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Home , 8888 Uprising, Military junta, Ne Win, Tatmadaw

August 2021

Images: R. Bociaga /Shutterstock.com

Personal Narrative By Ye Myo Hein

rowing up in in the and 90s, The heroism and dedication to democratic ideals the repression, injustice, isolation, poverty, were very inspiring to me as a child, and when I was and violence that is a common feature of a sixteen-year-old high school I started to authoritarian rule was a daily reality of my childhood. participate in the underground student movement. GAlthough Burma had been a parliamentary I became a youth member of the National League after achieving independence from for Democracy (NLD) party led by Suu Britain in 1948, a coup led by Kyi in 2000, and I formed an underground student in 1962 established a that movement group together with some friends when ruled the country with an iron fist by violently I attended the Governmental Technological College. suppressing all opposition to the regime. When I We published several underground leaflets and was five years old, a series of by , booklets to disseminate our messages and organize , children, and people from across Burmese students. society dubbed the “” succeeded in toppling Ne Win but was ultimately suppressed by I was arrested twice by military intelligence during the military. This led to the death of thousands and this time – my first arrest occurred before I was the establishment of a that severely eighteen years old – and I was tortured while in custody. These atrocities were suffered atAsia the hands restricted civil rights and any political activity Program while violently and mercilessly suppressing any of my fellow countrymen – members of the military opposition. who were supposed to be defending me and my

Asia Program country. These experiences only convinced me of In 2015, I founded the Burma Studies Center, the need for a more just and democratic system a library and study place, in order to create of government in Burma, and it made me more intellectual space for young people who are aware of the need for greater knowledge of the interested in the study of Burma. Later that year, military as an institution and why they commit the military junta allowed for national elections and such acts of brutality against their own people. established a hybrid regime in which the elected civilian, pro-democracy forces shared power with I therefore began my lifelong study of the military the military (commonly known as the ) and political history of Burma. At that time, political that had been running Burmese politics in one study was tightly prohibited in universities, and form or another since 1962. In this hybrid regime, studying abroad was made almost impossible the Tatmadaw remained in control of the pace, by the isolationist policies of the junta and the timing, and extent of Burma’s political transition sanctions of Western countries. I therefore and never dropped their decades-old, ruling-class pursued a self-study of politics by reading any mentality. Civilian control over the military was book I could find on the subject. This alone never established, and undemocratic forces was a dangerous and rebellious act, as I could continued to cling to significant portions of political easily have been jailed for at least seven years power and authority. To make sure the new civilian by owning, buying, and reading political books - government was informed by evidence-based especially English books about Burma. I spent policy recommendations and ideas, and to study over seven years as a translator and an editor and promote democratic civil-military relations writing and editing about global politics and affairs and security sector reform, I co-founded and in local magazines and newspapers. became the Executive Director of one of Burma’s first independent think and policy research Opening Up institutes - the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies. My life changed abruptly again in 2011 when The institute conducted research and published the new quasi-civilian government led by former books, papers and policy briefs on the subjects military general U launched a political of civil-military relations, security studies, military opening-up. I joined several friends and colleagues diplomacy and peace process of Burma. I wrote – including Daw Zin Mar Aung and Ko several books and papers including Study of Latt – to establish the Yangon School of Political Senior General ’s Foreign Trips Science to promote public participation in the and Security Sector Negotiation in Burmese nation’s political transition by spreading democratic Peace Process, as well as opinion pieces in local ideas throughout Burmese society. We believed newspapers. I regularly contributed commentary that the top-down transition launched by the of my analysis to the , The New military was superficial and insubstantial, York Times, The Financial Times, The Strait Times, and it required bottom-up pressure to push the and other international and local media. nation toward a real and sustainable democracy. I In 2016, I visited the U.S. for the first time to imparted my knowledge of civil-military relations participate in building Think Influence and and to the students in the Effectiveness Exchange Program. school, and many of our students became civil society leaders, parliamentary members, and As a researcher who primarily studied the security grassroot activists who are leading the current pro- sector reform of Burma, I was invited to serve democracy today. as the advisor on security sector integration to

