Appendix 1: Inner-Worldly Ascetics

This appendix, or excursus, should be read in conjunction with Chap. 3. In this chapter, I was exploring religious alternatives to neoliberalism, and, failing to find any that could carry social changes, I was hoping to bring social theory to the rescue and find a solution by delving into the works of Max Weber. This, as is admitted at the end of this appendix, has not been fruitful. On the contrary, I have found further evidence of the hegemony of neoliberalism. In his famous treatise The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904–1905), Weber aimed to demonstrate that it was not the accumulation of profit and the exploitation of the working class that was at the core of the development of modernity but, rather, the development of a new belief system: Calvinism. Weber argued that, historically, there had always been people who desired to accumulate wealth. Previously, people used their profit to make a more comfortable life for themselves or donated it to various religious organizations in the hope of securing a place in heaven. What strongly characterized modernity for Weber was the fact that people started to make money purely for the sake of making money, rather than for the enjoyment of spending it. This mindset led to calculative rationality and the expansion of large-scale bureaucracies and organizations (as explained in Chap. 8). Weber explained his theory through the development of two belief systems—the spirit of capitalism and the Protestant ethic—which developed hand-in-hand during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These sets of beliefs did not have any mutual relationship of cause and effect; they

© The Author(s) 2018 209 A. Possamai, The i-zation of Society, Religion, and Neoliberal Post-Secularism, DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-5942-1 210 APPENDIX 1: INNER-WORLDLY ASCETICS were simply two belief systems that emerged together, and strengthened each other’s development, in what Weber called an elective affinity. For Weber, the only people who could be disseminators of the spirit of capitalism were what he called ‘inner-worldly ascetics’. An ascetic person follows a religion dogmatically, executes the will of God as it is perceived by and/or portrayed to him or her, and understands the world in a ratio- nal way. A mystic, conversely, seeks to break with the established order, and is a very individual form of religious actor who leads a life of contemplation, rather than a life of action. Other-worldly ascetics (e.g. Christian hermits) work on controlling their worldly motivations in the interest of ‘devotional’ goals rather than worldly ones. Other-worldly mystics live in great tension with the world. They try to avoid any concerns connected with everyday life and aim to dissociate themselves from the world. The Buddhist monk, withdrawing from everyday life to lead a life of contemplation, is a case in point for Weber. However, it should be noted that his vision of the Buddhist monk is not always accurate. Recently, Ruth Fitzpatrick (2014) researched the social engagement of Buddhists and aptly contested Weber’s perceptive. Some monks do not fit perfectly into the other-worldly mystic category; however, this ideal type is nevertheless very useful. Since other-worldly mystics and ascetics have withdrawn themselves from the everyday life of society, no social change can emerge directly from them. Indeed, if everyone was to become a mystic or a hermit, constantly meditating or praying, there would not be a society, let alone the seeds for the beginning of modernity, as there would be no extended social communication between people. Inner-worldly mystics make no attempt to withdraw from everyday life. Although they live a life of contemplation, they are still active in the day- to-day routine of, for example, working at a job and being a member of a family. An example can be taken from my own research on alternative spiritualities (Possamai 2005), in which New Age actors were found to be part of everyday life routines and also active in social changes through various social actions, and even religious actions. Inner-worldly ascetics do not seek a union with God through contemplation as mystics do; they seek mastery of themselves according to their theology and pursue what they believe is God’s will. They see themselves as God’s instrument, and this is the type of religious actor that Weber believes steered the world toward capitalism. The early Calvinists, for Weber, were inner-worldly ascetics who spread the spirit of capitalism APPENDIX 1: INNER-WORLDLY ASCETICS 211 while regimentally following their theology and adhering closely to what they believed was the will of God. According to Weber, neither other- worldly asceticism nor either of the two manifestations of mysticism was able to bring about change. In the category of inner-worldly mystics, we can include people involved in spirituality. These religious actors are growing in number as non- institutionalized forms of religions are on the rise. While it can be argued that their social and cultural activities can help their societies, they would not have the capacity, according to Weber, to change