venerated (three by meters), depicts parish holy image Catalan, sculpture associated set within an elaborate to landscape (Fig. 2). Dating 1693, with the mountain of Montserrat (Fig. 3).4 It represents a this painting imaginatively represents theVirgin of Montser seated Virgin who holds the Christ Child, both of whom rat, a venerated Catalan in an elaborate scene of an in hands. figure, display orb, opposing In subsequent versions, and in a the are religious figures setting featuring acclaimed the Virgin and Child depicted surrounded by religious Iberian mountain of Montserrat. The most and an intriguing aspect patrons, young music-making acolytes, impressive of this is how it conflates different mountainous to moun composition drastically backdrop (Fig. 4). The references in the universal of the of Montser tains and refer to landscapes space Virgin music the legend that her icon was discov rat's cult. The shows the not ered when music was a cave a painting Virgin foregrounded heard coming from in moun within a but also within an Andean tain called Montserrat. Music became an only Spanish landscape important aspect of one filled with Inca elites, commoners, the of Montserrat's in in indigenous imperial Virgin community Spain. Beginning Inca and a sacred Andean mountain. the thirteenth a school for buildings, century, boys called the escolania The artist and Chinchero native Francisco Chi indigenous taught singing, instrumentation, and composition, and the vantito made the of Montserrat a vibrant a Virgin during very young performers made vital contribution to the basilica and in Andean when services for the and were into her dynamic period painting, indigenous Virgin integrated iconog artists trained in artistic translated local European practices raphy. traditions into their new and The mountain of which came to a works, creating forms, styles, Montserrat, play central artistic This mediation of role practices.1 indigenous European in the iconography associated with this particular Ma traditions visualizes the cross is also to as can pictorial dramatically complex donna, very important Catalan identity, it be cultural that characterized the Andes the seen from most in negotiations during places the region. Therefore, the moun tain of Montserrat in served as not a Spanish occupation. Spain only Christian how both and artistic an By illustrating indigenous European symbol but also emblem of regional identity. Since the were with and transformed in the name Montserrat is derived from the Latin word practices critically engaged meaning Andean context, Chivantito's the "sawed the of a saw was to painting highlights pro mountain," image added her cesses of dislocation and transculturation that characterized in In later or iconography Europe. images, hovering angels that colonial encounter. a careful Through analysis of the the Christ Child (sitting in theVirgin's lap) are shown sawing we will see the intricate and localized in a Elements image, highly ways mountaintop.5 depicting life around the actual which one and contested shrine of as community constructed, construed, Montserrat, such the Benedictine monastery, its in the form of and landscape space, iconography, architecture, pilgrimage routes, hermitages, entered into the saint's and nature. The and as dress, status, deeply meaningful layered iconography well (Figs. 5, 6).6 The Virgin's reputed mira narrative and issues of dif cles turned the one exposes interrogates sacredness, Virgin of Montserrat into of the most and the of traditions. In ference, practice indigenous doing important Marian shrines in Spain. Chivantito's moves so, pictorial narrative both enunciates and Bern?t Boil, a Benedictine friar who was one of the first the colonial encounter. In the it missionaries in the beyond process, presents Americas, transported the Virgin's story one of the few known of local in and likeness to examples landscape painting theNew World. Despite his efforts,along with colonial Latin America. those of the friars and individual patrons, the cult of the Virgin never attained the popularity in the territories that it The of Montserrat in Catalonia and the Andes in Virgin enjoyed Spain.7 This failure is surprising, particularly the colonial in the Andes since some communities the as During period (approximately during Spanish occupation made to commemorate Catholic sociated the 1532-1824), painting prac Virgin Mary with local sacred mountains.8 For ART BULLETIN LXXXIX NUMBER 212 JUNE 2007 VOLUME 2

1 Church of Nuestra Se?ora de Montserrat, Chinchero, Peru, with plaza and niched wall in the foreground (photograph by the author)

on X X 2 Francisco Chivan tito, Virgin ofMontserrat, 1693, oil canvas, 9 13 ft. (3 4 m). Church of Nuestra Se?ora de Montserrat, Chinchero (artwork in the public domain; photograph by Richard L. Kagan)

in the of the south-central was not onto Christian example, highlands Andes, special however, directly mapped iconogra mountains were understood to be historians of in Apus, that is, places phy. As religion the Americas have shown, marked out as sacred and venerated. In mountain ideas and are or addition, practices of sacredness rarely straightforward peaks and unusual rock outcrops (huacas) became sites of easily transferable.9 Chivantito's painting of the Virgin of mass and sacrifice. These sacred Montserrat private devotion, pilgrimage, against her mountainous landscape visualizes this were understood to be of Pachamama of and spaces expressions complex process religious integration, conflict, evolu of a sa tion. ("earth mother"), revealing the Andean association cred female with a venerated mountain. This In the Chinchero we see the standard Montserrat association, painting, A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 213

iconography from Spain with few alterations (Figs. 2, 7). The seated Virgin holds an orb in one hand (fromwhich a flower protrudes) and the Christ Child in another. The Child holds not an orb but a small saw. music and Acolytes playing friars surround the Virgin. God the Father and the Holy Ghost in the form of a dove hover above the Christ Child. On either side of God the Father kneel supplicants, most likely the with Saint In the mountainous Apostles Joseph. landscape central one framing this group, peak is in the process of two scenes are being sawed by angels and additional shown. On the Virgin's right is an idealized pilgrimage scene with crosses and the is chapels dotting mountaintops. On her left the church and main square of Chinchero. This was one of a series painting in the Chinchero church devoted to the life of Mary. Of the remaining paintings from the the of Montserrat is one series, Virgin image the only in or An painted detail, showing multiple scenes, carrying dean references. This series was probably commissioned by Bishop Manuel de Mollinedo y?ngulo, who in 1673 brought with him a large collection of paintings from Europe for copying and distribution among the local churches in the Cuzco To this Mollinedo region.10 encourage dissemination, ordered that each church a series of commission paintings of its we depicting the life titular saint.11 As shall see, the Chinchero painting was most likelybased on a Spanish original.

Andean Copies of European Prints and Paintings Copying originals in the form of prints and sometimes paint has a in a common ings long history Europe and became practice among artists in the colonial New World.12 Artists could use and as to prints paintings models from which copy, either in or in their Because were to part entirety. they easy were transport, moreover, prints often employed in mission 3 La Moreneta (the Virgin of Montserrat) (artwork in the ary work and religious instruction, and with the opening of public domain; photograph by the author) the to Americas Christian evangelization, the demand for Prints were even made prints grew tremendously. specifically as for export to the New World to serve tools in the process of conversion, to be used either directly by priests or as working in Chinchero.16 The central image is of a seated sources of for local artists. one imagery Virgin who, like the in the Chinchero image, holds in Religious authorities in the New World believed that the one hand an orb with a lilyprotruding and in the other hand practice of copying prints enabled local artists to learn the the Christ Child, who holds a saw (Fig. 9). In both paintings traditional and modes of iconography European representa acolytes playing music and kneeling members of the Roman tion that were in the sacred of the Roman Catholic or a order surround the In expected images clergy religious Virgin.17 Catholic faith. It also the some reassurance that the version one of the monks on the gave patrons Santiago only, Virgin's the artists understood the desired outcome of the commis right holds a staff; this detail may signify that a bishop may sioned work. the results as local have been the In both flank the Nonetheless, varied, painters patron.18 versions, angels or even the Eu onto a might respect, reinterpret, effectively reject Virgin and hold her throne with single hand. Flying a of mimesis that is in canvases crown ropean original.13 Through process par angels both the Virgin while the Holy ticular to the colonial in a encounter, indigenous artists copied Ghost the form of dove, God the Father, and the kneel but did not completely replicate European originals.14 It is in ing faithful hover above. Other similarities can be found in this from the that the models the mountainous Both a moun "slippage" original European backdrops. paintings feature became Andean.15 tain with a a standard of landscape angels sawing peak, part That the Montserrat's In Chinchero painting of the Virgin of Montserrat seventeenth-century iconography. addition, derives from a becomes clear when we a scene European archetype the paintings depict pilgrimage to the Virgin's right it with another from the de an and a scene of the church in which the was to compare Iglesia Santiago, painting hung indigenous parish inCuzco (Fig. 8). Also depicting theVirgin the Virgin's left. of this an artist shows a scenes Montserrat, painting by anonymous It is in the background that the similarities between similar is the two end. While the scene and town strikingly iconography and layout.While it undated images pilgrimage and unsigned, a different artist likely painted the Santiago scape are distinct in the Chinchero painting, in the Santiago canvas around the same time that Francisco Chivantito was one the two sections are in clearly joined the background. ART BULLETIN LXXXIX 214 JUNE 2007 VOLUME NUMBER 2

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This variation is just one of many differences indicating that Depicting Chinchero's Built Environment: Architecture, the artists of the two canvases had license to invent in these Space, and Memory sections. Here we to see how the artists used The which are to subsidiary begin background scenes, critical understanding the and architecture to articulate sa the narrative of landscape difference, larger Chivantito's painting, would have been credness, and tradition for their Andean audience. In the legible to itsviewers. Although the painting was hung high in of Montserrat a the Chinchero residents would have made out the Virgin painting, Chivantito devoted larger nave, easily portion of his canvas to the regional church scene than did imposing figure of the Virgin and her mountainous back the artist of the unlike the Given the even the Santiago painting. Furthermore, drop. painting's large size, relatively Chivantito not the church in smaller scenes to con anonymous artist, only depicted flanking would have been visible the In which the painting hung but also dedicated considerable gregants. particular, the architecture of the townscape is detail to the documentation of indigenous life. clearly discernible, suggesting that this aspect of the painting A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 215

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was to con intended be seen?and understood?by the gregants of the colonial church. a a scene was This inclusion of local townscape into larger common in modern in early Europe, particularly religiously themed images. Between 1500 and 1790 CE, city and town views an Richard has constituted important genre. Kagan were discussed the great diversity in the ways cities repre sented in Europe and theAmericas, from the purely generic or views to the more localized sur symbolic "iconic" precise or Most views fell some veys, "topographic descriptions."19 the the where in between, emphasizing either urbs, physical as its urban form and or aspects of the city, such architecture, or In its civitas, its human associations local community. paintings made by local artists in both Europe and theAmer 6 Detail of Fig. 5 seen a to urbs as well icas could be tendency depict both the as a manner was accurate or the civitas in that relatively not such that the local in in is located. One of the most "descriptive" (but documentary), which Chinchero important features of their town and of of the built environment in habitants would easily recognize examples descriptive painting were to As we shall see in Per? is Christi series In community that important them.20 colonial the Corpus (1674-80).21 the town's built and human land in Cuzco were the Chinchero painting, these, specific buildings carefully illustrated, are that to the realities in down to the details of construction in a manner scapes represented in ways spoke materials, to which the residents lived. similar the Chinchero painting. chosen as The right-hand side of this painting portrays the plaza of Yet such paintings only selectively represented church of the urban Chivantito's of the Chinchero, revealing that the exterior, tower, arches, pects landscape. painting not in of Montserrat manifests clear deviations from the plazas, and niched wall have changed significantly the Virgin phys centuries since this was created ical remains. as in the Chinchero several painting (Figs. 1, 10). Descriptive representation, of the is not a mea the artist a certain freedom in While Chivantito's representation city painting, gives visualizing key or of the it succeeds in describ elements of an actual or such that the sured exacting portrait town, place person physical relative and size of its can altered in the but still a ing the placement, shape, materials, reality be image convey strong to is in docu major buildings and public space. The depiction of the resemblance what being depicted. By contrast, us to date most of the the artist is restricted the need to town's built environment permits mentary illustration, by surviving buildings and spaces to the time of the painting's depict exclusively what physically exists. This critical differ or to ence between and execution in 1693 before. This descriptive approach descriptive representation documentary was common to the Cuzco illustration has sometimes been overlooked in the of local townscape especially region study ART BULLETIN LXXXIX 216 JUNE 2007 VOLUME NUMBER 2

7 Virgin ofMontserrat, detailof the center showing the Virgin (artwork in the public domain; photograph by the author)

colonial Andean as if the arrival of the paintings. Reading descriptive images Europeans, meaning that it always had were illustrations has allowed certain fic eleven and that no they documentary niches, Chivantito's eight niches had basis tions to be read as our in This not fact, greatly muddying understanding history.25 compositional change, however, does of Andean and alter one's of the The a painting history.22 reading space. image illustrates finely in order to understand the Chinchero elite Inca niched with Inca niches Therefore, painting, made, wall, trapezoidal we must examine those elements in which Chivan made of dark not carefully masonry blocks, describing but document tito's re painting clearly differs from the contemporary ing the physical remains. The difference in the number mains.23 It is in these areas that we are into the that numerical of the was not given insights implies accuracy niches impor constraints of the as well as the hierarchies tant for the to its painting process painting convey message.26 on the canvas. For in the Chin Other alterations to the environment in being represented example, built the painting chero this limited freedom in can be terms canvas, composition disclose priorities in of which physical aspects to depict seen in the as well as the of in painting of the niched wall that divides the atrium importance spatial relations Andean from the The wall to as sets plaza. is critical the plaza scene, it artistic traditions. One example is in the flattening of the the for the two-tiered atrium and town a stage people and actions before it.The look of the plaza into divided but almost Inca wall that it reflects the In the a impressive painted suggests ap planar, contiguous space. Chinchero painting, stair case proximate size, color, and materials of the actual wall. Niches that in colonial times went from the bottom of the are in the standard Inca at to a mere depicted typical shapes, which, niched wall almost its top is shortened to few steps. first to be in the locations to is an glance, appear corresponding The result that instead of atrium that would have been the wall. on closer one notices elevated above the town surviving Yet, examination, predominantly plaza, the space and that of the eleven niches are The scene only eight illustrated.24 accompanying lie unmistakably behindand alongside the foundation and bottom half of the to town This subtle but effective in sets niched wall date before plaza. change layout up A ANDEAN PAINTING COLONIAL 217

