Disconnection and Reorganization: the Transformation of Civic Life in Late-Twentieth-Century America

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Disconnection and Reorganization: the Transformation of Civic Life in Late-Twentieth-Century America Studies in American Political Development, 19 (Fall 2005), 137–156. Disconnection and Reorganization: The Transformation of Civic Life in Late-Twentieth-Century America Theda Skocpol, Harvard University Rachael V. Cobb, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Casey Andrew Klofstad, University of Miami From the early 1800s through the middle of the twen- Led by Robert D. Putnam, social capital theorists tieth century, U.S. democracy was energized by the emphasize the unraveling of many sorts of social con- remarkable propensity of Americans to organize and nections, and they see citizen withdrawal from affilia- join voluntary associations.1 Observers of many per- tions with voluntary associations, especially member- suasions agree on this point – and also concur that ship groups, as an integral part of recent civic shifts.2 the final decades of the twentieth century brought According to the social capital perspective, civic de- fundamental shifts in civic organization and citizen cline in the United States occurred gradually and involvements with voluntary groups in the United steadily after the 1950s and 1960s, with withdrawals States. The nature, tempo, and causes of these from group affiliations happening relatively evenly changes remain a topic for scholarly discussion, how- across social strata. Civic decline is attributed princi- ever. Investigators highlight different aspects of re- pally to generational replacement and steady shifts in cent civic transformations and explore these changes mass behavior propelled by new societal conditions using contrasting theoretical perspectives and types and forms of entertainment. Per social capital theo- of empirical data. ry, increasing social disconnectedness hurts demo- cratic government; however, government activities themselves are not viewed as important causes of re- Various colleagues have given us comments and criticisms that helped to improve this article. We are grateful to anonymous jour- cent civic shifts. nal reviewers; to colleagues in the American Politics Research In contrast, civic reorganization theorists such as Workshop at Harvard University; and, for specific suggestions, to Theda Skocpol and Matthew Crenson and Benjamin Barry Burden, Rob Sampson, and Martin West. Ginsberg focus on abrupt shifts in organizational 1. Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Po- populations – the displacement of popularly rooted litical Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton, NJ: Prince- ton University Press, 1963); James Bryce, The American Common- membership associations by professionally managed 3 wealth, 3rd ed., vol. 2 (New York: Macmillan, 1895); Robert D. advocacy groups and nonprofit institutions. Reorga- Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Com- munity (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000); Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., “Biography of a Nation of Joiners,” American His- 2. Putnam, Bowling Alone. See also Putnam’s Making Democra- torical Review 50 (1)1944: 1–25; Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democ- cy Work (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). racy: From Membership to Management in American Civic Life (Norman: 3. Matthew Crenson and Benjamin Ginsberg, Downsizing University of Oklahoma Press, 2003); and Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy: How America Sidelined Its Citizens and Privatized Its Public Democracy in America, ed. J. P. Mayer, trans. George Lawrence (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002); Skocpol, (1835–1840; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1969). Diminished Democracy; Theda Skocpol “Unraveling from above,” The © 2005 Cambridge University Press ISSN 0898–588X/05 $12.00 137 138 THEDA SKOCPOL, RACHAEL V. COBB, AND CASEY ANDREW KLOFSTAD nization theorists posit that elites led the way in mak- The Decline of Social Connectedness ing new choices about civic affiliations, abandoning Robert Putnam’s social capital theory holds that the cross-class membership groups ahead of nonelite effectiveness of democratic government rests in large Americans. According to these theorists, moreover, part on the presence of interpersonal social ties that the rights revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s and new foster trust and norms of reciprocity among citizens.4 federal welfare-state policies and practices combined Asserting that such social capital fosters collective ac- to play a critical role in spurring the abrupt reorga- tion and makes public administration more efficient nization of the civic group universe and the nature of and responsive, Putnam examines the modern Unit- civic affiliations. ed States, documenting “the erosion