structures. It is only the inner-worldly ascetics who are devoted enough to apply themselves in their everyday lives to a specific ideology and who are thus able to instigate the type of social change which has led to modernity—and now to another type of society. Weber saw that there have been other inner-worldly ascetics in world history, and he wondered why they were not as successful in disseminating the spirit of capitalism as the Calvinists were. He undertook a sociological exploration of other types of social actors, concerning the possibility that the capitalist ideology developed somewhere else, such as in China, India, or Islamic territories before the eighteenth century. In any case, since capitalism became routinized in the West in the eighteenth century, it has expanded in both Western and many non-Western countries without the need for inner-worldly ascetics. Coming back to Weber’s examples of ‘other’ pre-eighteenth-century inner-worldly ascetics, we find the Chinese Mandarins, who followed and spread the teachings of Confucius. Both the Calvinists and the Mandarins were self-disciplined and both were committed to the accumulation of wealth. However, the Mandarins were more interested in cultivating themselves as a people who were educated, cultured, and of highly refined sensibilities. They were devoted to furthering their self-cultivation and did not reinvest their fiscal profit for profit’s sake. The Hindu Brahmans were also historically inner-worldly ascetics, but Weber thought that, because of the caste system in India, Hinduism could not transform social life in the way that Calvinism did in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The caste system was too strong a structure, and so incompatible with capitalism that it prevented its development. Weber realized that in Islam, the close link between religion and the state was also not conducive to the creation of a capitalist society. The early Calvinists were inner-worldly ascetics who brought about social changes that led to the era of modernity and capitalism. Perhaps 212 APPENDIX 1: INNER-WORLDLY ASCETICS what is needed today is an alternative to neoliberalism, purveyed also by a group of inner-worldly ascetics? However, as stated in Chap. 5, and as debated by Dubet (2014), bringing religion back to the fore could also revitalize traditionalist and conservative ways of thinking, with all their pros and cons. In his study on the global Pentecostal reformation, Matthew Sharpe (2013) analyzes its prosperity gospel and compares it with earlier forms of Protestantism, especially the Calvinism studied by Weber. But these Pentecostals preaching prosperity are quite different from the inner- worldly ascetics of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. They do not agonize about trying to find out if they have been chosen by God to reach Heaven; on the contrary, they count on God’s blessing for economic accumulation. Indeed, the early Calvinists wanted to live a frugal life. Their success in business was a source of emulation for all groups in the world, and through a constellation of affinity, the spirit of capitalism was able to emerge and spread globally. But their Protestant ethic became routinized in the spirit of capitalism, and moved away from the more modest Calvinist outlook on economic needs. Today’s inner-worldly ascetics, moreover, tend to be fully engaged with neoliberalism, and therefore, tend not to provide long-term solu- tions to its shortcomings in this life. Neo-Pentecostal preachers could perhaps be regarded as inner-worldly ascetics, but they maintain, and even reinforce, the status quo. Where are the new ascetics who could lead these changes? My personal (and certainly very naïve) dream is to see a trailblazer who will change people’s mindset with regard to seeking profit for profit’s sake and promote, instead, the seeking of profit for need’s sake. Here we can make a link with the Catholic Social Teaching that I discussed in Chap. 4, which promotes the idea of working for a just wage and charging a just price, or in accordance with the ethics that Pope Francis (2013) proposes, that sees money as a servicing tool rather than a ruler of our society. The innovators who could kick- start a swing from neoliberalism would need to show people an alternative ideology: one with potential to make them successful in life (and this does not have to be material success—perhaps being able to live a long life without physical and mental pain (Turner 2016)) and which would inspire the rest of the population to emulate them, as the Protestant ethic inspired the spirit of capitalism—a new ethic to lead a new spirit. But could a process of reversing the Protestant ethic change APPENDIX 1: INNER-WORLDLY ASCETICS 213 the spirit of capitalism? I have argued in this book that, sadly, we are not about to see such change any time soon. While we are waiting for these catalytic actors to emerge, and perhaps to help increase equality in access to resources and improve quality of life for the general population, I have proposed that in the meantime, we instate a compassionate tax (see Chap. 13) as a move in a positive direction. Appendix 2: Normal and Revolutionary Pop