Peru ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H

a allows scene to take in that one could not exist without the other. The of hierarchy that the plaza precedence concepts of As we shall the two scenes hurin defined most of Andean in front the receding atrium. see, hanan and aspects life, have diverse casts of characters and social and Andean dramatically present particular, spatial relations, highlighting distinctly different views of Chinchero's daily life.27 In Chi understandings of reciprocity and complementarity. van tito's a is abandoned This of was onto the painting, perspectival composition conception space mapped landscape one that relations between and built environment. The Incas considered the a for emphasizes spatial elements, plaza thus the focus to a view of in which was shifting painting's very specific critical performative space imperial ideology In the of most Chinchero life. enacted.31 imperial capital Cuzco, important reflects an artistic com and rites took in the cen This compositional change practice royal religious place highly public mon artists of the Cuzco school. Both tral This could be conceived of as two among indigenous plaza. huge space artists inhabited the colonial and distinct each with its own functions and European and indigenous separate halves, In the artists of various character. For accommodated Andes, particularly Cuzco. beginning, example, Huacaypata religious a rituals. formed the for exercises. ethnicities worked together in single guild, but increasing Kusipata setting military a the of Cuzco was understood as made friction eventually led to split, explicitly along ethnic lines. Hence, public plaza up a a but essential European artists complained vigorously of the lack of skill of two parts that formed whole, each distinct to and This was not re among indigenous artists, including their alleged inability complementary component.32 concept execute to the Inca but could be found in other "proper" perspective techniques. Many European stricted capital artists as inferior did Inca For the architecture and artists viewed indigenous and, therefore, imperial settings. Incas, public not wish to have them in the same As we shall the the of the and dual guild.28 see, space expressed spatial ordering world, use in was a issue such as that in hanan and was critical to of perspective techniques painting complex ity, expressed hurin, in both the Andes and Europe. that understanding. of Inca was The rejection of perspectival techniques by indigenous The urban layout imperial Chinchero, too, have been choice rather informed Inca of such as artists in specific situations may by by concepts space duality. However, a such the the old Inca was than because of lack of ability. Many indigenous artists, during Spanish invasion, imperial plaza as not follow one- and two abandoned a of the at Chivan tito, did always European during major reorganization town, in their artistic which time a and central took As point perspective compositions. Indigenous new, smaller, plaza shape. in the Cuzco were based on a in the this new was situated next to practices region distinctively depicted painting, plaza and of a elevated which fronted the church. local perception manipulation compositional space. slightly smaller, atrium, comes an Inca?notion Mesa have that this new This from Andean?and specifically Teresa Gisbert and Jos? de argued of In the was it still understood and atrium should be seen as an of a double space.29 Andes, space (as is) plaza expression as and sacred each with its own the atrium relational, with urban, imperial, community, plaza, specific function, serving as of essential and as for the Catholic Church and the spaces each viewed composed complemen the public space plaza a a often the needs of the tary parts that created whole, conception expressed hosting public government.33 saw This division of function in reflects a in terms of the duality hanan and hurin?0 The Incas public space partic as Andean method of Chivantito's de hanan (the upper part) and hurin (the lower part) unequal ularly ordering space.34 but that such of the Chinchero Gisbert and de Me complementary divisions belonged together, piction plaza supports ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 2 218 JUNE

center 9 Virgin ofMontserrat, detail of showing the Virgin. Iglesia de San tiago, Cuzco (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by Melissa Chatfield)

sa's understanding of the indigenous space. By flattening the ting of the guild appears to be based partially inmisunder in elevation between the atrium and the In for their own artistic difference plaza, standing. looking priorities, Europe a traditional church ans misread Andean its Chivantito turned atrium-public plaza visual culture, denying complexity a Inca arrangement into specifically dual plaza. The figures and multiple meanings. They also denied themultiple picto and actions in the two are mirror in where relational plazas drastically different, rial traditions still practiced Europe, pri the distinct in Inca and in Christian sometimes the ing performances imperial plazas orities, particularly art, trumped more evidence that this was understood in execution of providing space perspectival techniques.36 of even as hanan of is critical for an the Andean concepts duality, perhaps and Knowledge indigenous artistic practices hurin. understanding of what meaning the descriptive representa If this in the atrium was an to a town center For change depicting attempt tion of conveyed. example, Chivantito Andean Chivantito would have devoted considerable attention to the built environment of convey spatial conceptions, been a Andean tradition of An town center. in an to a continuing long translating the Did he do this attempt provide or dean three-dimensional spatial understanding into two-di recognizable background for his local scene, did the build mensional The criticism themselves In the Andes?and representational practices.35 lodged ings carry specific meaning? the artists that led to the for Inca in served as against indigenous eventually split the particular?buildings important A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 219

10 Virgin ofMontserrat, detail showing the Chinchero town scene (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by Richard L. Kagan)

mnemonic devices. When oral marked events in the relating histories, Quechua everyday lives of important deceased speakers (Quechua is the major language of the Andes) rulers, such as where a ruler once bathed or even rested.41 could use a to remember or Inca also served to on remem specific building people, places, architecture pass imperial other of an oral Even ruined colonial build brances to future Susan out aspects history.37 sovereigns. Niles points that could serve as of ings focal points memory. before assuming the title of Sapa Inka, the royal heir had to The Inca used various tools to remember the on an architectural for For past. Imperial go journey instruction. example, Inca and associated would enact on son a songs, poetry, performances the death of Thupa Tnka, his Wayna Qhapaq made the of and events.38 Inca to memory imperial persons songs, pilgrimage several building complexes.42 At each he would which the referred to as were elements of hear about his Spanish cantares, specific songs ancestors' accomplishments, commemorative cele and learn of their ceremonies, mourning rituals, military thereby great achievements. Religious and other official both men and would to brations, religious festivals, many gather figures, women, sing the future Inca remembrance took a of forms and em once or ings. variety sovereign the official stories of the people who lived most?if not all?of the The on ployed senses.39 emphasis passed through the specific buildings, in this way making and as Inca architecture an objects, senses, experience memory highlights the imperial important mnemonic device of material culture inAndean in for memories. For was importance life, particular, teaching dynastic the Inca, memory inAndean history. As Thomas Cummins has noted, Andeans visualized and experienced in buildings, songs, poetry, per did not in was was record their histories texts; instead, history formance, and ceremony. It executed within families and and enacted with material remains also in a constructed, construed, large gatherings, fostering the creation of collective and one's with in the act of experience it, particular, seeing.40 imperial memory. In other words, seeing thematerial world of Chinchero, such The important role of buildings as mnemonic devices for as architecture and dress, could have been understood as an indigenous history?both before and after the European act of an additional reason remembering. invasion?suggests why descriptive rep One of material to resentation of the built environment have aspect culture, architecture, appears may been ubiqui have been a tool for Inca remem tous particularly important in colonial Andean painting. Besides forming realistic demonstrated the shrines of which com a brance, by Cuzco, backgrounds for recognizable event, illustrated buildings memorated and events. The shrines not as a holy places only could also have agency, functioning the focal point of celebrated in narrative or importantmilestones imperial history, they also that complements competes with the narrative ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 2 220 JUNE

in the event. a are in colors and strokes the depicted Thus, while providing backdrop for painted bright sharp against act as a the pictured inhabitants, the architecture could muted colors of the architecture. Chivantito's efforts to make mnemonic device to evoke the memory of an action, event, the individual figures legible indicate that they, too, were or not This narra to town. In ritual, person illustrated. allowed multiple significant the indigenous residents of the fact, tives to exist in a the narrative tells a and single painting. conveyed by these figures distinct The Inca wall in the for has one depicted plaza scene, example, complex story, albeit that complements and elaborates a and its was an on architecture. complicated history, appearance important that told by the of was seen in the of expression Chinchero identity. Chinchero originally As illustration the built environment, local built as the retreat of the Inca ruler Tnka. can also in the of the private royal Thupa cultural memory be conveyed depiction scene Construction at Chinchero began toward the end of his reign human landscape.47 The Corpus Christi in Chivantito's or shows men and women from a of as (late fifteenth early sixteenth century). While the site took painting variety classes, Tnka used estate as a retreat to share with as a the shape, Thupa the well musicians and priest, among others. During close friends and his favorite Mama midcolonial this was it was secondary wife, Chiqui period, when image painted, Ocllo. On his a battle over his succession resulted in to a both death, typical represent local religious procession showing the execution of Mama Chiqui Ocllo and the banishment of the participants and onlookers ethnically marked by their their son to The architecture was modified In the numerous of the Chinchero.43 little clothing. Cuzco, paintings Corpus this of in the a to during period isolation. However, colonial Christi celebration bear striking resemblance contempo the both in its written which has us critical in period, place underwent dramatic alterations, rary descriptions, granted and the The new town be into the as we have seen in the of the layout standing buildings. plaza sights past.48 But, study came a of the built this likeness has also focal point change. representation of environment, In the enormous Inca fostered some between and artis the colonial period, imperial plaza confusion descriptive verity was abandoned a new below the tic in at the Chinchero and plaza constructed invention.49 Therefore, looking paint church of Nuestra Se?ora de Montserrat. To build this new ing,we must acknowledge thatwhile the image likely depicts Inca were in an relevant this center, old buildings filled and others destroyed. actual procession and individuals, depiction a form to off the of an event was crafted the artist to reflect his Arches, foreign the Inca, marked perimeter. ephemeral by to of the own vision. Much in the echoes the realities While these drastic changes spoke the destruction painting physical Inca was one the of colonial us about and old imperial fabric, there striking exception: Chinchero, informing class, gender, In Inca this wall at Chinchero. At the same the artist's central niched wall. imperial times, had been performance time, was and innovations his role in midconstruction when it abruptly abandoned (most manipulations highlight important likely due to the untimely death of Thupa 'Inka). The wall as a cultural mediator as well as the dramatic and violent remained in its unfinished state until soon after the arrival of changes that characterized the Andes during the Spanish Spaniards in the Andes in 1532. Then, when the plaza be occupation. came new Inca was the heart of the gridded town, the wall Rather than it as a ruin the new The as completed.44 leaving among Kuraka Cultural Mediator Spanish-style buildings, indigenous residents finished the The depiction of the Corpus Christi procession at Chinchero in a manner not its Inca centers on an scene in the town a wall that simply preserved style and indigenous plaza, showing of local leader surrounded other elite and masonry but augmented and enhanced it; they took part by men, women, an musicians. The scene takes in the church adjacent destroyed imperial Inca building and trans secondary place formed it into an additional niched wall for the atrium behind the town in which men plaza.45 Thus, plaza, indigenous the focal of the new town became the surround a and a few individuals act out on point Spanish-colonial Spanish priest, This of a renovated and extended Inca niched wall. Given the impor the sidelines.50 representation Christian procession terms makes clear the of the Inca elite and their close tance of the wall in of local dynastic history and the way importance were Incas in this niched relations with both and culture. In buildings revered by general, wall Spanish indigenous indig more than a It enous the most was symbolized just recognizable background. highland communities, powerful person a of the the local leader. likely represented remembrance Chinchero during Inca the center was a locus of Inca times this was the or heredi imperial period when royal During imperial kuraka, we who served as mediator between the state imperial prestige and authority. Given this background, tary chief, imperial can see the depiction of buildings and spaces in the Chin and the local community. After the Spanish invasion, the chero as a continuation of a kuraka continued to serve this function. In painting?besides European important early tradition?as a element that articu colonial the Inca was the status pictorial highly symbolic Per?, aristocracy given legal embodied local cultural to the in law the lated and memory.46 similar hidalgu?a Spain. Spanish recognized kuraka as communities and him the leader of indigenous gave the and Narrative some of the of the Depicting Community: Textiles, Gender, privileges European nobility. During early of in nar colonial Inca nobles were not to the labor Considering the importance buildings indigenous period, subject tax, sense to who were considered ratives and memory, itmakes that Chivantito chose and, unlike indigenous commoners, a little more than of encomenderos depict the Chinchero built environment in size and level of possessions Spanish (over con Inca nobles were the to own to have detail that would make it easily legible to the church lords), given right land, The and their actions in the and to transact business with their counter gregants. figures background servants, Spanish scenes can also be one must look In the kuraka was to certain discerned, though carefully parts.51 return, expected perform to the town scene functions for the such as grasp the details. These figures animating Spanish government collecting A ANDEAN PAINTING COLONIAL 221

taxes, providing indigenous people for labor, settling dis ceremonies and putes, and maintaining Catholic religious rituals.52 as in numbers the However, the Spanish grew and strength, lessened. The cacique's (kuraka's) power Spanish govern ment to leaders who were more favorable began appoint local to the will of the Spanish state. In addition, the Spanish to leaders as referred both the kuraka and the nonhereditary between the As caciques, blurring the distinction two.53 early as to he 1567, the kuraka's authority began erode, although still played an important role in indigenous communities throughout the colonial period.54 By contrast, indigenous commoners were as or children of categorized legal minors, at the state, which left them the mercy of the Spanish gov eminent. At Chinchero, the local leader was likelyan Inca elite.56 He is depicted in the center of the plaza, surrounded by other indigenous elites (Fig. 11). The inscription next to his image that he was says "MD Pascual Amau," conveying probably named Pascual Amau and held the Spanish title major domo.57 Elegantly dressed and gazing confidently back at the viewer, Amau stands at the center of the entire town scene. Three men flank Amau, two of whom hold staffs, indicat In four elite ing their special status.58 addition, indigenous women move behind the men, two of whom also hold staffs. this elite awaits the Christian Together, group procession. With Amau in the forefront, the elite are portrayed as the town even more so locus of authority in the Chinchero scene, than the priest and his followers in the atrium behind. In the was in of the early colonial period, cacique charge paying the priest and constructing churches.59 In fact, the the church's such as fur cacique often paid daily expenses, At a ca nishing, upkeep, and choir teachers.60 Chinchero, rather than a have an cique Spaniard may played important 11 Montserrat, detail the kuraka (artwork in of the Virgin of showing role in the construction and operation church; thus, the public domain; photograph by the author) the illustrated lesser status of the Spanish priest compared with that of the indigenous cacique may have reflected a historical of the sixteenth we do not know the cause of this dynamic century.61 memory. Although pictorial was Andean leaders who acted to de Yet when the Virgin of Montserrat painted at the end deletion, contrary Spanish had lost considerable in defense of their of the seventeenth century, caciques sires, usually indigenous communities, in Per?. continued to serve as were often removed and with leaders power the Viceroyalty of They replaced indigenous mediators between and who were more favorable to the needs of the This important Europeans indigenous Spanish. but also served at the of the became and after the populations, they pleasure Span practice increasingly prevalent during the of this creation. In Chivantito's ish viceroy.62 The image in the painting either represents period painting's painting, at Chin the of leaders at Chinchero both considerable power of the cacique that endured representation indigenous an idealized that status to their decline chero or, alternatively, envisions image reveals their high and points significant on reflects the elites' past authority. during the Spanish occupation. status can The dramatic change in the status of indigenous elites The dramatically shifting of indigenous people from the early to themidcolonial period can readily be seen be read in the depiction of clothing in the Chinchero paint town scene. of is common in in another element of Chivantito's To the left of ing. Descriptive representation clothing of elite the name of another art since like was the gathering indigenous men, colonial Andean dress, buildings, highly was written on the below Pascual Amau's in Andean the con majordomo canvas, symbolic society. Clothing highlighted nature both before and after inscription.63 This caption likely refers to the finely dressed tested of the indigenous body, man to mantle the invasion. When the Inca their Amau's right, whose Inca is elegantly slung European began campaign a over his shoulder as he looks with assurance back at the to conquer the western rim of South America, they enacted was of laws to the viewer.What was to befall him after this painting made is variety regulate newly conquered populace. not name on was One of those mandates was that wear local dress so clear. His the painting defaced, suggesting people more that eventually thisman fell out of official favor.64The pic that theywould be visibly identifiable (and therefore an to when the took control torial change points to intentional effort forget the easily controllable).65 Later, Spanish erase his of the enacted laws to control dress. existence of the former majordomo?to physically Andes, they sumptuary ART BULLETIN VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 222 JUNE 2007 2