2 the parties in the peace negotiation process junta declared the November 2020 election to be between the new hybrid civilian government have been invalid, and quickly sought to re-impose and many of the ethnic armed organizations that military rule across Burma. The coup leaders have been sustaining revolts against Yangon for unexpectedly faced significant public outrage and decades. Beginning in 2016, I was a delegate to widespread resistance from the various sectors of the Union Peace Conference and offered policy the society across the entire country. Faced with recommendations on the topic of security sector the widespread opposition, the coup leaders fell integration to the participating political parties. I back on the only tactics they know: the excessive also provided technical assistance to the peace use of coercive power and violence. process by organizing workshops on security sector reform and presenting policy inputs to To consolidate its hold on power, the military several of the ethnic armed groups, including the launched a brutal crackdown on the opponents by Kachin Independence (KIA), Karen National brutally killing civilians on the street, raiding private Union (KNU), and Karenni National progressive homes and offices of suspected opponents, and Party (KNPP). The military disapproved of these arbitrarily arresting those they thought opposed efforts and sought to prosecute me in 2018, but to the military rule. Nearly 900 people have the Tatmadaw was prevented from doing so by the been killed, and more than 5,000 detained as a NLD-led government. result - including the professionals, academics, researchers, media, foreigners and civil society leaders who were considered by the junta as The Coup threats to its reign. Within a short period, the country reverted to its past dark times when Sadly, the work of the Tagaung Institute of Political civilians felt unsafe even in their homes. Studies ended on February 1st, 2021, after the Tatmadaw arrested democratically-elected Due to my career researching and discussing and members of the ruling NLD and declared power advocating subjects that were anathema to the had been transferred to Commander-in-Chief of military, and supporting the cause of democracy Defense Services General Min Aung Hlaing. The and freedom in Burma, these developments put

3 me and my family in danger. Military intelligence indiscriminate killing unleashed revolutionary frequently came to the neighborhood to ask about energy among the people, especially the youth, and monitor our activities. Faced with the threats who came to the determination that only armed of surveillance and arbitrary arrests, my family struggle can restore democracy in the country. and I moved from one safe place to another, as did my research . As oppression intensified While groups of mostly young people still continue after late April, I decided to get out of the country, the flash-protests across the whole country and with the aid of some American friends came on a near-daily basis, more militant elements into contact with the Woodrow Wilson Center for have taken to launching shadowy attacks on International Scholars – which agreed to bring me military targets even in urban areas, as well as on as a scholar associated with their Asia Program. assassinating , military informants, and members of military-backed Union Solidarity and Yet, to work at the Wilson Center, I first had to get Development Party (USDP). The ethnic armed me and my family safely out of the country. While groups, especially KIA, KNPP and some elements I first considered crossing the border into of the KNU, have also carried out the widespread to get to the , an intensification attacks against the military in their areas of in fighting between the government and ethnic operation, while other such as Chinese-backed armed groups in the area forced us to change Army (AA), Ta’ang National Liberation our plans – eventually realizing we just had to Army (TNLA), Progressive Party/Shan risk flying out of the airport in Yangon. On June State Army (SSPP/SSA) took advantage of the 7, the military junta issued an executive order to situation to consolidate their control over their the airlines requesting detailed information about territory and to speed up their strides towards self- passengers planning to travel abroad. There were determination. As the country is sliding down to several incidents before we left involving the the “full-blown failed state,” outlying areas are now arrest of several individuals, including American increasingly asserting their autonomy against the journalists, at the Yangon airport. My family and I central government. ’s armed struggles, went to the airport on June 16 full of anxiety, and until now confined mainly to the periphery area fortunately the airlines did not follow the junta’s of ethnic regions, are now spreading into the order and we were able to slip through their net. country’s heartland and urban areas.

