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Views with Most of the Key Players, Including the President
BOB WOODWARD Legendary Pulitzer Prize-Winning Investigative Journalist Author and Associate Editor, The Washington Post • With Carl Bernstein, Woodward uncovered the Watergate scandal • Author, twelve #1 bestsellers – more than any contemporary nonfiction writer - 18 bestsellers in all • Iconic investigative journalist; winner of nearly every American journalism award, including two Pulitzers • Reporter-historian with an aggressive but fair and non-partisan reputation for digging deep to uncover Washington’s secrets. Gives audiences unvarnished look at Washington politics and leaders • "Woodward has established himself as the best reporter of our time. He may be the best reporter of all time." – Bob Schieffer, CBS News Face the Nation Former CIA director and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates wished he’d recruited Woodward into the CIA, “His ability to get people to talk about stuff they shouldn’t be talking about is just extraordinary and may be unique.” Therein lays the genius of Bob Woodward – a journalistic icon who gained international attention when he and Carl Bernstein broke the deeply disturbing news of the Watergate scandal. The book they wrote - All the President’s Men - won a Pulitzer Prize. Watergate’s theme of secret government is a common thread throughout Woodward’s career that spawned 18 books – all went on to become national bestsellers – 12 of them #1 - more than any other contemporary nonfiction author. In the process Woodward became the ultimate inside man. No one else in political investigative journalism has the clout, respect, and reputation of Woodward. He has a way of getting insiders to open up - both on the record and off the record – in ways that reveal an intimate yet sweeping portrayal of Washington and the budget wrangling, political infighting, how we fight wars, the price of politics, how presidents lead, the homeland security efforts, and so much more. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
Groupthink, the News Media, and the Iraq War
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies, Summer 2008, Vol. 10, Issue 4. COHERENCE IN CRISIS: GROUPTHINK, THE NEWS MEDIA, AND THE IRAQ WAR Dan Fitzsimmons, Ph.D Student, Department of Political Science, University of Calgary From the outset of the American military intervention in Vietnam in 1964, the United States news media has had the capacity to report military engagements from around the world in real time.1 Instantaneous and pervasive news coverage has helped to inform the American public and politicians of ongoing military operations, which has led to obvious questions about the possible influence of news on military strategy.2 This assumption has only gained popularity following studies of news media influence in Vietnam, which has prompted further investigation of the possible links between US military strategy and the media.3 The proponents of this termed “CNN effect,” which hypothesizes a causal link between media reporting and politico-military decisions, include Steven Livingston of George Washington University who proposes that the viewing of images on television “undeniably influences the evolution of events.”4 However, proponents of the CNN effect have frequently failed to take into account the important role of strategic decision-making in setting the course of 1 Margaret H. Belknap, The CNN Effect: Strategic Enabler or Operational Risk? (Carlisle Barracks, PA: US Army War College, 2001), p. 1. 2 Ingrid A. Lehmann, "Exploring the Transatlantic Media Divide over Iraq: How and Why U.S. And German Media Differed in Reporting on U.N. Weapons Inspections in Iraq: 2002-2003," The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 10, no. -
Bob Woodward
SIMON & SCHUSTER INTERNATIONAL SALES BOB WOODWARD Bob Woodward exposes one of the final pieces of the Richard Nixon puzzle in his new book The Last of the President’s Men. Woodward reveals the untold story of Alexander Butterfield, the Nixon aide who disclosed the secret White House taping system that changed history and led to Nixon’s resignation. In forty-six hours of interviews with Butterfield, supported by thousands of documents, many of them original and not in the presidential archives and libraries, Woodward has uncovered new dimensions of Nixon’s secrets, obsessions and deceptions. The Last of the President’s Men could not be more timely and relevant as voters question how much do we know about those who are now seeking the presidency in 2016—what really drives them, how do they really make decisions, who do they surround themselves with, and what are their true political and personal values? AlSO AVAILABLE: The Last of the President's Men Bob Woodward ISBN: 9781501116445 Format: Hardcover Price: $28.00 On-Sale: 10/13/15 All the President's Men The Price of Politics Wired QTY: ISBN: 9781476770512 ISBN: 9781451651119 ISBN: 9781451655599 Format: Paperback Format: Paperback Format: Paperback Price: $17.00 Price: $17.00 Price: $18.00 On-Sale: 06/03/14 On-Sale: 09/17/13 On-Sale: 03/06/12 QTY: QTY: QTY: Obama's Wars The Secret Man The Final Days The Brethren Veil Plan of Attack Bush at War ISBN: 9781439172506 ISBN: 9780743287166 ISBN: 9780743274067 ISBN: 9780743274029 ISBN: 9780743274036 ISBN: 9780743255486 ISBN: 9780743244619 Format: -