these laws over time and were sometimes Although changed balance of power that would eventually tilt in favor of the had a on the contradictory, they profound impact material Spanish. While the Spanish usurped the elites' traditional also the Inca culture of the Andes.66 Worried that Inca dress would instill power, they gave nobility what little power they pride and rebellion, the Spanish declared it illegal. Then, for had; subsequently, Inca elites had towork with the Spanish to fear that the was too Euro retain that causes. conquered populace becoming power while advocating indigenous By the for of commoners had few pean, Spanish made it illegal people indigenous contrast, indigenous very opportunities and mixed to wear to own ethnicity high-status European clothes.67 control their lives. This ambivalent desire on the part of the Spanish can be found in other contexts. The of colonizing slippage mimicry was a tool employed by both the colonized and the colonizers Musicians to claim The for was In were from four power. European desire mimicry such colonial Chinchero, residents drawn main that local were ordained to emulate but not were of populations groups. First, there the Incas, the descendants pri become the colonized two Inca Tnka. actually Spanish, thereby maintaining marily rulers, Wayna Qhapaq and Thupa state. As Homi Bhabha "colonial is the desire a argues, mimicry Second, the Ayamarkas, powerful local group and political for a as a a rivals of the Inca for centuries. the Incas con reformed, recognizable Other, subject of difference Eventually that is almost the but not For both the Inca and the the truce allowed the same, quite."m quered Ayamarkas, though Aya the Spanish regimes, the legislation of indigenous dress man markas to retain their ethnic distinction while becoming ifests a shared desire to mark and control the Incas the Yanacona or conquered by privilege.74 Third, ayllu, community populace by visualizing difference and subjugation through group, who were the descendants of Inca elite servants from and under a of ethnic who were in to serve the class ethnicity. Likewise, indigenous populations variety groups brought Inca counter both and Spanish imperial regimes developed Inca ruler during the imperial Inca period. And, finally, the to own exert who were drawn from less in strategies articulate their desires and control, locals, powerful groups living a the of the de who making the body highly charged and contested landscape. regional countryside Pampa Anta, congre This can be seen most in the of at dynamic clearly clothing gated Chinchero during the Spanish occupation. When the leader in the Chivantito's was made in the colonial Inca indigenous Chinchero painting. Amau, painting period, in center of town wears a elites lived nonelite rivals descendants standing proudly the the plaza, alongside (Ayamarka), and He of ex-servants and an of local commoners Spanish shirt, coat, cape, shoes, pants, stockings.69 (Yanacona), array a to if holds Spanish hat in his hands, in respect for the approach whom the Inca used rule.75 Notably, few, any, Spaniards Yet Amau also wears the traditional ing religious procession. lived in Chinchero. The dichotomy lay between indigenous over The woven insiders and the role of the Inca tunic, 'unku, the Spanish shirt.70 design European outsiders, making to as cultural mediator His into the Andean textile appears be European, but the edge cacique particularly important. po are as him to not bindings typical of local Chinchero tunics.71The majority sition mediator gave scope negotiate only Inca interactions a and diverse of Amau's clothing, thus, is of European derivation, but among large indigenous popula influence is clearly visible. Borrowing from Spanish clothing tion but also critical Spanish-indigenous dialogue. is in colonial Andean This is in the styles prevalent many paintings. John varied indigenous population represented Rowe the of and we find difference articulated studied representation indigenous Spanish painting, though, strikingly, in and that the the class rather than ethnic affilia clothing colonial portraits found greater through specific indigenous of the the fewer elements one Even Inca ethnic markers have been used prestige person, indigenous tion.76 apparently 72 an sees. to define elite status rather than ethnic ancestry. The This out of class can be seen in the subtle but like of elites in marking clothing of themusicians, that indigenous the visible difference in the clothing of the elites surrounding painting, displays their status (Fig. 12). The musicians wear Amau. is dressed simi trousers with tunics decorated For example, the other majordomo Spanish along indigenous-style to also with and with None of the musicians larly Amau, Spanish shoes, pants, shirt, indigenous patterns.77 sports as as an the has and one boasts shoes. Most of jacket, well Inca tunic. However, majordomo Spanish stockings, only Spanish an of the Amau them wear Andean sandals or a com Inca mantle instead tailored Spanish cape go barefoot, practice His with fewer mon central All of the musicians wears.73 clothing, slightly Spanish elements, among highland people.78 status next to Amau. wear a shirt under their tunics. thus discloses his less important simple Spanish indigenous not The musicians' shows more than The clothing styledoes specifywhether the indigenous clothing indigenous Span elites were of mixed Spanish and Inca ethnicity but instead ish influence, signifying fewer ties to Spanish authority and serves as a of commu links to The lack of vi marker authority within the Chinchero greater indigenous systems. general The increase of in the Andes was ex brant color and absence of elite Inca com nity. Spanish power ornamentation, pressed in the increase of Spanish influences in Amau's pared to that displayed by the elite indigenous men, denote should be read not as a ex the musicians' lower status in the Andean clothing. This, though, simple community. of acculturation to The are the Christian pression indigenous European practices musicians ostensibly performing for as an external of are As one walks from the atrium into the but example of how symbols power procession. group another stands in the translated to proclaim indigenous authority; ithighlights the plaza playing instruments, plaza, pre as more to Several of the musicians in the latter's role cultural mediator between progressively paring begin. plaza glance at two out the powerful Spaniards and increasingly oppressed indigenous the approaching procession; singers point At Inca elites found themselves in to the who is populations. Chinchero, approaching instrumental group harp player, an a while two others hand out sheet music. The oscillating codependent relationship with the Spanish, setting up, A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 223

depiction of the musicians in the paintings suggests that an 2l escolania, school that taught singing, instrumentation, and musical composition to young boys, may have existed at Chinchero.79 In Spain, the escolania was associated with the cult of theVirgin of Montserrat, and the boys' performances formed an integral part of services held for the Virgin. The boys and young men in the painting are playing mainly European instruments and carry European sheet music. This re musical performance for the Catholic procession also flected the obligation of lower-class indigenous men in terms of labor and faith: indigenous commoners had to serve the Spanish government and the Catholic Church, as well as local indigenous community leaders. The divided obligations of indigenous men can be seen in the dynamic positioning of the musicians. The attention of themusicians shiftsaway from the Christian procession in the atrium to the group of indigenous elite in the town plaza. The placement of the musicians facing the cacique echoes the placement of themusic-playing acolytes facing theVirgin of Montserrat at the center of the That the painting. is, musicians are positioned as if they are performing for Amau and the other indigenous elites, rather than in advance of the priest and the holy procession. Even the second group of from the to musicians, those leading the procession atrium are at a the plaza, placed distance from the religious group and in such a position that they, too, seem to be playing primarily for the group of indigenous elites rather than for the Christian procession. This juxtaposition of musicians and the cacique adds pres tige to the cacique and underlines the important role of song in Inca ceremonies. As members of the panaqas sang the ancestors the exploits of their during important ceremonies, in a Dur songs figured largely performed group memory.80 12 Montserrat, detail the musicians (artwork the colonial these became the foundation Virgin of showing ing period, songs in the public domain; photograph by the author) for the histories recorded by the Spanish. Music and song all of Inca so much so that the permeated aspects life, Span iards tried to make use of this tradition in their efforts at of a whole. Chivantito has conversion. For example, the Catholic Church commissioned and complementary parts greater a haylli,a song used in celebratory triumphs, such as in battle, recast his Christian festival in Inca conceptual terms, high a for Corpus Christi service.81 As noted earlier, songs func lighting the coming together of both Christian and Andean tioned as mnemonic devices for the Incas, understandings of space, artistic practice, and community important along _ Q9 elements of Inca in a scene. with performance, ritual, and buildings, all organization single events. act In this of we see the artist's public Hence, the of singing in the Chinchero representation musicians, a of and ethnic and painting illustrates celebration of theVirgin of Montserrat construction convergent religious readings as as a the visualization of in terms of relations. and Christianity well commemoration of the indige community spatial nous In we see or to elite and memory of the Inca past. the depiction of clothing, how access, its lack, The positioning of the musicians also follows the Inca centers of power are visualized. We also see how nonelite spatial division articulated by the architecture of the plaza. As men and boys serve both the Spanish religious establishment he did with the dual plaza, Chivantito divided a single group and indigenous elites in town. Their twofold role ismanifest to and act a of musicians according space activity. One group in their illustrated action?the of singing. With slight a a consists of singers and musician playing stringed instru compositional shift,Chivantito successfully created multiple ment who are stationed in the plaza with the indigenous readings of this scene, enabling the Catholic faithful to read a while the audience elites. The second group is composed entirely of musicians sacred Christian procession indigenous own playing wind instruments positioned at the threshold be in Chinchero could view an image celebrating their tween the atrium and the plaza, leading the religious festival triumphal imperial Inca past. A Catholic indigenous viewer to the leaders. This both indigenous community arrangement par (perhaps themajority in Chinchero) could understand on and allels the functions of the dual plazas, such that the priest and narratives. Thus, viewers, depending their ethnicity a acolytes occupy religious space, while the indigenous civic religious beliefs, could have significantly different interpre claims the civic Like the same scene. of authority complementary space. tations of the As he did with the depiction are musicians, the religious and community leaders essential architecture, Chivantito manipulated local history and indig ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 2 224 JUNE

13 Virgin ofMontserrat, detail showing women the in the plaza (artwork in the public domain; photograph by the author)

enous visual culture to a narrative that dis women a produce layered of modesty. The in the plaza have added Spanish the realities of colonial Chinchero underneath their On their two women plays while celebrating slip aqsu.87 heads, wear a colorful called a of indigenous memory. band wincha.88 On top this they wear an Inca cloth called a in the ?a?aqa89 However, paint cloth is in a manner Representing Gender at Chinchero ing, the draped European rather than Indigenous memory could be recalled and celebrated in folded in typical elite Inca fashion.90 different and for a of In Chivantito's The women in the on ways variety purposes. painting also have the traditional painting, this practice is particularly evident in the depiction shawl or mantle, which the Inca called a lliklla.91 The women of their status in the colonial wore women, illustrating unique in the painting the shawl, like the aqsu, in the traditional Women could not take in the nor were across a period. part escolania, way, with the llikllapinned the chest with ttipquiand to in they allowed participate many aspects of the Roman hanging down the leg.92And the lliklla, like the aqsu and the Catholic Church and colonial This mar that to be Spanish government. men's tunics, has Andean edge bindings appear ginalization of women during the Spanish occupation, both typical of Chinchero. The importance of the lliklla cannot be can seen as Elena notes: "This was hall publicly and privately, be in the painting. Although overstated, Phipps mantle the of mark of an Inca woman's its and the central figure is theVirgin Montserrat, she is the only identity: color, design, in entire canvas. An European-looking female portrayed the patterning spoke to her position in society, including place of dean women are also absent from of the scenes largely many origin, region, clan (ayllu), and marital status."93 in the For not a woman is can painting. example, single depicted While the men's clothing be divided between tradi in the scene. one pilgrimage Similarly, only indigenous tional Spanish and indigenous influences, the lliklla displays woman in the in the church and an evolution in traditional not appears gathering atrium, Andean techniques that does she is the Christian as she seem to of contact marginalized, watching procession be the result direct with Spanish culture. stands alone. The where women have a is are not or only place presence The lliklla depicted in the painting in the style in the town plaza, which celebrates imperial Inca elites (Fig. technique of the imperial Inca period. During the reign of As noted two women are shown behind was a 13). earlier, walking the Inca, the lliklla composed of single panel, divided the while two other women are as in worn cacique portrayed carrying lengthwise equal thirds and horizontally. A special ceramic the in the re in two near large jars. Despite Spanish presence shawl used sacrifices had panels with the design gion for one hundred and fiftyyears, their clothing shows few but not at the edges. The middle color differed from that of seam was not of the signs of Spanish influence. the ends. The that joined the panels part The women wear a traditional Inca woman's dress, the design. By contrast, the modern (not colonial) style had two a textile that was around the woman's of was aqsu,83 large wrapped panels with patterns along both edges each panel and its raised at the A worn torso, edges and pinned shoulders.84 belt horizontally.94 It is this latter style that is illustrated in a to secure to Inca called chumpihelped the dress.85 The Spanish did the painting. Therefore, what appears be imperial is not of this as it was considered was not approve indigenous dress, not, highlighting the fact that change in the Andes A slit sometimes formed where the textile came worn revealing. always the result of Spanish influence. The lliklla by the together on the side, presumably giving an occasional flash of women in the painting are large, which is typical of Chin a woman or a In re naked legs when walked wind blew.86 chero textiles both past and present. the mandated that Andean women wear a women in town sponse, Spanish This representation of the plaza visualizes in Spanish-style slip under their traditional dresses for the sake indigenous cultural evolution that occurred the colonial A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 225