This appendix should be read in conjunction with Chap. 7. Its argument distracts from the core work of this book, but it provides, nevertheless, further insight into the notion of the stasis of culture. Over the years, I have to admit, I have struggled to pass this theory on to my students. I speak as an (older) generation X adult to these young adults of generation Y. They believe that they are discovering so many new cultural products, which, indeed, distract them from my lectures—as I, also, was distracted when I was their age. To appreciate Jameson’s perspective, we need to understand this stasis of culture on two different levels. Curiously, perhaps, to explain this I refer to the work of Thomas Kuhn (1996), who writes about paradigms and scientific revolutions. Kuhn does not see science as progress, but more as a shift from one paradigm to another. Through a revolutionary scientific discovery (e.g. the formulation of the law of relativity or the discovery of DNA), scientists change their perception of the world and move (us) into a new paradigm. According to Kuhn, this new paradigm then becomes ‘normal’ science, and scientists experiment within it, exploring the implications and applications of the (now formulated) theory until a new revolutionary scientific discovery forces people to move to yet another paradigm. I would argue that in popular culture, as well as in science, there is what we could call ‘revolutionary pop’. A new and revolutionary idea emerges and a new genre or paradigm is created in the cultural field. Following this ‘revolutionary pop’, the works of fiction created within the

© The Author(s) 2018 215 A. Possamai, The i-zation of Society, Religion, and Neoliberal Post-Secularism, DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-5942-1 216 APPENDIX 2: NORMAL AND REVOLUTIONARY POP new pop paradigm could, in due course, again be called ‘normal pop’; there will come a time when they are no longer seen as revolutionary. In this new ‘normal’ phase, ‘creators’ are actually experimenting with an existing idea and producing works that are variations on a theme. To illustrate this point, I focus on two telling examples in the horror fiction genre. Romero’s zombies in the late 1960s are one example of ‘revolutionary pop’. When zombie characters first emerged in the post- revolutionary period in Haiti, they were creatures created through black magic and controlled by voodoo priests. They became popular in American films in the 1930s, representing the fear in the West that native peoples previously colonized and killed by imperialist forces would one day rise up and seek revenge on their oppressors. Beginning with Night of the Living Dead in 1968, director George Romero created a new film genre that involved the mass transformation of people into zombies, without the involvement of any voodoo rituals. Zombies became numerous and car- nivorous. Since this beginning, many ‘normal pop’ producers have emu- lated and explored the zombie genre with numerous variations (e.g. zombie sheep from New Zealand). We are now exposed to a plethora of zombie movies and the main differences in the various plots seem to hinge on whether we are watching a slow or a fast zombie. A large industry is built around these creatures and many stories are told and sold within the same ‘pop’ paradigm, without innovation, and with only slight changes. Zombies are now ‘normal pop’. Richard Matheson’s horror fiction novelI Am Legend from the mid- 1950s is also ‘revolutionary pop’, describing a terror no longer confined in a haunted house or desolate place, but loosed onto the streets of a major city. This classic science fiction tale relates the story of Robert Neville, the last human on Earth. A previously unknown virus has swept the world, transmuting humanity into a global vampire community. Neville kills those affected by the virus, since they threaten his own survival. As the last sur- viving full-blood human on Earth, Neville’s aim is to destroy what has destroyed humanity. He realizes, however, three years later, that the virus has mutated and a new type of race—a hybrid human/vampire—has evolved. As this new race strengthens, its members, in turn, seek to destroy the remaining full-blood vampires and also Neville himself. When he is arrested by the new hybrid humans, and contrary to how this story has been portrayed on the big screen, this last ‘real’ man is, in a narrative twist, paradoxically portrayed as the monster who has committed genocide. Neville is no longer the hero protecting the values of past humanity; he has become the enemy of the new world, which has no place for human beings. APPENDIX 2: NORMAL AND REVOLUTIONARY POP 217