Anatomy of a National Security Fiasco: the George W. Bush Administration, Iraq, and Groupthink Phillip G
Anatomy of a National Security Fiasco: The George W. Bush Administration, Iraq, and Groupthink Phillip G. Henderson The Catholic University of America These were people who were selectively picking and then emphasizing pieces of intelligence, I believe, in order to support their larger purpose, which was to bring in a way that they thought possible, to bring democracy to Iraq, and through Iraq to transform the Middle East. I thought that was far-fetched. I didn’t think it was going to happen, but that was their real purpose. They thought that this was going to be a transforming event in history. My frustration is that there was never a national security decision- making process in the administration where people such as me really had a chance to take that on. Richard Haass, Director of Policy Planning at the State Department 2001-2003, Interview with Chris Matthews on “Hardball,” May 6, 2009 In February 2002, one year before the U.S. military intervention in Iraq began, neoconservative writer Ken Adelman predicted that demolishing Saddam Hussein’s regime and liberating Iraq would be a “cakewalk.”1 At a town hall meeting at the Ameri- PHILLIP G. HENDERSON is Associate Professor of Politics at The Catholic University of America. Work on this article was supported by a research grant from the Center for the Study of Statesmanship. 1 Ken Adelman, “Cakewalk in Iraq,” The Washington Post, 13 February 2002, A27. 46 • Volume XXXI, Nos. 1 and 2, 2018 Phillip G. Henderson can air base in Aviano, Italy, on February 7, 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld added that, if force were to be used in Iraq, the war “could last six days, six weeks. -
'At the Water's Edge: American Politics and the Vietnam War'
H-1960s Eichsteadt on Small, 'At The Water's Edge: American Politics and the Vietnam War' Review published on Thursday, February 1, 2007 Melvin Small. At The Water's Edge: American Politics and the Vietnam War. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee Publisher, 2005. xi + 241 pp. $14.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-56663-647-6; $26.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-56663-593-6. Reviewed by James Eichsteadt (Department of History, Syracuse University) Published on H-1960s (February, 2007) Even though politics and partisanship supposedly stop "at the water's edge," this was not the case during the Vietnam War. Domestic debates and political pressure, argues historian Melvin Small, not only occurred in abundance during the war, they influenced American policymakers. Small, the nation's pre-eminent scholar on the United States during the Vietnam War era,[1] provides readers with a brisk and well-told account of the interconnectedness between events in Southeast Asia and the United States. While most of the study deals with the effect of the war on domestic politics, particularly those of the presidential variety, there are several examples which show the impact political pressure had on foreign-policy decisions. Small points out that since it would be "unseemly" for American leaders to admit they considered domestic factors when formulating plans related to national security, direct evidence of such deliberations in archival documents or in memoirs is rare. But by reading "between the lines," as Small puts it, he shows how concerns over poll numbers and upcoming elections frequently influenced decisions (p. ix). Small is sensitive to not portray every foreign-policy decision as being solely dictated by domestic electoral events, and he avoids being unduly cynical towards politicians concerned with political self-preservation. -
Annotated Bibliography
ELECTION 2008: Lipstick on the Pig, Annotated Bibliography Annotated Bibliography1 Anti‐Americanism, Blowback, Why the Rest Hates the West .......................................................... 92 Betrayal of the Public Trust .............................................................................................................. 93 Biomimicry, Green Chemistry, Ecological Economics, Natural Capitalism ....................................... 98 Blessed Unrest, Dignity, Dissent, & the Tao of Democracy .............................................................. 99 Capitalism, Globalization, Peak Oil, & “Free” Trade Run Amok ..................................................... 100 Collective Intelligence, Power of Us, We Are One, & Wealth of We .............................................. 102 Culture of Catastrophe, Cheating, Conflict, & Conspiracy .............................................................. 104 Deception, Facts, Fog, History (Lost), Knowledge, Learning, & Lies ............................................... 104 Democracy in Decline ..................................................................................................................... 107 Emerging and Evolving Threats & Challenges ................................................................................ 110 Failed States, Poverty, Wrongful Leadership, and the Sorrows of Empire .................................... 114 Future of Life, State of the Future, Plan B 3.0 ............................................................................... -