was not tion the At we see a distinct period but determined by the Spanish occupation. of Andes. Chinchero, very local was never it to de one Indigenous culture stagnant; continued strategydeveloping, likelybegun in the late imperial Inca it son was banished to velop both before and after the European invasion. While period, when Thupa 'Inka's Chinchero. is critical to highlight the dramatic changes that took place This fostered a strong local identity that drew from and because of the violence of the cultural encounter between a so in a celebrated specific Inca ancestry, doing unique way the Andes and these transformations did not that an of In Chivan Europe, always enhanced and embraced identity place. define the The visualization of tito's we see in period. interindigenous portrayal, difference mapped unexpected in this offers a critical reminder that in act change painting indig ways the clothing, such that the of Yachacuscamcani enous culture was vibrant to evolve within itself? tradi enough incorporates change while celebrating very localized of direct contact with and tions. In the Chinchero the of irrespective Europe Europeans. painting, women's practice The elaboration of traditions with the of took the form of a indigenous along Yachacuscamcani, unlike that the men, and sometimes of culture and marginalization rejection Spanish visually pronounced, performed, less European-medi can be seen not in the elite women's dress ated celebration of the Inca only indigenous past.98 but also in the actions of some of women on of women the represented This representation elite indigenous drawing the canvas. Instead of for from Inca a Chin waiting the Corpus Christi proces power their imperial past echoes historical sion to come to the elite of two chero in two doc group indigenous leaders, the figure discussed sixteenth-century written women whose heads are uncovered have focused their atten uments. A woman was an named Ana Guaco Ocllo important tion elsewhere. near the niched one woman landowner. to an Depicted walls, Although she had been married indigenous to be to catch water in This with her vast came not from him but from her appears straining ajar. jar, man, landholding a flat flares on and has a handle. It be either Her to an bottom, top may grandfather, the ruler Thupa Tnka. marriage or Inca. the second whose ad man is as most Spanish By contrast, woman, indigenous particularly important, elite Inca is etched on her women vancing age face, walks away with ajar with who gained land rights during the colonial period a neck and a bottom. This was a common in did so a who could serve as her advo long pointed jar by marrying Spaniard the time of Inca The shown cate imperial rule.95 woman, moving in the Spanish judicial system.Despite lacking this sup from the elite other and away men, women, musicians, ap port, Guaco Ocllo inherited Thupa Tnka's lands around to be to someone the canvas. As the rest Chinchero as as the pears talking beyond well those throughout Andes, including of the to await his residence in the sacred Inca people gather the Corpus Christi procession, royal Cuzco, imperial capi this woman turns her back to the an woman?rather than a or procession, concentrating tal.99 Thus, indigenous Spanish on another event not the viewer of the man?was one of the most in shown, reminding indigenous powerful people realities of not in scene. colonial Chinchero. Her was drawn from her Chinchero life depicted this early authority The visualization of to Inca Inca rather than from the female claim the imperial ancestry Spanish relationships. and of most make sense con We have nor of past rejection things European neither image description what Guaco the status women. or wore. one can sidering changing historical of Before the Ocllo looked like But imagine that her women could an role in women European invasion, play important clothing, like that of these in the Chinchero painting, Andean women could inherit while a few have been and Inca. The society. Many land, may primarily indigenous written ruled states and and some served as of texts empires, priestesses describing Guaco Ocllo's family and landholding, along shrines. This is not to an idealized the elite women important suggest world with representation of in Chivantito's paint for Andean as were women women, there many instances of oppres ing, suggest that in Chinchero used Yachacuscamcani forced and violence as a to status sion, marriages, against them, particu local strategy claim their ancestral Inca and such as the Incas. after larly by invading regimes However, authority. the traditional Andean avenues of inde the of women in town is European invasion, Indeed, representation the plaza and to even for elite a one. or women pendence authority began close, Inca powerful Whether in dress action, all four women. Some women reacted to this their close ties to oppression by rejecting display the Inca past and their refutation of influences and a role as of most Spanish assuming protectors things European. Here, difference is marked and, traditions and became the most local are indigenous religion.96 They through Yachacuscamcani, indigenous traditions vi active of Yachacuscamcani the sualized as sources practitioners during Spanish dynamic and vibrant of power. While of the Andes. are occupation unexpected influences from within Spanish culture in Yachacuscamcani is the word for the are Quechua knowing corporated, they translated into local material culture in traditions of the Andean As Thomas Cummins has a manner enhanced of past. that the gendered power local indig to Yachacuscamcani in the colonial enous women. In the Chivantito a shown, trying practice painting, depicted female a period involved very delicate balancing act.97At Chinchero, space that accommodated radical interventions distinct from Inca elites had the of were that of the men. responsibility Yachacuscamcani but Indigenous female authority and autonomy in a with are enunciated simultaneously engaged codependent relationship by subverting European patriarchal represen the While the the tations and Spanish. Spanish usurped elites' traditional visualizing dynamic indigenous traditions. power, the Spanish gave the Inca nobility what little power they had. Subsequently, Inca elites had to work with the Liminal Space and the Representation of Europeans in order to retain that Chivantito to Spanish power. took unusual pains capture the diversity of This of elite women in Chinchero life in his the depiction indigenous indigenous painting, revealing artist's priorities. an to the act provides important clue gendered of Yacha His detailed portrayal of indigenous people contrasts sharply cuscamcani in a Inca center the with his of of royal during Spanish occupa presentation people European descent, who ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 226 JUNE 2

14 Virgin ofMontserrat, detail showing the Christian procession in the atrium (artwork in the public domain; photograph by the author)

occupy the periphery in this section of the composition. One church foundations are believed to have belonged to the a a or is Christian leader, possibly priest bishop, who stands royal residence of Thupa Tnka.103 By eliminating this refer a under canopy and is surrounded by indigenous worshipers ence, Chivantito erased the imperial Inca history of this The clothes are illus In to (Fig. 14).100 priest's only minimally space. sharp contradiction the physical evidence, Chi to a trated but he appears be wearing simple cleric's cloak. vantito transformed all Inca references in the atrium to Eu The wear shoes and brown tu ones. In he rewrote the nar acolytes Spanish indigenous ropean doing so, architectural nics with nominal decoration. Some are in one a only draped plain, rative, transforming it into very different from what white dress. The and are with religious priest acolytes painted depiction of the actual Inca built environment would have minimal detail and their faces and are not well to clothing conveyed the audience. However, through this device, he articulated but In contrast to the individualized an Inca blurry.101 reified spatial understanding of plazas. of the elite and musi depiction indigenous men, women, in town center The message conveyed the painting of the the remain undifferentiated. Chivantito treats cians, acolytes is two cultural each a distinct of separate landscapes, with as a the distant among nameless lower-class priest figure locus of authority. The plaza ismanifestly an elite indigenous This of the atrium scene reflects a tech acolytes. blurring on an space, centering imperial Inca history. The atrium is not unusual of the as it is an nique among painters time, a one clearly Catholic space, that allows indigenous partici on the in effective strategy for focusing attention action front, pation but draws from a European authority. The distant as as in scene. well emphasizing distance the The result is that Christian group procession in the atrium (which also incor Chivantito has made the the hurin, or indigenous space, scenes porates of everyday disorder)104 represents the hanan lower the focal of his town scene. space, point of while the detailed in in atrium scene space religious authority, carefully The depiction of the architecture the elites of the central the hurin mimics the illustration of the in that the atrium is digenous plaza represent space. figures was or more Although hanan traditionally the upper powerful devoid of indigenous elites or imperial Inca architectural category, Chivantito gave pictorial precedence to the indige references. As opposed to the impressive backdrop of the nous hurin scene in his painting, thereby celebrating indige Inca niched wall in the plaza scene, the buildings around the nous life even as he Spanish and Christian atrium are all Spanish in style.As this differs from the actual acknowledged to a authority. physical landscape, it appears arise from conscious deci The in the two of the town the sion on the of artist. For figures spaces present part the example, Chivantito chose to Inca nor and roles of insiders, to which Chi omit the imperial bases of the wall of the church, diversity complementary vantito added an of one who does not Below did he illustrate the impressive northern facade, with its Inca image belong. the town a lone stands in the shadows of an stone entranceway (Fig. 15). While it is possible that the plaza, figure arch, Inca stones were stuccoed over at some dressed in dark of imperial point, the pilgrimage clothing typical contemporary He wears the standard Chris Inca north facade projects out from the rest of the building, European paintings (Fig. 16). tian and and carries the enabling it to be read as a distinct feature. Yet Chivantito pilgrim hat, cloak, stockings typical a stick.His skin is and he has a full beard painted plain, flat, and European-style church facade, de pilgrim's hiking light, void of to the even and that the is not any references Inca, transforming the bushy eyebrows, signs pilgrim indigenous structure of the Inca entrance to a of full or is post-and-lintel European but partial European ancestry. Oddly, the pilgrim This is as the stones and as two arch.102 particularly significant, represented having right hands.105 His thicklybearded A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 227

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face is shown in profile, and he appears to be inspecting the transculturation in the Andes, in which both European and with some are contact one an indigenous gathering suspicion. indigenous people transformed by with The depiction of a pilgrim in the painting makes sense, as other. was an pilgrimage important part of the cult of theVirgin of Interestingly, this transculturated pilgrim is the only figure Montserrat in Spain. Today, it is the most visited Marian to overtly occupy a liminal space in the painting. He does not as shrine in Europe, it has been for over a millennium. In stand with the European (s) in the Christianized space of the a Spain, visitors work their way through sacred landscape atrium, nor is he depicted in the indigenous space of the plaza. dotted with chapels and shrines offering spaces for prayer. Instead, he is placed below the plaza, poised at the threshold, was The question is how this practice translated, both in under the Spanish-style arch and at the edge of the painting physical and in conceptual terms, to theNew World. Whether itself.He belongs neither to the indigenous elite scene in the pilgrimage was continued at Chinchero is unclear.106 But if plaza nor to the Christian faithful in the atrium. This man is marked as Spanish pilgrims visited the church of Nuestra Se?ora de through his transculturated dress being between Chivantito's that not canvas Montserrat, painting suggests they may worlds, standing between the edges of the and the have been welcomed by the local indigenous inhabitants. imperial Inca space. As depicted by Chivantito, the transcul both the Catholic turated man Indeed, Church and indigenous leaders belongs nowhere. viewed unofficial visitors to communi European indigenous Why is the transculturated pilgrim placed in this liminal tieswith as their often to while the elite trans suspicion, presence led various types space indigenous men, also marked by of abuses of indigenous people. culturated dress, are located firmly and centrally in indige In his translation to the New World context, the Spanish nous space? As Carolyn Dean and Dana Leibsohn have in as an elements of as seen in looking pilgrim Chinchero ismarked outsider in the pointed out, establishing difference, but he also is in the or transculturated material on inter indigenous town, grounded Andean hybrid culture, depends context the addition of an and Inca tunic. Western scholars can read the by indigenous bag pretation.110 today clearly men In the Andes, both indigenous and women carried Spanish roots of certain elements of the indigenous elite similar with different names. A woman's was called male dress. in bags, bag However, indigenous residents Chinchero may 'istalla and a man's Both were used to not have read those elements as These bag cWuspa. primarily Spanish. European coca an herbal antidote for altitude sickness and seen as a carry leaves, derived aspects may have been natural part of the an hunger that played important role inAndean culture and dress of Amau and other elites, signifying authority rather in the Inca heartland than rituals.107 Europeans traveling adapted Spanishness.111 the for their own in this as an For elite the of indigenous bag use, case, indigenous men, elements European dress Andean version of a were translated into thus a European pilgrimage satchel. From its indigenous dress, becoming part and the of material culture. In a man of or shape, edge binding, straps, bag the pilgrim in indigenous contrast, full as Chinchero carries is clearly identifiable Andean.108 partial European descent with indigenous elements in his Traditionally, scholarship has focused on the addition of clothing would likely have been read by Chivantito and the elements to of as a European representations indigenous people, residents of Chinchero hybrid man, who belonged to littlewritten neither nor as leaving about the visual transformation of Euro European indigenous groups. Thus marked in the In Chivantito's of the not of clear the hovers peans Andes.109 image light different, part any community, pilgrim skinned some as in the shadows of a liminal not pilgrim wearing indigenous clothing (such space, belonging anywhere.112 we see the Inca tunic and indigenous bag), the full process of This portrayal of a transculturated pilgrim, shrouded in ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 2 228 JUNE

Inca rule was not an isolated residence but one perial royal in a architectural that element plan of deliberate sequences of in a sacred reflect Inca notions hierarchy and control For the environment of carefully choreographed spaces. Inca, the landscape itselfwas highly ritualized: Apus were were venerated as sacred deities and unusual rock outcrops as shrines for Pachamama. As described the worshiped earlier, Incas drew their ideas of the landscape from pan-Andean perspectives, which shared beliefs in Apus and Pachamama across the vastAndes (albeit with subtle regional variations). was viewed as and The landscape alive, dynamic, powerful, how one or interacted with this sacred, and changed, altered, landscape was highly charged. The Incas took advantage of this view of the landscape by and terraces at critical and vener placing buildings, shrines, In sacred the ated locations. transforming the landscape, to themselves. And Incas transferred the landscape's power sacred rock and mountain into by integrating outcrops peaks sent were their structures, the Incas the message that they physically and spiritually linked with the sacred places and then controlled access a pantheon. They through strictly regulated road system, which could be used only by those on people traveling with official permission. Being caught these roads without official permission was punishable by Inca state thus succeeded in death. The imperial controlling access to almost all the sacred sites in the Andes. This articulation and regulation of the landscape can be seen at Chinchero. Here, architecture was built to mark sites that were connected an extensive road important by out from it system. Several roads radiated Chinchero, linking to at the of Machu the shrine Cuper Bajo, storage complex of all located Coica, and the tambo (way station) Peccacachu, within the landed estate. The roads also linked Chinchero to 16 detail the lone Virgin ofMontserrat, showing pilgrim the greater landscape of the Urubamba Valley (where several in the the (artwork public domain; photograph by author) most of the Inca rulers, and of the later ones, had their major and the and ceremonial center of the private estates) capital Cuzco. Pan-Andean such as the sacred Inca Empire, Apus, on an Andean differs from mountain as well as local ones, such as darkness and spying scene, greatly Salcantay, Antakilke, on can be seen from Chinchero. The Inca of that of the idealized pilgrims the other side of the paint imperial memory ing, shown praying, bathed in light (Figs. 17, 18). The pil Chinchero and its landscape is still feltmany centuries after scene and men. the arrival of the grimage depicts both European indigenous Europeans. a man Euro because of the of the surround At the bottom of the scene, graying bearded of Perhaps power landscape in to a cross Chivantito chose to a pean descent tattered pilgrim clothing prays ing Chinchero, portray very different, men Christian version of the local Andean His (Fig. 18). Above him are two indigenous in ethnically landscape. painting no to Inca mixed clothing (Fig. 17). Like all the pilgrims in this group, contains references any of the related sites beyond crosses. Above the men are the or to the traditional sacred areas within such as they carry pilgrimage indigenous town, it, more all As stated there are no the carved rocks. two have been pilgrims, Europeans. earlier, Only buildings represented women on of The scene a the town. a small church to the this side the painting. gives para beyond One, Virgin's left, a rests near the skirt of one of the The other is a diselike impression of heavenly male pilgrimage. Churches angels.114 crosses crown a house that to be in with trees out of and the surrounding mountains, indicating appears decay, growing In a col the adobe a occurrence in abandoned thoroughly Christianized landscape. the foreground melt, typical highland orful bird above the homes It also shows a sings pilgrims.113 (Fig. 19).115 rustic, European-style fence, further intimating that the past indigenous life of this landscape?one separate from the Christian present?is the role that in his Ambiguous Landscapes dead. Given powerful buildings played The celebration of the landscape in the pilgrimage scene torical remembrance for the Incas, the elimination of much to a in the Chinchero town scene. Inca built environment around Chinchero points striking absence of the imperial from is as as an of the What Chivantito excluded the townscape telling suggests intentional reimaging local landscape by what he included. And what he excluded is the rich land Chivantito. This despoliation view of the Chinchero land town of Chinchero. Chinchero under im contrasts with the scene. While the scape beyond the scape sharply pilgrimage A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 229