Under the current situation, the Tatmadaw has Since Leaving found it extremely difficult to consolidate its power, institutionalize its rule, and return normalcy I am thrilled to have escaped safely with my family. to the country with only coercive power at its Yet in spite of my escape, I have also felt profound disposal. The key challenges to the junta are sadness for my colleagues and my country. Some that the morale of its fighting forces have been of my colleagues are still in detention while other dramatically declining, as it is fighting on several are in hiding. Likewise, the country is on the fronts and the basic administrative mechanisms of path to become a failed state with an impending state remain unimplemented as public cooperation explosion of security, economic, health, and is almost absent, and even strong supporters of humanitarian crises. Although public defiance the coup are reluctant to publicly collaborate with against the military coup began as non-violent the military for fear of retaliation. resistance, the military’s brutal crackdown and

4 However, the “shadow government” National territorial fragmentation, economic catastrophe, Unity Government (NUG), mostly consisting of skyrocketing poverty, and the breakdown of ousted parliament members from the National an already troubled health system with the League for Democracy (NLD) that the junta failed resurgence of COVID-19. to arrest, is not yet strong enough to topple the junta itself. Despite its decision to organize armed These problems will not be contained in resistance, the NUG has not been able to forge a Myanmar’s borders – the spillover effects of the united front with the ethnic armed groups to form worsening situation in Burma will pose serious the much-expected federal army. The People’s challenges for regional stability. However, ASEAN Defense Force (PDF), announced and organized by and Burma’s largest neighbors - and the NUG, has not been fully activated due to lack - have largely turned a blind eye to this tragedy. of arms and ammunitions, while locally-organized China has been playing a complex game in the have been mushrooming throughout the crisis by supporting its proxy ethnic armed forces country and operating independently. to take hold of their controlled areas, providing limited assistances to the junta behind the scenes Under the current situation, the junta has been while not offering the blank check of support to the unable to defeat the rebels and its opponents, junta as before, and keeping the West out of the none of the opposition has enough strength game. Although ASEAN sought to take the lead to topple the junta, and coordination between in addressing the crisis in Burma with its “five- the myriad opponents to the regime has been point consensus plan,” and inaction has lacking. Burma is therefore trapped in a stalemate, diminished ASEAN’s relevance in addressing the and its history of decades-long , situation. Meanwhile, the United States, European civil , and political crises that no side can Union, Japan and are standing overcome continues. Instability is prevalent together with the democratic movement, but and armed violence is intensifying. A widening they have not been able to formulate a concrete, security vacuum increases the potential for consistent, and coordinated policy on the crisis.

5 In my view, the European Union, Japan, , 3. Urge the UN General Assembly to halt Canada, South Korea, and particularly the United the flow of arms into Burma and cut the States have a crucial role to play as they have junta and its collaborators off external both the values to support a democratic system financial sources until they meet specific in Burma and the means to ensure each critical expectations related to the ending of player in Burma comes to the table. Washington violence and the return of democratic should therefore consider the following three governance in Burma. actions: 4. Work with the pro-democratic movement in Burma to enhance coordination among 1. Appoint a special envoy for the Burma crisis opposition groups and establish a joint that reports directly to the Secretary of vision for a new federal democratic system State and the President. The broad-based in Burma that protects the rights and dialogue among the friendly countries security of all people across Burma. to the Burmese people is necessary to forge a united front, to develop a concrete Such an approach would send a clear signal to and consistent policy, and to launch the the Tatmadaw that the cause of democracy has coordinated action for the restoration of friends across the world. The junta will be more democracy in Burma. Per Derek Mitchell, willing to accept genuine negotiations, and end former special envoy and ambassador the violence, when they know their opponents are of Burma, “there is no substitute for the not weak and their death-grip on political power is symbolic and practical impact of assigning unsustainable. a special U.S. diplomat to such a specific, labor-intensive tasks.” The special envoy’s first task would be to work with critical democratic allies to develop a concrete, consistent, and coordinated policy consisting of carrots (engagement, dialogue, negotiation, and humanitarian aid) and sticks (pressure, sanctions, and punishment).

2. The special envoy and democratic counterparts should coordinate their recognition of the NUG as the legitimate government of Burma, and ensure that such representation is reflected in their diplomatic postings as well as in international institutions – especially the UN. This will require close engagement with Beijing especially, and convincing them that Yo Myo Hein is the Executive Director of the the threat of continued instability in Burma Tagaung Institute of Political Studies and a Public threatens regional stability and China’s own Policy Fellow with the Wilson Center. interests.

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