of America’s so- In this article, we introduce a new type of long-term cial connectedness and community involvement over empirical data: the civic group affiliations declared by the last several decades.”5 Among the many kinds of Massachusetts state senators over much of the twenti- connections traced are memberships in voluntary eth century. Despite limitations, which we discuss groups; Putnam argues that trade unions, leading in the following sections, these data – used alone and professional associations, and chapter-based volun- in conjunction with other available data – offer a win- tary membership federations (ranging from Rotary dow into the nature and possible causes of shifting to the PTA) have all experienced comparably sharp elite civic affiliations, and help to pinpoint the rela- membership losses since the late 1950s and early tive timing of elite and mass withdrawals from major 1960s.6 According to social survey data gathered membership associations. These new data provide since the 1970s, Americans in general have become greater detail and longitudinal depth than the survey much less likely to participate actively in membership responses collected between the 1970s and the 1990s associations and community groups.7 In Putnam’s that are more typically used to analyze recent civic view, across-the-board citizen withdrawal from such transformations. groups has contributed to – and expresses – declin- We do not aim to test all aspects of social capital ing social connectedness. and civic reorganization arguments about civic In chapter 15 of Bowling Alone, Putnam sketches change in the late-twentieth century. Our fresh data “the complex of factors” that explain recent erosions do, however, help to explore and adjudicate certain of American social capital.8 He does not offer a for- areas of differential emphasis and disagreement be- mal statistical model, yet suggests that about 10 per- tween these perspectives. Social capital theory, we cent of overall decline is due to greater pressures of find, offers valid insights about civic disconnection time and money; about 10 percent is due to subur- and generational replacement, but this perspective banization, urban sprawl, and longer commuting also misses much that is going on beneath the surface times between homes and work; and about 25 per- of general trends, especially after 1965. As the reor- cent is due to the effect of television-watching. Most ganization perspective argues, elites led the way in important, “perhaps half of the overall decline” is at- abruptly changing the types (not just numbers) of tributable to “generational change – the slow, steady, civic groups with which they affiliated. The new evi- and ineluctable replacement of the long civic gener- dence we present also suggests that rights revolutions ation by their less involved children and grandchil- and shifts in government welfare policies might in- dren.”9 Because they experienced the Great Depres- deed have been implicated in late-twentieth-century sion and World War II, members of Putnam’s “long civic reorganizations. civic generation” had unusual experiences of solidar- ity and participation and developed lifelong proclivi- WHEN, HOW, AND WHY DID U.S. CIVIC LIFE CHANGE? ties for group involvements. Americans born later spend hours in front of the television and have more As the foregoing remarks suggest, leading analysts individualistic habits. not only offer contrasting explanations, they also Notable for their absence in Putnam’s explanation highlight somewhat different civic changes as worthy of declining social connectedness are the “rights rev- of theoretical attention. As Putnam’s social capital ar- olutions” of the 1960s and 1970s; the rise in econom- gument is so well known, we summarize it only briefly, ic inequality since the 1970s; and changes in U.S. pol- opting instead to explore less-well-known arguments itics and governance. In Putnam’s view, declines in about civic reorganization in more detail. civic engagement have occurred relatively equally be- American Prospect 25 (1996); and Theda Skocpol, “Voice and In- 4. Putnam, Making Democracy Work, esp. chap. 6. equality: The Transformation of American Civic Democracy,” Per- 5. Putnam, Bowling Alone, 277. spectives on Politics 2 (2004): 1–18. The same kind of reorganization 6. Ibid., 54, 81, 84. at the metropolitan level is documented in Peter Dobkin Hall, “Vi- 7. Ibid., chap. 3. tal Signs: Organizational Population Trends and Civic Engage- 8. Generational replacement and increased television-viewing ment in New Haven, Connecticut, 1850–1998,” in Civic Engagement are partially overlapping factors in the pie-chart explanatory mod- in American Democracy, ed. Theda Skocpol and Morris P. Fiorina el Putnam presents, so the percentages summarized in this para- (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press and Russell Sage graph cannot be simply totalled. Foundation, 1999). 9. Ibid., 283.
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