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Chinchero looks and mountains are crowned with crosses landscape dark, abandoned, menacing, and chapels?a detail the Christianized is that evokes a Christianized landscape light,open, and filled with holy thoroughly landscape. and flowers. the mountains that figures, birds, However, Chivantito paints around In his Chivantito to have taken Chinchero differ from the seen in rest large painting, appears markedly peaks the of pains to distinguish the landscape around Chinchero as a the painting (Fig. 21). Such a change in the depiction of local Andean from the mountain within a cannot be in landscape separate complementary type single painting found Christianized one. In the the other European pilgrimage scene, any Montserrat artwork, indicating that Chivantito mountains resemble the sandstone of Montserrat must have added this alteration. In the landscape Chinchero painting, In other artwork the mountains around the town are with (Fig. 20). depicting the Montserrat land rugged, rough such as the the mountains exterior surfaces more the scape, Santiago painting, similarly following closely metamorphic display heavily eroded sedimentary formations (Fig. 8). In formations that predominate in the region (Fig. 22). Chivan both the and tito's of Chinchero and in Santiago Chinchero paintings, the Spanish representation its landscape such ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 230 JUNE 2

of have resonated The message this representation would stronglywith the indigenous audience as theygazed up at the nave. image from the church's In Chivantito also in localizing European iconography, vented one of the few colonial landscape paintings known in the Andes His model came from Flemish land today.118 to have a scapes, the only European landscape tradition significant impact on the emerging painting traditions of the colonial New World. Prints and paintings of Flemish land scapes, first introduced to Spain, became favored in Seville and subsequently were brought to theAmericas in significant New land numbers. Hence, instead of painting local World artists scapes, indigenous copying European prototypes would paint Flemish landscapes as background for their no an in where the environ scenes, doubt oddity the Andes, ment looks strikinglydifferent. Flemish-style landscapes were as a for in also used background religious-themed paintings centu Mexico during the late sixteenth and seventeenth ries.119 In the one Andes, painter who favored adding landscapes to his paintings was the indigenous artistDiego Quispe Tito, who is believed to have trained Chivantito. Quispe Tito was greatly influenced by the landscape paintings of Hans Bol, J?os de Momper, and Paul Bril. Quispe Tito was so enamored of Flemish landscapes that he often sacrificed the overt story in a scene in order to conveyed by the characters religious devote more to the behind the space landscape figures.120 Tito's focus on albeit a Flemish Quispe the landscape, one, may have been what led his student Chivantito to think of as a element of the landscapes significant painting. This emphasis, along with the split in the artists' guild, a new Chi which introduced local realism, may have given to of a vantito scope develop his unique depiction regional, religious, and highly charged local landscape. During the a in which Chivantito con 18 Virgin ofMontserrat, detail showing pilgrim from the period worked, indigenous painters scene in the pilgrimage (artwork public domain; photograph formed to artistic traits typical of Diego Quispe Tito while the by author) a new on life in the Cuzco introducing concentration region, as on and urban Chivantito's such people scenes.121 Thus, Montserrat arose from four the influence of Virgin of aspects: a fashion reflects the growth of Christianity among the indig Quispe Tito's emphasis on the (Flemish) landscape; a con enous and a intolerance of artists to the re population strong indigenous temporary desire among indigenous depict beliefs (such as the worship of sacred mountains) among alism of indigenous life (through its architecture and peo Christians in the late seventeenth own need to a century. ple); Chivantito's paint local, recognizable Chivantito set these two distinct on Chinchero and the of the for landscapes opposite scene; importance landscape one the Andean The in Chivantito's sides of the painting: Christian and heavenly, reserved audience.122 landscape paint for the other and was an from only men, indigenous dark, seemingly ing created by indigenous artist?drawing indig abandoned. Most he articulated the most enous and of sacredness? important, peak artistic practices understanding sacred to the local as cut down and de a In population being depicting local, highly charged environment. the a new artistic for the stroyed by angels.116 Given that the audience for the painting process, Chivantito pioneered genre would have been local indigenous people who would have Andes. one must to a vision of the readily recognized the Apu and its destruction, While Chivantito's desire portray potent wonder how reacted. In same it remains they the way that Chivantito local Chinchero landscape is evident, unclear what created a in the town he took the or he intended that to convergent reading scene, specific message meaning landscape of the of her "sawed moun to the iconography Virgin Montserrat, convey his local indigenous audience. His depiction of tain," and localized it. In the process, Chivantito gave the sacred Spanish landscape of Montserrat is idealized and cel a Andean Rather while his Chinchero's cultural and archi European iconography distinctly meaning. ebratory, image of as a of tectural is a but overall affirmative view of than simply serving symbol the sitewhere theVirgin's landscape complex holy image first appeared, the saw and the mountain in the local indigenous life and history. These images stand in stark Chinchero visualize enact the contrast to a Inca that is landscape and destruction of his illustration of sacred landscape the local sacred mountain of the Christian either desiccated or erased from view. the mountain by agents god.117 Indeed, A ANDEAN PAINTING COLONIAL 231

19 Virgin ofMontserrat, detail showing scene the of the decaying house and overgrown vegetation behind Chinchero (artwork in the public domain; photograph by the author)

a 20 View of portion of the mountain of Montserrat, Spain (photograph by the author)

most sacred to the indigenous residents of Chinchero is the witnessed during this struggle to Christianize and conquer one as an Montserrat land the Andes. For viewers of the the Chivantito represented Andean modern-day painting, ques one was saw as to Chivantito's scape but also that under attack from the tion remains unanswered whether message There are read is or even ambivalent. wielding angels. two, perhaps three, potential subversive, triumphal, ings of this portrayal of the indigenous landscape. It is as possible that the artistwished to express an indictment of the The Artist, the Audience, and the Painting Cultural a view Mediators Christian destruction of indigenous sacred landscapes, was meant to the audience that The Montserrat Francisco Chivantito serves as an that galvanize indigenous Virgin of by how traditions are trans worshiped in the church but still venerated the sacred Apu (a example of artistic mimicked, to extended colonial practice that continues today). Another possibility is that formed, and translated while subject saw the as a celebration of Catholic success In and the Chivantito image redefinition. his depiction of buildings, people, in and of Christi at Chivantito transforming non-Christian religious practices places, performance Corpus Chinchero, por thus as a tale for those not to one midcolonial on his canvas. He serving cautionary willing give trayed reality of the period into the Andean context and up their traditional non-Christian religious beliefs. Or per imported European prototypes was on the violent he into a haps Chivantito commenting changes translated Old World symbols and artistic practices ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX 232 JUNE NUMBER 2

21 Virgin ofMontserrat, detail showing the angels sawing the mountain behind the town (artwork in the public domain; photograph by the author)

22 View of the mountain and the as seen local Apu, Antakilke, from Chinchero (photograph by the author)

localized visual The built environment not and in In vocabulary. only difference, Yachacuscamcani his painting. addition set the but also became a vehicle for remembrance and to an actual stage describing event, the celebration of Corpus In this colonial were under a forgetting. way, Spanish places Christi, he visualized the past in such way that itwould be stood through Andean spatial and spiritual conceptions, recognizable and meaningful to his audience. Yet by adding the of new transcultura ted of to making possible imagination images despoliation and transformation the traditional spaces. iconography of the Virgin of Montserrat, Chivantito invited In the the the lives of the viewer to reflect on cost of process, painting exposed divergent the violent cultural change. the residents and articulated the complex entanglements Chivantito's complex and highly localized depiction also that characterized the midcolonial Over one hun of period. underscores the issue of methodology in the study paint dred and fiftyyears after the arrival of Europeans in the ings. To examine the Virgin ofMontserrat largely in terms of a Chinchero was affected?but not de tradition or a visual of coloni Andes, society greatly regional painting expression fined?by the Spanish invasion. As a local indigenous artist zation is to miss most of Chivantito's narrative. Instead, one for to must understand the and painting his hometown audience, Chivantito managed complex visual, physical, spatial, and address the local ideas of the artist of capture nuanced, sacredness, conceptual worlds shared by and the residents A ANDEAN PAINTING COLONIAL 233

to so skill that itwas made about the twelfth century. de C. the town in order perceive the intricate narrative suggest Josepha ed., Sum: de Santa Maria deMontserrat (Bar in this This has a of Laplana, Nigra Iconograf?a fully composed painting. required variety celona: Museu de Montserrat, 1995), 240-42. Except when the sculp and archival to archae ture was hidden for or taken of research methods, from iconographie protection forcibly during periods it has resided on is considered to to) the and Such an reveals the conflict, always (and belong ological ethnographic. approach mountain of Montserrat (239-60). The Virgin of Montserrat is a and artistic of complexity extraordinary understanding peo "black Madonna," that is,whose image is depicted with a dark skin cur in areas the centers of in Cuzco color, and is credited with numerous miracles, most concerning ple living beyond production ing the ill and helping captives escape. For a list of her reputed mira and Lima?areas that have been may provincial by Spanish cles, see Tom?s Roca, El libro de losMilagros hechos ? invocaci?n de Nues were centers of artistic tra Se?ora deMontserrat de imperial standards but indigenous (San Miguel, Spain: Imprenta Roca, 1875). Most of the miracles attributed to the of Montserrat were after early Virgin practices long before and the Spanish invasion. associated not with the holy image but with the altar. The first time the statue is associated with miracles is in the fourteenth century. Laplana, Nigra Sum, 242-46. 5. The saw was not added to her standard iconography until 1672. Stella Nah, assistant at the at professor University of California Laplana, Nigra Sum, 249. received an MArch and a PhD the Riverside, from University of 6. For a discussion of the evolution of the Virgin of Montserrat's iconog see Manuel Mar?a de la en el arte California at Berkeley.She isworking on a monograph investigating raphy, Tren, iconograf?a virgen Espa?ol (Madrid: Editorial Plus-Ultra, 1947), 528-42. the and Chin architectural, spatial, landscape transformations of 7. Bern?t Boil accompanied Christopher Columbus on his second trip chero an Inca estate to an colonial town from imperial indigenous to the New World. For a discussion of the life of Bern?t Boil, see [Department ofHistory ofArt, 222 Arts Building, University of P. D. F. de P. Crusellas, Nueva historia del santuario y monasterio de Nues tra Se?ora deMontserrat (Barcelona: Tipograf?a Cat?lica, 1896), 218 California at Riverside, 900 UniversityAvenue, Riverside, Calif 28. For a discussion of the spread of the cult beyond Montserrat, see 92521-0319, [email protected]]. Teresa Marci?, "Expansion of the Cult of the Mother of God of Mont serrat in the XVIth and XVIIth Centuries," in Laplana, Nigra Sum, 261-66. Notes 8. This belief was reflected in colonial art. For example, in a colonial painting from Potos? in present-day Bolivia, the Virgin is depicted not in front of a sacred mountain but as a of it. Teresa Gis I am indebted to numerous people and institutions: Thomas Cummins, for simply part mitos en el arte Paz: Linea invitingme to give a talk at the University of Chicago and encouraging me to bert, Iconograf?a y ind?genas (La Editorial, Fundaci?n 17-22. pursue this topic; Carolyn Dean, for sharing insights and answering questions BHN, 1994), at in Nicholas who me to important junctures my explorations; Penny, pushed 9. For an in-depth discussion of the conflicting views regarding sacred Montserrat in and Ann for her of investigate Spain; Rowe, sharing knowledge ness and religiosity of indigenous Andeans and European Christians, Andean textiles. In I would like to thank Melissa Chatfield and addition, see Kenneth Mills, Idolatry and Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion and Richard for their and Eirik for Kagan loaning photographs Johnson helping Extirpation, 1640-1750 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); the Chivantito under the worst of circumstances. I photograph painting and Sabine MacCormack, Religion in theAndes: Vision and Imagination would also like to thank the for their comments and criti following people inEarly Colonial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). cisms at various stages of this project: the two anonymous reviewers for The Art 10. Carolyn S. Dean, "Copied Carts: Spanish Prints and Colonial Peruvian Bulletin, Kevin Carr, Preeti Chopra, Finbarr Barry Flood, Rebecca Ginsburg, Paintings," Art Bulletin 78 (1996): 103. For a discussion of the use of Jeremy Mumford, and Jason Weems, along with my cohorts at the Michigan European prints in early Cuzco paintings, see also Jos? de Mesa, "The Society of Fellows. If, despite their best efforts, any mistakes remain, they are Flemish Influence in Andean Art," in America, Bride of theSun: 500 mine alone. I would also like to thank my friends in Chinchero and Cuzco, in Years Latin America and theLow Countries (Antwerp: Imschoot, 1992), particular, Simeona Sallo and Amelia Perez Trujillo. The Center for Ad 179-87. For a comprehensive bibliography, see Stella Nair and Peter vanced Study in the Visual Arts at the National Gallery of Art, the Fulbright Parshall, "European Prints to the New World: An Annotated Bibliog Institute for International Education, and the Edilia and Fran?ois-Auguste de raphy," MS, 2003, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Mont?quin Junior Fellowship from the Society of Architectural Historians 11. the local from provided funding for this project. Following bishop's orders, artists copied works Spain either in their entirety or in parts. Antrobus and Mackay, "Painting, 1. A note on Since the sounds used in Quechua orthography: Quechua Graphic Arts and Sculpture," 507. For a discussion of Bishop Mol are different from those of distinctly European languages, coupled linedo and the impact of his collection of European art on Cuzco with the uneven colonial sources, there is stillmuch debate on the painting, see Mesa and Gisbert, Historia de la pintura cuzque?a, vol. 1, proper spelling of colonial Quechua words. For example, the artist's 118-23. name has been written as Chivantito, Chihuantito, and Chiwantito. 12. In Spain, artists often used prints as sources of imagery for their This is because the colonial Spanish "v" often, but not always, repre paintings, and this tradition was brought to the New World. See Ed sented what we now pronounce as "w" or "hua." However, as there is ward Sullivan, "European Painting and the Art of the New World Col no agreement on the correct spelling (or for that matter, the specific onies," in Converging Cultures: Art and Identity in Spanish America, ed. pronunciation) of this artist's name, I am using the spelling used in Diana Fane (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996), 32-33. Although the his own signature, Chivantito. In other cases, I have tried to use the impact of European prints on Andean art was remarkable, this is not more commonly accepted spellings or have listed both spellings to to suggest that most Andean artistic productions were wholesale cop acknowledge the ongoing debate. ies. Rather, mimesis transformed the imagery, reflecting the unique 2. This painting belongs to a series in the Chinchero church that de colonial Andean situation. picts the life of the Virgin. Francisco Chivantito is one of a group of 13. For an insightful commentary on the issues of copying inAndean indigenous artists who created a distinct style known as the Cuzco painting, particularly notions of authenticity, originality, and deriva school of painting. The indigenous artists working during this time tion, see Thomas Cummins, "Let Me See! Reading Is for Them: Colo shared many common practices, such as the use of gold-brocade dec nial Andean Images and Objects 'Come es Costumbre Tener los Ca oration (also called brocateado, it is an application of gold leaf to a ciques Se?ores,'" inNative Traditions in thePostconquest World, ed. painting, usually to images of finely woven or embroidered clothing) Elizabeth Hill Boone and Thomas Cummins (Washington, D.C: and the depiction of native birds and fauna. Pauline Antrobus, with Dumbarton Oaks, 1998), 93-94. W. Iain Mackay, "Painting, Graphic Arts and Sculpture," in The Dictio nary ofArt, vol. 24 (New York: Macmillan, 1996), 506-11; Te?filo 14. See Dean, "Copied Carts," 98-110. Benaventes Velarde, Historia del arte cusque?os del la colonia (Cuzco, 15. "The discourse of mimicry is constructed around an ambivalence; in Peru: Municipalidad del Qosqo, 1995); and Jos? de Mesa and Teresa order to be effective, mimicry must continually produce its slippage, Gisbert, Historia de la pintura cuzque?a, 2 vols. (Lima: Fundaci?n Au its excess, its difference." Homi Bhabha, "Of Mimicry and Man: The N. Wiese, 1982). Francisco Chivantito was born in Chinchero. gusto Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse," October, no. 28 (1984): 126. See ibid., vol. 1, 174. 16. Jesus Perez-Morera compares Chivantito's Virgin ofMontserrat at Chin 3. I am using the term Spanish in the same way I refer to the Andes, to chero with the Virgin ofMontserrat in the Iglesia de Santiago, arguing denote a regional, not a political, category that included most, ifnot that both paintings were copied from an anonymous engraving, Mont all, of the Iberian Peninsula. Serr?t, from the seventeenth century. Perez-Morera, "El grabado como 4. was Traditionally, the church has claimed that the sculpture found in fuente iconogr?fica: El tema de la Virgen de Montserrat en la pintura the mountain of Montserrat in the ninth century; however, studies flamenca y peruana," inHomenaje al ProfesorHernandez Perera (Madrid: ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 2 234 JUNE

Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1992), 399-407. As the Virgin of Space has been condensed to allow prioritizing of the scenes de Montserrat in the Iglesia de Santiago is undated and unsigned (which picted. For example, the gable roofs have been compressed so that was of is some over typical the period), there disagreement the iden the viewer can look over buildings in the foreground and see the of del arte tity the artist. Benavente Velarde, Historia cusque?os, 90-91, plaza scene. Another instance is the leveling out of the plaza and credits his on a document that Chi Chivantito, basing argument gave church atrium such that they are almost on the same plane. This cre vantito land to farm in for a work for exchange Santiago. However, ated more space in which to depict the actions in the church atrium Mesa and Historia de la that the Gisbert, pintura cuzque?a, 173, argue without having to extend the footprint of the Chinchero scene on the Santiago Virgin ofMontserrat was painted by an unknown artist. Al canvas. though it is possible that the Santiago painting was made by Chivan 24. There appears to be an intriguing change or modification made to tito several decades before the Chinchero one (reflecting an imma the painting at a later date, though it is unclear when. The two niches ture style), Mesa and Gisbert contend that this painting was created at the far right seem to have been condensed to a single niche some by a less-skilled artist than the author of the Montserrat painting in time after the painting was completed. The original last niche looks Chinchero (175). Most scholars who have examined the paintings be as if it almost bleeds into the far corner of the niche wall, sug lieve that were done two distinct artists who had very different right they by that this "mistake" have been what the abilities. gesting may prompted change. However, the new niche is different from the others, of a double 17. It is unclear what role the members in the Chris surrounding played jamb, double-lintel construction, unlike the single^jamb, single-lintel tian faith. As Dean has out, the men to the Carolyn pointed Virgin's openings of the other niches. Why was this change made and why was left have their hair cut in tonsure; along with their dress, this points the opening given a new style?Among the Inca, double jambs and to an identity as Dominican friars. It is unclear if the men to the Vir double lintels had great significance, indicating the most important gin's right, who wear all-black robes, also have their hair cut in this spaces, carrying high prestige. The surviving physical evidence makes distinctive fashion. If they did, the men were likely Jesuit priests. If it clear that no similar alteration in the original niche wall occurred. they did not, then theymay have been secular clergy. It is also possi Therefore, this change, by Chivantito (or perhaps even a later simi ble that some of these men may have been rather depicted imagined skilled artist), does not reflect a alteration to the town than of actual As will be discussed later in this larly physical portraits people. pa center but came about for artistic reasons. per, the mixing of real and imagined people and objects in Cuzco 25. For a detailed discussion of the of the niched both painting was typical of the period (Dean, personal communication, history wall, impe see 2005). rial Inca and colonial Inca, Stella Nair, "Of Remembrance and Forgetting: The Architecture of Chinchero, Peru, from Thupa Tnka 18. Dean (ibid.) also suggests that the person next to the bishop may to the Spanish Occupation" (PhD diss., University of California, have shared in the patronage of this painting. Berkeley, 2003), 173-75, 257-60. 19. Richard L. Kagan, Urban Images of theHispanic World 1493-1793 (New 26. This has important implications for Inca architecture studies. There Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), 3-7. has been much discussion that numbers, particularly in Inca walls, is 20. ibid., 9, calls thismode of "communicentric." Kagan, representation important. A counterargument holds that it is not numbers but rather matter in architecture. In the Chinchero 21. Dean, "Copied Carts," 101. proportions that Inca paint ing, the proportions seem to have been maintained while the num 22. The inclusion of fictive elements in Andean descriptive painting dur bers were lost. Is this a result of a cultural change brought about by ing the colonial period is discussed in Carolyn S. Dean, Inca Bodies time, influence from or the idea of the artist? Or might it be a and theBody of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco, Peru (Durham: Spain, reflection of Inca For a discussion of Inca see Duke University Press, 1999), 84-96; and idem, "Copied Carts." priorities? proportions, Jean-Pierre Protzen, Inca Architecture and Construction at Ollantaytambo 23. For in Chivantito's the church tower is taller and example, painting (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 261-63; Vincent R. Lee, thinner than the one standing in town today. However, due to seismic Design byNumbers: Architectural Order among theIncas (Wilson, Wyo.: activity, the tower has collapsed numerous times during the last sev Sixpac Manco Publications, 1996), 1-18; and Protzen, "Inca Architec eral centuries. It is that the tower was rebuilt shorter and wider likely ture," in The Inca World, ed. Laura Laurencich Minelli (Norman: Uni and with thicker walls in an effort to make itmore stable and prevent of Oklahoma Press, 193-218. can versity 1999), future collapse. Changes over time from earthquake damage also 27. The short facade of the church has also been altered be seen in the church buttresses. In the painting, they are much slightly. smaller and in a more balanced with the than proportion building 28. This break came about officially in 1688 but was the culmination of the current which are for such a small buttresses, unusually large years of growing discord. Mesa and Gisbert, Historia de la pintura structure. evidence of to the church's western wall Surviving damage cuzque?a, vol. 1, 137-38, cite underlying racial tensions as well as di indicates that the buttresses have been over time in or were may enlarged vergent artistic practices. They argue that European artists frus der to stabilize the structure. trated with their indigenous colleagues' lack of adherence toWestern Another difference between the architectural remains and the painting practices. comes new painting is not related to earthquake damage but from 29. See Thomas Cummins, "Silver Threads and Golden Needles: The constructions and alterations in the modern period. In the painting, Inca, the and the Sacred World of Humanity," in The Colo Andean crosses flank both sides of the arches belonging to the Virgin Spanish, nial Andes: and Silverwork, 1530-1830, ed. Elena Jo of Montserrat. Andean crosses were an important part of the iconog Tapestries Phipps, some hanna Hecht, and Cristina Esteras Mar?n (New Haven: Yale University raphy of the Tiwanaku culture, and the Inca adopted of the Ti Press, 2004), 5-10. wanaku iconography in order to legitimate Inca rule. Photographs from moments in the show that the or various twentieth century iconog 30. Examples would be right and left, high and low, sun and moon, At one raphy of the arches has gone through many changes. point, man and woman. This concept is fundamental to the Andean under were at other are even or com they merely long, rectangular niches; times, they standing of space and relations today. Chinchero ayllus, shown and in serious with no evidence of their collapsed disrepair, munity groups, are divided into hanan and hurin, as are most indige form Given these it is to prior remaining. many changes, impossible nous highland communities. tell what had been the colonial of the arches' original configuration 31. For a discussion of the relation between Andean and the bi decoration. In the latest construction, the 1970s, plazas completed during of hanan and see Thomas Toasts with Christian crosses were chosen to fill the holes. The nary concepts hurin, Cummins, equilateral gaping theInca: Andean Abstraction Colonial on Vessels not and Images Quero (Ann present Christian crosses are therefore a modern element and do Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 300-305. reflect what may have existed in the colonial period. new can seen Protzen The problems posed by constructions be in the part 32. Jean-Pierre and John Rowe, "Hawkaypata: The Terrace of Lei of town below the lower plaza. This area has been entirely rebuilt in sure," in Streets: Critical Perspectives on Public Space, ed. Zeynep ?elik, means or the last few centuries, thereby eliminating any of verifying Diane Favro, and Richard Ingersoll (Berkeley: University of California disproving Chivantito's version of this portion of town. Chivantito's Press, 1994), 235-46. shows a wall a kancha and individ painting enclosing (housing group) 33. For Teresa Gisbert and de Mesa, Chinchero's "double a with " Jos? plaza ual rectangular buildings arrayed around central courtyard [plaza dobl?] results from the separation of the two central powers, open spaces in the corners. He painted separate entrances for each the church and the state, such that each has its own space. and for the windows and doors public building Spanish iconography (none The authors discuss this as a of the colonial was some phenomenon Spanish of these are trapezoidal, which typical of the Inca, although period. Arquitectura Andina 1530-1830, vol. 1 (La Paz: Embajada de times had rectangular niches as well). Chivantito's depiction of they en Bolivia, 159-60. However, a division of function in vernacular architecture resembles the few colonial Espa?a 1997), strongly buildings was evident in Inca before the arrival of that exist in town Given the with which Chivantito public space public spaces today. accuracy in the Americas. at Europeans portrayed the surviving architecture and decoration Chinchero, it is 34. For a discussion of itsmanifestation in the and likely (though impossible to say conclusively) that the buildings that imperial, urban, ritual, social of see Toasts with the once stood before the plaza resembled those shown in Chivantito's landscape Cuzco, Cummins, Inca, 101-5, 108-16. Hanan as the division and hurin as the lower were ex painting. upper A ANDEAN PAINTING COLONIAL 235

one that was 48. For an of a relation between written texts pressions of their unequal but complementary relations, example complementary to an and this the Christi see exploited by the imperial Inca state enforce imperial hierarchy. paintings (in case, regarding Corpus festival), Dean, Inka Bodies and theBody of Christ. 35. See Cummins, "Silver Threads and Golden Needles," 5-10. For an 49. One scholar who has tried to the two is Dean. She example of this in the work of the indigenous artist Felipe Guarnan pull apart Carolyn see has shown that even scenes such as these, Poma de Ayala during the colonial period, Rolena Adorno, Gua ("Copied Carts," 101) where much of the narrative describes actual events and also rnan Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru (Austin: University of people, contain inventions of the ones that the Texas Press, 2000), 89; and Mercedes L?pez-Baralt, "From Looking to important artists, go beyond as in Guarnan Poma inherent in an event. Dean has ar Seeing: The Image as Text and the Author Artist," problems representing ephemeral that in the Cuzco Christi the inclusion of fictive de Ayala: The Colonial Art of an Andean Author (New York: Americas gued Corpus series, notes in a draw elements in a scene was done to Society, 1992), 17, 19. In particular, L?pez-Baralt that largely descriptive aggrandize indige nous in the of the and ing by Guarnan Poma, the literal reading of the image depicts the performances eyes indigenous participants their communities. For idealized of Spanish defeating the Andeans, while the spatially symbolic reading example, images European pro to cessional carts were inserted in the Christi "denounces the Spaniards" by making them subordinate the An Corpus painting although never before in Cuzco and in fact were never built dur deans (17). they appeared the seventeenth in Cuzco. These carts 36. this of over ing century conceptual signi Ironically, practice positional space perspectival space fied a locus of that would have resonated with would have been familiar to the artists. out Chris processional grandeur European Laying the audience. These carts are of lo tian art in valued such as its for indigenous compelling examples positionally ways, preference right cal in which from are and in a common mimicry objects European prints copied over left of a central sacred figure, was practice among the process are translated into the local indigenous context to convey painters at the time. new meanings. 37. Rosaleen Howard-Malverde has studied linguistic understandings of 50. the seventeenth century, itwas not unusual to include local the in In she has examined the that During past Quechua. particular, ways Andean scenes in the are as paintings celebrating Virgins. Images depicting buildings used mnemonic devices for remembering the past. scenes. Virgins of Potos?, Cocharcas, and Bel?n have included local See Howard-Malverde, The or Speaking ofHistory: "Willapaakushayki" Dean, Carts," 101. This scene is either of a in a Latin "Copied priest Corpus Quechua Ways of Telling thePast (London: Institute of American a Christi procession or a procession honoring visiting bishop. Studies, 1990), 73-83. Cummins, "Let Me See! Reading Is for Them," 51. Some were the added of horseback and carry 141, was the first to note important linkages between Howard granted privilege riding arms. Karen "Kurakas and Commerce: A in the Malverde's study and Quechua colonial material culture. ing Spalding, Chapter Evolution of Andean Society," Hispanic American Historical Review 53, 38. Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, theInca Realm, trans. History of no. 4 (1973): 583. Harry B. Iceland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), vii to a was also an Inca no viii. 52. Ibid., 584. This discussion refers kuraka who ble, as was probably the case for many of the kurakas in early colonial 39. Susan A. Niles, The Inca (Iowa City: University of Iowa status Shape of History Chinchero. Inca nobles and caciques/kurakas both had special Press, 1999), 43. were and privileges in the colonial period, but there differences be a to in 40. Cummins, "Let Me See! Reading Is for Them," 140, 142-43. Cum tween them. Inca nobles had status equivalent hidalgu?a Spain. so to as freedom mins argues that seeing was a critical part of remembering, that They had the legal status and privilege of nobility, such or vas see was to remember and to not see was to forget. As Cummins states, from taxation, but they did not necessarily have money, land, were "the tactile and visual word in relation to oral discourse remained for sals. Caciques/ kurakas (who might or might not be Inca) the to se?ores de who formed a Andeans the form through which Andeans 'inscribed' their existence" equivalent titled lords (called vassallos), (95). small minority of hidalgos in Spain. They held land (in mayorazgo) and often had judicial authority over their tenants (JeremyMumford, per 41. Niles, The Shape of Inca History, 56. sonal communication, 2006). 42. Ibid., 48. There were several titles of reference to the Inca given 53. The this word from the Caribbean and used it to ruler. One of them is Inka. Spanish brought Sapa sure refer to all indigenous leaders. As we do not know for whether 43. Cabello Miscel?nea Antartica:Una historia del Peru anti a or Miguel Valboa, the leader depicted in Chivantito's painting had hereditary ap Lima: Universidad Nacional de San Marcos, 1951), as a guo (1586; Mayor pointed position, I shall refer to him cacique. During the colo 357-58. over a nial period, the ranks of caciques became gradated time. For concise see David "Curas and Social Conflict in the 44. Despite some differences, both the Inca and Spanish used urban discussion, Cahill, Doctrinas of Latin American Studies 16, plans as part of their colonizing strategies. Plans used by both regimes Cuzco, 1780-1814," fournal of no. 2 256-57. "Let Me See! Is for Them," involved central plazas and grid-inspired street arrangements (though (1984): Cummins, Reading has noted that the conflation of and kuraka the there are many deviations found in any ideal order). The Spanish 109, cacique by Span as ish has a with the conflation of duho Caribe wrote down these practices in a series of decrees known the Law of parallel Spanish (a word) and tiana to refer to the ceremonial seat of the the Indies, which linked architecture, conquest, and evangelizing (a Quechua word) that and understand practices. cacique/kuraka, revealing "Spanish recognition of Andean and were not intended to 45. This is in contrast to what was on in Cuzco at the same ing political symbols positions sharp going be in terms of Andean but universal in relation to time. In the the architecture of the specific meaning capital city, damaged imperial a colonial of rule a of native elites." as a re setting up system through body Inca period was intentionally turned into ruins to serve visual a 54. "Kurakas and Commerce," 594. minder of Spanish victory. See Carolyn S. Dean, "Creating Ruin in Spalding, Colonial Cusco: Sacsayhuaman and What Was Made of It," Andean 55. Ibid., 585. Past 5 (1998): 161-84. For a comprehensive discussion of the changes 56. As there were many descendants of the imperial Inca ruler Thupa in the architectural and urban fabric of Chinchero, see Nair, "Of Re 'Inka in Chinchero, it is likely that the local leader was from this membrance and Forgetting." group. Most were descended from Thupa Tnka's son Qhapaq Wari, This wall also have served as a tinku. In the when two son 46. may Andes, though others appear to have been descended from his other come are seen as or and are things together, they charged powerful (and successor) Wayna Qhapaq. Another elite group may have called a tinku.The where hanan and hurin come is a space together emerged from the Ayamarka community. The town and previous im tinku. Dean has that if the atrium and were soon one Carolyn suggested plaza perial Inca estate was built in the Ayamarka homeland, after as hanan the that divides them have understood and hurin, wall may of the last revolts by the Ayamarka was crushed. The Ayamarka were seen as a and the wall would have carried im as been tinku, particular then granted citizenship through "Inca by privilege" the empire portance (Dean, personal communication, 2005). expanded. During the Spanish invasion and occupation of the Andes, re many elites are known to have moved to Cuzco, while oth 47. The small number of surviving written textsmakes it difficult to Ayamarka as ers, of less ancestry, in Chinchero. construct the local history of Chinchero. However, scholars such perhaps prestigious stayed name Cummins, "Let Me See! Reading Is for Them," 140, 142-43, has 57. In many instances when this inscription has been noted, the as in a shown that a nonliterate people, Andean groups, and the Inca Amau is described as a shortening or misspelling of Amaru, Que particular, used material objects to convey meaning and write their chua surname meaning "serpent," well known to scholars. However, own histories. In the case of Chinchero, the abundant material cul there is no evidence of the name being altered on the canvas, and ture, such as buildings, ceramics, textiles, and paintings, provides criti the name changing seems to be based only on scholarly supposition cal clues into the past. Chivantito's painting is particularly important rather than evidence. Susan Niles (personal communication, 2005) was as it furnishes our only visualization of colonial life at Chinchero, al was the first to point out to me that Amau (also spelled Amao) name was lowing us critical insights into both the everyday and the extraordi likely the original of the majordomo in the painting. Amau can nary, as well as stratification and difference. This painting reveals how a typical surname at that time in the region. It be found in docu distinct groups and individuals mediated and translated the dramatic ments relating to Chinchero, as well as the adjacent Yucay and Uru areas. For one is listed as a upheaval of the colonial period. bamba example, in 1550, Bernab? Amao ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 236 JUNE 2