Bush at War 1St Edition Free Download
FREE BUSH AT WAR 1ST EDITION PDF Bob Woodward | 9780743244619 | | | | | Bush at War - Bob Woodward - Google книги Woodward, the Bush at War 1st edition indefatigable amanuensis and an assistant managing editor of The Washington Post, and the paper's national political reporter Dan Balz wrote for The Bush at War 1st edition earlier this year. The book notes that the administration had serious doubts early on about the war in Afghanistan and that ''they were making it up as they went,'' at one point even contemplating sending in as many as 50, American troops. It also depicts C. But while Mr. Woodward fleshes out what we already knew about policy debates within the war cabinet with lots of tiny details, the book asks the reader to take a lot on faith. A novel-like narrative, in this case, does not make the most persuasive or thorough of histories. As he's done in earlier books, Mr. Woodward has freely ''attributed thoughts, conclusions and feelings to the participants'' -- in some cases, without directly interviewing the person in question -- and while the book is told in a coolly omniscient voice, individual scenes often reflect the point of view or spin of the author's sources. For instance, Secretary of State Colin L. Tenet all clearly talked at length with Mr. Woodward, and all tend to come across more sympathetically than, say, Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld, who gave the author less access. Woodward puts it, ''that they could take advantage of the opportunity offered by the terrorist attacks to go after Saddam immediately. -
State of Denial
State of Denial Jacket "INSURGENTS AND TERRORISTS RETAIN THE RESOURCES AND CAPABILITIES TO SUSTAIN AND EVEN INCREASE CURRENT LEVEL OF VIOLENCE THROUGH THE NEXT YEAR." This was the secret Pentagon assessment sent to the White House in May 2006. The forecast of a more violent 2007 in Iraq contradicted the repeated optimistic statements of President Bush, including one, two days earlier, when he said we were at a "turning point" that history would mark as the time "the forces of terror began their long retreat." State of Denial examines how the Bush administration avoided telling the truth about Iraq to the public, to Congress, and often to themselves. Two days after the May report, the Pentagon told Congress, in a report required by law, that the "appeal and motivation for continued violent action will begin to wane in early 2007." In this detailed inside story of a war-torn White House, Bob Woodward reveals how White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card, with the indirect support of other high officials, tried for 18 months to get Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld replaced. The president and Vice President Cheney refused. At the beginning of Bush's second term, Stephen Hadley, who replaced Condoleezza Rice as national security adviser, gave the administration a "D minus" on implementing its policies. A SECRET report to the new Secretary of State Rice from her counselor stated that, nearly two years after the invasion, Iraq was a "failed state." State of Denial reveals that at the urging of Vice President Cheney and Rumsfeld, the most frequent outside visitor and Iraq adviser to President Bush is former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who, haunted still by the loss in Vietnam, emerges as a hidden and potent voice. -
European Media Representations of US Foreign Policy Making
Loughborough University Institutional Repository Framing the neocons : European media representations of US foreign policy making This item was submitted to Loughborough University's Institutional Repository by the/an author. Additional Information: • A Doctoral Thesis. Submitted in partial fullment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy of Loughborough University. Metadata Record: https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12167 Publisher: c George Tzogopoulos Please cite the published version. This item was submitted to Loughborough University as a PhD thesis by the author and is made available in the Institutional Repository (https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/) under the following Creative Commons Licence conditions. For the full text of this licence, please go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ ~~~-~-------~-,---~---",--,------.--------.--.--.--- ....-- ... ~ ....., ~l r. ., ~ ~ ~ f ;~:~: ''-' "'.' ,. --,.~'.J ,] -: ~.. 1 .: .. : ;~ ~ ~ :.; ~"..(~,;;~:;:-;, ~;~ -~.- ~. ,:.:--' ~.-:r:'- -. .....:t·.. _;,;::..... _-.. ~',· .... '~~:J;·-.-'t'.u=-"- :'. ,-". -',";:V." -"" .:_'~ ,l.:.:.. _~.~~...... '~~.-•.:..J;I! ...........~ l J.~,VV j r!~~i\10. - k - - ~ ,I t ~ ~ ~."7'1.~_~~_\W.. .._.. i ....~ r __ ~.."'"-"_~I IDat3 I !':r-,.:; ,'v·_- ••. "-'.-.:..:~.~..v..... - •.".,,'l._:.: __~-,:.-:.: ... -;-' .,._y~·.~.'"-r.:', ..-._~·>;....:.T .• "-,-~;:::,~;.:: ... ~..:.;.:~...I.~~Cl<C-~~ 'Framing the Neocons: European Media Representations of US Foreign Policy-Making' by George Tzogopoulos A Doctoral Thesis Submitted in partial -