Chinchero resident. Horacio Villanueva Unteaga, "Documentos sobre Unku: Strategy and Design in Colonial Peru," Cleveland Studies in the Yucay en el Siglo XVI," Revista del Archivo Hist?rico del Cuzco 13 (1970): History ofArt 7 (2002): 69-103. 79. The most important elements of an Inca man's clothing were his "knee sleeveless tunic, a mantle, headband and orna 58. The use of staffs indicates that these men are either Varayoqs, leaders length plain ments." A. Rowe, "Inca and Costume," 24. The re of the different ayllus in Chinchero, or representatives of the confra Weaving clothing flected status and ethnic The defined ethnic or ternities that sponsored the Corpus Christi procession. This latter, identity. headgear Inca birth versus Inca The and more likely, alternative was first suggested tome by Susan Web regional origin, separating by by privilege. headband, a braided wool band, was called a llawfu. Ibid., 27. A sev ster (personal communication, 2001). enteenth-century dictionary (attributed by different scholars to several 59. For a brief description of the kuraka, see Spalding, "Kurakas and different authors) defines Llautu as "a large sash, that makes many Commerce," 583. turns, that they wear in Cuzco on their head, for which each nation is on 60. Ibid., 591-92. different, for that which theywear their head [un ?ngulo largo, que dan muchas bueltas, se los del Cuzco en la cabe?a cada naci?n se 61. Steve J. Stern has shown that the Spanish allowed the kuraka more que ponen y lo trae en la cabecea].'" Arte vocabulario en la autonomy as a way to save money instead of hiring an overseer in diferencia, por que y lengua del Peru, llamada en la (Seville: Cle many "reduced" towns (in which the Spanish consolidated the indige general Quichua, y lengua Espa?ola mente 1603), leaf Ff2v. The color of the band indicated nous populations of many villages). Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples and the Hidalgo, A. Rowe, "Inca and Costume," 28. Tied over the Challenge of theSpanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640 (Madison: Univer prestige. Weaving llawt'u was a metal worn on the forehead called a This sity ofWisconsin Press, 1993), 76. In larger towns, a majordomo could plaque ca?ipu. have revealed the elite's distinction, if be carry out the administration of the church for the cacique. The im may ayllu indicating they to the hanan or hurin Rowe mentions that we portance of the indigenous community leaders can be seen in a draw longed group (although lack evidence for Tnka's was hanan. ing by the indigenous historian Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala, who archaeological this). Thupa ayllu 29. Arte vocabulario, leaf BBlr, defines a as "a that depicts an Andean majordomo holding the key to the church as a Ibid., y ca?ipu paten one in the front se en Inca men also symbol of his authority. Guarnan Poma de Ayala, Nueva cor?nica y buen puts [patena que pone lafrense]" wore called These ornaments indicat gobierno, trans. Jan Szeminski, vol. 2 (Lima: Fondo de Cultura Eco earplugs, paku. large cylindrical were so that a noble who wore them was called a n?mica, 1993), 658, fig. 806. The drawing is captioned at the top, ing prestige striking The translated this reference as "Mayordomo: del administrador y de la iglesia y de cofrad?as, hospital, pakuyoq (earplug man). Spanish well, to this elite status male as an A. "Inca y de otros bienes de comunidad, y sapsi?suyoyoc, indio pobre triuba referring orej?n (big ear). Rowe, and 29. Other such as a wide trio" (Majordomo/church warden: of the administrator and of the Weaving Costume," jewelry, chipana (a or silver was worn on the forearm. 30. church and of the confraternities, hospital, and of other benefits of gold bracelet), Ibid., the and community, communal?suoyoc [native leader], poor tributary 71. Although the design of the edge bindings is not clear, what is visible Below the Guarnan Poma wrote "en este Indian). drawing reyno" (in resembles the traditional edge binding that characterizes some south this and In the kingdom) "majordomos" (majordomo). accompanying ern Andean textiles. Edge bindings are not common in the Andes, text Guarnan Poma wrote that these indigenous men were leaders of but can be found in several communities in the southern Andes. of colonial such as of many aspects early organizations, "Majordomos Chinchero's edge binding iswoven, not sewn, into the edges of the the church and of the confraternities and of the hospitals and of the cloth. It is a distinctive round weave with a diamond motif that is administrators de la de de de los [Majordomos iglesia y cofradesy hospitals y found in only a handful of communities. This tradition continues to administradores}." Guarnan Poma, 660, states that these men were hon day in all large, modern weavings. est, hard workers who toiled "for the service of God and your Majesty 72. John H. Rowe, "Colonial Portraits of Inca Nobles," in The Civilizations [para el servicio de Dios y de suMajestad]." ofAncient Am?rica: SelectedPapers of theXXIX International Congress of 62. Stern, Peru's Indian 192-93. Peoples, Americanists, ed. Sol Tax (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951), 63. It is possible to see under the pigment that the second name also be 258-68. The representation of Inca elites in colonial imagery and the a gins with MD, indicating that thisman, like Pascual Amau, also held importance of clothing has since been studied by variety of other the titlemajordomo. This image of twomajordomos may suggest that scholars. See Rolena Adorno, "Images of Indios Ladinos in Early Co they are hanan and hurin caciques. For a discussion of dual caciques, lonial Per?," 232-70, Thomas Cummins, "We Are the Other: Peruvian see Cummins, Toasts with theInca, 300. If this is the case, Amau would Portraits of Colonial Kurakakuna," 203-31, R. Tom Zuidema, "Gua or rnan an be from the Cuper ayllu, the hanan ayllu, while the erased major Poma and the Art of Empire: Toward Iconography of Inca or domo would be from the Ayllupongo, the hurin ayllu. Royal Dress," 151-202, in Transatlantic Encounters: Europeans and An deans in theSixteenth ed. Kenneth J. Andrien and Adorno 64. The crudeness of the brushstrokes and the disparity in pigment sug Century, of California Press, 1991); Gustavo Buntinx and gest that sometime after the completion of the painting, someone (Berkeley: University name Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, "Inca y reyes en la colo painted over the original in haste. espa?oles pintura nial peruana: La estela de Garcilaso," inMargenes (Lima: Margenes, 65. V. Murra, "Cloth and Its Function in the Inca State," American en John 1991), 151-210; Teresa Gisbert, Iconograf?a y mitos ind?genas el arte Anthropologist 64, no. 4 (1962): 710-28. (La Paz: Apartado 195, 1980), 117-46; and Phipps, "Garments and an 66. For excellent discussion of Inca dress in both the imperial Inca Identity in the Colonial Andes," 16-39. Rolena Adorno stresses that see in the and colonial periods, Elena Phipps, "Garments and Identity even elite indigenous people who used a lot of Spanish clothing al Colonial Andes," in Phipps et al., The Colonial Andes, 17-39. In partic ways included visible indigenous elements, proclaiming their ethnic of Andean textiles ular, Phipps discusses the complexity and meaning identity. Adorno, "On Pictorial Language and the Typology of Cul and the various strategies, legal and otherwise, on the part of the ture in a New World Chronicle," Semi?tica 36, nos. 1-2 (1981): 63. to Spanish control indigenous clothing. Andean elites were aware of the power of paintings in conveying mes of the of and related 67. The Spanish began legislating indigenous dress, in particular setting sages authority through depiction clothing imag the colonial elites often commissioned rules over indigenous versus European elements, in 1575. New laws ery. During period, paintings that were crafted to send of both continued to be enacted until independence in the early nineteenth carefully messages power, including and Inca Dean, Carts," 105. century. For a discussion of the changing Spanish laws in regard to Spanish iconography. "Copied see "Garments and in the Colo indigenous clothing, Phipps, Identity 73. Note that he, like the cacique, has a Spanish-style hat in his hands. nial Andes," 27. 74. For a discussion of the Ayamarkas (also spelled Ayarmacas), see David 68. "Of and 126. Bhabha, Mimicry Man," Cahill, "The Virgin and the Inca: An Incaic Procession in the City of wears a Cuzco in no. 3 and Maria Rost 69. The cacique wears a Spanish coat. The noble to his left simi 1692," Ethnohistory 49, (2002): 611-49; on an worowski de Diez "Los in de historia lar outfit, with the exception of the coat. This noble has Inca Canseco, Ayarmaca," Ensayos two andina: etn?as 241-90. mantle called a yaqolla (also spelled yacolla). Made of pieces that Elites, (Lima: IEP, 1993), were sewn itwas worn or, as shown here, tied to a together, loosely 75. Inca nobles, primarily of the Ayllupongo, walked precarious line over the left shoulder A. Rowe, "Inca and Cos as as gether (26). Weaving functioning as enablers of Spanish power well caretakers of the TextileMuseum 34-35 26; and "Gar were tume," Journal (1997): Phipps, memory of the Inca past. The majority of the Cuper ayllu la ments and in the Colonial Andes," 20. Identity beled commoners, as were the Yanacona, who were most likely the descendants of Inca servants. The of most 70. This is the Quechua term for the Inca shirt (also spelled uncu). The imperial listing Cuper as a members as commoners is because inmodern Spanish referred to it camiseta. Phipps, "Garments and Identity in interesting, Chinchero, the Colonial Andes," 19-20. For a discussion of the Inca male tunics the Cuper ayllu is considered to be the hanan (or upper) ayllu, while the is understood as the hurin that the in the imperial Inca and colonial periods, see also John H. Rowe, Ayllupongo ayllu, suggesting came in later or is somehow the "lower" of the two "Standardization in Inca Tapestry Tunics," in The Junius B. Bird Pre Ayllupongo pair Plant An An Columbian Textile Conference, ed. Ann Pollard Rowe, Elizabeth P. Ben ayllus. Christine Franquemont, "Chinchero Categories: Cornell son, and Anne-Louise Schaffer (Washington, D.C.: Textile Museum dean Logic of Observation" (PhD diss., University, 1988), 22 as and Dumbarton Oaks, 1979), 239-64; and Joanne Pillsbury, "Inka 23. The status of the Yanacona elite servants to the Inca nobles A COLONIAL ANDEAN PAINTING 237

women added another dimension to the unusual intergroup dynamics within that the in the Chinchero painting may have Spanish-style were the colonial town of Chinchero. skirts underneath their Inca dresses. Spanish clothing styles forcefully imposed on women during the reforms of Toledo in the 76. For a discussion of the creation of a shared notion of being Indian 1570s, which stated that the indigenous dress had to be sewn up. A and adopting Inca as a symbol of indigenous opposition to Spanish slip or petticoat was also introduced. Phipps, "Garments and Identity rule and culture, see Irene Silverblatt, "Becoming Indian in the Cen in the Colonial Andes," 30. tralAndes of Seventeenth Century Peru," in After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements, ed. Gyan Prakash (Princeton: 88. In imperial Inca times, head coverings were among the most impor Princeton University Press, 1995), 279-98. tant signifiers, not only of ethnicity and gender but also of status. For the Inca elite, head were and regu 77. In contrast, the tunic bears prominent European designs. imperial coverings highly stylized cacique's a a lated. Inca women typically wore headband called wincha. A. 78. The Andean sandals were the same for both men and women. They Rowe, "Inca Weaving and Costume," 24. were called 'usut'a and were of un tanned leather from camelids and 89. The was folded inward several times; it covered the of the had wool ties. Vibrant, multiple colors and elaborate designs were ?a?aqa top as head and down the back. Even infant wore a head cover used for high-status people, while lower-status people?such the hung girls a (a The term was also used to describe the head musicians?were leftwith simple outfits made from limited variety ing cap). p'ampakuna cloth. The women in the Chinchero have most of of natural hues. Sandals could be made of other materials, such as Ibid., 24. painting their hair covered. For a discussion of the various in which Inca plant fiber. A. Rowe, "Inca Weaving and Costume," 31. ways women wore their hair, see ibid. 79. It is possible that a surviving colonial building located adjacent to the 90. the the Inca head church may have been a home for the escolania. Next to the church During Spanish occupation, imperial coverings out of Nuestra Se?ora de Montserrat is an enclosed kancha, with a build quickly fell of favor.While colonial paintings depicting historical from the Inca are shown with traditional head ing called la escuela (before the building was abandoned a few years figures imperial period elite women, even those ago, the structure served as a school). The main building, which rests coverings, contemporary indigenous depicted in Inca are shown with no head This trend on a tall, finely made imperial Inca terrace, has greatly deteriorated, dress, usually covering. can be seen in the Chinchero where two of the elite women with a partially collapsed roof. It is connected to a series of rooms painting, in the town scene have their heads uncovered cov that were constructed at a later period. Gisbert and Mesa, Arquitectura (though slightly ered the neck of their or the two Andina, 192, argue that the main building in this group was the Ca up by high shawl, lliklla). However, women closest to the have their heads covered?and pilla de los Indios (Chapel of the Indians). They contend that the standing cacique in a most manner. The women's to the church of Nuestra Se?ora de Montserrat was built for the Spanish interesting proximity cacique and the fact that staffs their status. The two residents in town, and the smaller capilla was created for the indige they carry suggest high women wear either a wide wincha or a Over nous population. However, considering that the town of Chinchero very tightly fitting cap. this colorful head a black veil covers the backs of their apparently never had much, if any, of a Spanish population, this in piece, long heads and runs down their backs. This headdress derives from terpretation is unlikely. The main building's close proximity to the likely the Inca elite but it has been modified contact church suggests that itmay have had a religious use. The wall separat imperial headdress, by a with material culture. The black veil is not folded in the ing the two areas may have been added at later date. The main Spanish long traditional manner but across the in a building is a well-built rectangular structure, with a gable roof that indigenous drapes head, style curves at the north end to form a domelike space. This area leads to typical of nuns. most women?as to a balcony that looks over the church atrium. Two doors open on the What is interesting is that elite opposed elite east side. Windows are in the east and west walls (none of which is men?are shown marked by a reference to an imperial Inca head was was men to trapezoidal), and there is no evidence of niches. The roof beams are dress. When this painting made, it typical for elite to wear nicely cut, and the walls are exceptionally thick. It is also possible that compete the royal mascaypacha during the Corpus Christi cele the building served other functions, for example, as a hospital that bration. Those wearing the royal imperial Inca fringe claimed the was recommended to be built by the Law of the Indies. Yet the highest imperial Inca authority. Yet at Chinchero, it is not the men domed area and the adjacent balcony overlooking the church atrium but the women whose head covering references their royal Inca sta a as an es suggest that this structure likely served religious purpose, tus, albeit a Spanish-inflected version. The articulation of the wom or as a colania place to instruct all residents in Catholic teaching. en's headdress, like the majority of their clothing, celebrates their use Without further evidence, the of this building is left ambiguous. imperial Inca ethnicity while rejecting or marginalizing all things 80. See Niles, The Shape of Inca History, 43. A panaqa is a royal lineage Spanish. as to a or group, sometimes referred to similar clan moity. Each 91. A. Rowe, "Inca Weaving and Costume," 16. panaqa claims descent from a specific ruler. 92. For a discussion of Chinchero textiles focusing on modern practices, 81. Dean discusses the its in Inca and Carolyn haylli, importance life, see Christine Franquemont, "Chinchero Pallays: An Ethnic Code," in to how in one instance the Spanish attempts co-opt it, recounting Thefunius B. Bird Conference on Andean Textiles, ed. Anne Rowe (Wash choirmaster tried to commission a for Christi to be haylli Corpus sung ington, D.C: Textile Museum, 1986), 331-38; and Christine Franque Andean "The Ambivalent Christi in by boys. Dean, Triumph: Corpus mont and Edward Franquemont, "Learning toWeave in Chinchero," Colonial Cusco, Peru," in Acting on thePast: Historical Performance across TextileMuseum 26 (1986): 54-79. theDisciplines, ed. Mark Franko and Annette Richards (Hanover, 93. Phipps, "Garments and Identity in the Colonial Andes," 21. Mass.: Wesleyan University Press, 2000), 164. Cummins, "Silver out to me Threads and Golden Needles," 13, discusses another incident in 94. I thank Ann Rowe for pointing the importance of this ele ment which Inca elites paraded in the plaza and sang traditional songs of (personal communication, 2001). Inca in to the triumphs homage Jesuits. 95. Today, this type of narrow-mouthed Inca ceramic jar is referred to by its name or 82. I thank one of the anonymous reviewers for The Art Bulletin for sug European aryballos (from the Greek) aribola (in Spanish). this of the musicians' in the gesting reading placement painting. 96. For a discussion of the status of Andean women in the colonial pe their abuse the see Irene Sil 83. A. Rowe, "Inca Weaving and Costume," 12. The aqsu (also spelled riod, particularly by European invaders, Sun and Witches: Gender and Class in Inca and acsu) was also called anacu. Phipps, "Garments and Identity in the Co verblatt, Moon, Ideologist lonial Andes," 21-22. Colonial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987). For a dis cussion of and in the 84. A. Rowe, "Inca and Costume," 11. The that held the sexuality marriage among indigenous people Weaving pins Cuzco area the colonial with their and dress were similar in to those that held the shawl. The head of during period, complexities design see Ward in Offense of Our Lord: the was a disk, which had a hole which a cord could be ambiguities, Stavig, "Living Indige pin through nous Sexual in inHis or Values and Marital Life the Colonial Crucible," secured. The pins were usually of silver, copper, gold, and the panic American History Review 75, no. 4 (1995): 597-622. edges were so sharp they could be used as a knife. The pins for the was dress were called tupu and the pin for the shawl was called t'ipki (22). 97. Cummins, "Let Me See! Reading Is for Them," 100, the first to discuss how this relates to colonial visual culture. 85. Ibid., 23. important concept Diego Gonzalez Holguin defines yachacuchcani yachacufcamcani as "to 86. This may be a circulated the Inca women's dresses myth by Spanish. make yourself, or be accustomed and to have a longing, and to feel were indeed around their bodies, but, as Ann Rowe wrapped suggests comfortable in a place or with a person [hazerse, o habitaurse, y tener (ibid.), the cloths of some communities were so that large they querencia, y hallarse bien en lugar, o persona].'''' Yachapu is "he who knows farmore than a full circle around the woman, the wrapped making everything, or of all things [el que lo sabe todo, o de todas cosas]," and chance of skin The may have created means showing impossible. Spanish yachacuchini "to do what they have learned, or what they know this story once they learned that the Inca dresses were not sewn (and [hazer que aprendan, o que sepan]." Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la thus not secured) but simply wrapped around the women's bodies. lengua general de todo elPeril llamada lengua Qgichua o del Inca (Ciudad However, in areas where textiles were smaller, it is that a possible de los Reyes, Peru: Francisco del Canto, 1608), bk. 1, 362, leaf Ylv. woman's may have been revealed leg occasionally. Arte y vocabulario, leaf Kk6r, does not define the word yachacuscamcani, 87. Susan Niles (personal communication, 2001) was the first to notice but yachani is defined as "to know, to understand, to dwell, to live, to ART BULLETIN 2007 VOLUME LXXXIX NUMBER 2 238 JUNE

have a longing for a place, to be accustomed to a thing [saber, en 111. For another example of Spanish clothing being naturalized as Inca, tender,morar, abitar, tenerquerencia en alg?n lugar, estar habituado a al see Cahill, "The Virgin and the Inca," 613. guna cosa]." Yachacuni is defined as "to learn and [aprender]" 112. Dean, personal communication, 2006. There was much shifting and as "to do what you have learned, or do what is natural for yachacuchini labeling of people of mixed ancestry in the Andes, changes that not to do [hazer o de hazer]." Yachachini is you que aprenda, que seafa'ct?ble only occurred across time and place but also shifted from group to defined as "to teach, to influence, tomake someone accustomed or to group. One striking example can be seen in the writings and drawings on someone acostumbrar impose [ense?ar, instruyr, y, imponera otro]," of Guarnan Poma, whose dislike of "mestizos" is overt. Other groups as "to one in with another, to yachachinacuni get person agreement in the Andes often viewed suspiciously people of mixed ancestry. Try teach oneself el uno con el otro, o and [concertarse ense?arse]," yachachi ing to pin down these shifting and often elusive ethnic and cultural cuni as "to teach someone custom, to or to teach your prepare them, statuses in the colonial period is very difficult. David Cahill has dis oneself for a reason a sea cosa specific [ense?ar alguno que propria, y cussed the difficulty in categorizing these colonial groups today. See o Yachac is defined as aprestar, ensayarse para alguna cosa]." yachapu Cahill, "Colour by Numbers: Racial and Ethnic Categories in the Vice no. "knowledge [sabio]." royalty of Peru, 1532-1824," fournal ofLatin American Studies 26, 2 women (1994): 341-46. 98. In the colonial period, itwas common for indigenous Andean to to wear at all times. not continue indigenous clothing However, indige 113. According to the ornithologist Jos? Alvarez, this bird does illus nous to not to Andean males tended adopt Spanish-inspired clothing for trate an actual species (personal communication). Thus, it is daily wear and traditional indigenous clothing for special occasions be confused with the Curiquenque, a bird depicted in some colonial and festivals. See Carolyn Dean, "The Renewal of Old World Images Cuzco paintings that was associated with Inca royalty. Intriguingly, this and the Creation of Colonial Peruvian Visual Culture," in Fane, Con mythical bird can be found in other contemporary paintings in the was not a verging Cultures, 182. Cuzco area, suggesting that this singular representation but had a longer visual history and perhaps meaning. 99. Juan de Quiroz, Archivo Departmental del Cuzco, Protocolo 13, 1579, a fols. 120r-123r; and Antonio Sanchez, Archivo Arzobispal del Cuzco, 114. This building is likely representation of the colonial church that Protoloco 25, 1583, fols. 422v-423v. exists to the southeast of Chinchero today. It is built next to and under a rock that was venerated before the ar 100. For discussions of Christi in Cuzco?its slightly large outcrop insightful Corpus iconogra a rival of Europeans. Today the colonial church belongs to group of phy, painting tradition, and relations to issues of ethnicity, authority, Chinchero residents (the Ayllupongo) and houses the local image of and transculturation?see David Cahill, "The Virgin and the Inca"; Se?or de Huanca, a saint whose veneration is drawn from indigenous and publications by Carolyn S. Dean, such as "Painted Images of Cuz religious traditions. co's Corpus Christi: Social Conflict and Cultural Strategy in Viceregal 115. When stucco, or another of outer used to Per?" (PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1990); "Ethnic clay, type layer protect an adobe structure is not renewed on a basis, the adobe Conflict and Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco," Colonial Latin Ameri regular bricks will to deteriorate from to the elements. can Review 2 (1993): 93-120; "Who's Naughty and Nice: Childish Be begin exposure Rain in into the bricks, the moistened havior in the Paintings of Cuzco's Corpus Christi Procession," Ph0e particular seeps causing adobe to deform or melt, as it This is referred bus?a Journal ofArt History 7 (1995): 107-26; Inca Bodies and theBody slowly disintegrates. to as an adobe melt. of Christ, and "The Ambivalent Triumph," 159-76. 116. In terms of material Thomas Cummins has raised an 101. A. Rowe, communication, 2001. culture, impor personal an tant point: that sacredness for Andeans was embedded in object's 102. While it is that at one the Inca walls were covered up possible point material rather than in just its form, which made the destruction of and not as are the structural elements by plaster exposed they today, Andean sacred objects and places more difficult for the Spanish. have been altered as well. Instead of the short facade of illustrating Cummins, "A Tale of Two Cities: Cuzco, Lima, and the Construction the entrance a foot in front of the rest of the colo Inca-style jutting of Colonial Representation," in Fane, Converging Cultures, 161-62. nial church and emphasizing its difference, in the Chivantito image 117. While Christianity could be used as a symbol of the European destruc the Inca wall is covered and depicted as if it is flush with the rest of tion of indigenous non-Christians, such as in the iconography of San the facade. In addition, the prominent Inca-style post-and-lintel door tiago Mataindios (Saint James who kills Indians), Christian iconogra way has been transformed into a Europeanized arched entrance. phy and teachings could also be used against the Spanish. An 103. See "Of Remembrance and was as Nair, Forgetting." example is Our Lady of Mount Carmel, which adopted the saint of the Amaru II rebellion in 1781. Patricia Sarro, 104. As mentioned earlier, a lone women stands to one side, watching the patron Tupac man "Our of Mount Carmel," in Fane, Cultures, 231. procession. Nearby, a light-skinned in indigenous and Spanish Lady Converging runs after a with a we clothing young indigenous boy whip. 118. Perhaps as further scholarship on the colonial Andes is conducted, a will realize more of an Andean 105. It is important to note that in the Andes, there is long tradition of many examples landscape painting tradition in the colonial depicting important figures with two of the same hands. An example period. seen one of most cen is in the sculpture of Tiwanaku, the important 119. Sullivan, "European Painting and the Art of the New World Colo ters of Andean artistic production. Interestingly, the figures with two nies," 31, 32. hands, notably, the famous Bennett and Ponce Monoliths, as well as 120. Francisco Stastny, "The Cuzco School of Painting," Connoisseur, May early works such as Stelae 15, are all depicted with two left hands. Un as resem 1975, 23-24. These landscapes are fictitious, landscapes there has been no on the depiction of handedness fortunately, study bling Flemish ones did not exist in the Andes of South America in Andean art that us some into its across may give insight meaning (24-26). time and space. However, its existence as an Andean tradition sug 121. As Teresa Gisbert states, "The aesthetic break with Europe seems to gests that the two right hands represented in Chivantito's figure may be total. The Cuzco painters created a school that differs not only have had an Andean meaning that we are, at the moment, unable to from and European traditions, but also from the schools of grasp. Spanish Mexico, Lima, and even Potosi." Gisbert, "Andean Painting," in Gloria 106. There is no series of to the town of Chin existing chapels leading inExcelsis: The Virgin and Angels in Viceregal Paintings ofPeru and Bolivia chero that indicates a route once existed. pilgrimage (New York: Center for American Research, 1986), 27. 107. A. "Inca and Costume," 30. a a scene Rowe, Weaving 122. Chivantito's depiction of local sacred landscape in Christian 108. Ibid. is very different from the work of his contemporaries. Most Andean artists made their resemble Flemish ones or them nat landscapes painted 109. This is based on a prejudicial view that "primitive" Indians would as lush lowland scenes. The latter was favored among highland peo urally adapt tomore "advanced" European practices. Hence, there who saw the lush as a type of Leopoldo Castedo, was little reason to assume would borrow elements of an ple, jungle paradise. Europeans The Cuzco Circle (New York: Center for Inter-American Relations, "inferior" culture. As these modes have begun to collapse, research 1976), 52. Another Cuzco-area artist created an image of a local land into transculturation has begun to expand. European scape in the decades after Chivantito's Virgin ofMontserrat. Friar Fran 110. For an excellent discussion of the highly politicized ways that cultural cisco de Salamanco, a self-taught artist who grew up in Oruro encoun was a in elements are interpreted, labeled, and discussed in cultural (present-day Bolivia), Mercedarian hermit who painted the ters, see Carolyn Dean and Dana Leibsohn, "Hybridity and Its Discon side of the monastery of La Merced with murals that incorporated as a mountains that are tents: Considering Visual Culture in Colonial Spanish America," Colo local urban elements, such bridge, along with nial Latin American Review 12, no. 1 (2003): 6-35. based on those near Oruro (27-32).