Through the ages, vampire stories have reflected the concerns and aspirations characteristic of particular time periods. The vampire has been a popular figure since the nineteenth century, when it reflected, for example, the embodiment of forbidden types of intimacy (as in the works of the English writer Polidori), the experience of loneliness consequent to the advent of industrialization (as in Baudelaire’s poems), or the issues associated with being a social outcast during the American depression (as in the character Dracula, as portrayed by Bela Lugosi). In Matheson’s novel, vampires reversed the situation and took over the whole planet. Since then, stories have emerged depicting vampires living in vampire communities (as in The Vampire Chronicles by Anne Rice, which began in 1976), but these stories generally took the middle ground between the lonely individual and the dominant race. Lately, in the Twilight and True Blood series, we have witnessed vampires moving into our own backyards, appearing to be simply from another ethnic group rather than from the ranks of the ‘undead’. No longer are vampires depicted as lonely creatures hiding in the labyrinths under our cities. In these narratives, they are now living with us in broad daylight, in our towns and suburbs, and, immortal as they are, choosing to spend eternity not in a coffin or in the catacombs of a castle but somewhere perhaps worse—like a high school. They are no longer novel, mysterious ‘revolutionary’ pop; they are now ‘normal’ pop culture. Although this discussion could be perceived as pessimistic as regard to novelty in popular culture, it is, I believe, quite optimistic. Indeed, if we take into account that Romero was influenced by Matheson’s novel in making his movies and that he basically adapted Matheson’s vampires to become his zombies, we find here some originality in the merging of genres, especially when we consider the latest (2007) film version of the novel, starring Will Smith as Robert Neville—in it, all Matheson’s vampires are now zombies instead: a further layer in the remix. Concerning the stasis of culture, we are, I argue, currently stalled in a ‘normal’ pop phase, meaning that we have remained within a certain set of paradigms for too long. It does seem that are we going to be limited by these pop paradigms for a very long time. Even if a ‘revolutionary’ pop artefact or movement were to appear now, it would not necessarily create a new paradigm in popular culture, as the demands of the current market do not allow for such an eventuality. We can expect, as claimed by Hassan (1999), that the culture industry will aim first and foremost at making a (large) profit, and not at making room for ‘revolutionary’ creativity. But this is not the only reason behind cultural stasis. In a world in which we 218 APPENDIX 2: NORMAL AND REVOLUTIONARY POP are exposed to so many works of popular culture—a world in which people are struggling to find time for jobs (sometimes multiple, concurrent jobs), caring for children, study, caring for the elderly—innovation in terms of content is not what attracts people’s attention. Steven Spielberg, as one of the key leaders in the industry, asserts that the range of content encour- ages conservatism in the major studios, who aim for ‘one size fits all’ blockbusters because people “simply have a limited amount of time”:

We can’t expand the week. We can’t expand the 24-hour cycle. So we’re stuck with so many choices. […] You’re at the point right now where a stu- dio would rather invest $250 million in one film for a real shot at the brass ring […] than make a whole bunch of really interesting, deeply personal— and even maybe historical—projects that may get lost in the shuffle because there’s only 24 hours. (Spielberg in Bishop 2013)

More than ten years ago, research in Australia by Bouma and Lennon (2003) indicated that on an average day, 10 percent of households took part in religious/spiritual activities, and that these activities represented 0.28 percent of all the households’ activities. Religious activities did not rate highly in comparison with eating, sleeping, or watching TV, but they did rate similarly to engaging in sporting and cultural activities. Just as we are pressed for time to engage in religious observances and activities, we are now also pressed for time to consume popular culture, and if the market does not make room for a ‘revolutionary’ pop to emerge and break through the static culture, it is perhaps because the consumer might not have the time nor inclination to contemplate a new pop culture paradigm. Notes

Some sections of this book are reworked and updated sections of various earlier publications. These are listed below. I would like to thank my co- authors and publishers.

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A C Achcar, G., 3 Calhoun, Craig, 152, 153 Algorithm, 90 Casanova, Jose, 152 Alienation, 28, 60 Catholic Social Teaching, 51, 212 Al Qaeda, 173 Chaplaincy, 21, 42–45 Anomie, 59–61, 173, 181 Charity, 7, 36, 38–41, 44, 45, 55, Apps, 3, 7, 28, 83, 121–126, 202 56, 77, 141, 161, 189–192, Arab Spring, 54, 91 194–197, 201–204, 206, 207 Ascetics, 8, 26, 50, 57, 209–213 Chesterton, G.K., 138 Augé, Marc, 1, 5, 106, 123 Civil religion, 3, 7, 20, 31, 62, 164, Authority, 5, 21, 22, 24, 27, 30, 60, 170, 173, 176–178, 203 96, 97, 106, 126, 137, 190, 205 Communicative action, 7, 40, 134, 150, 151, 154, 155, 160, 163, 203, 205 B Compassionate tax, 7, 18, 45, 63, 78, Bauman, Zygmunt, 135, 179 81, 181, 188, 198, 201–208, 213 Beck, Ulrich, 8, 67, 68, 102, Connell, Raewyn, 4, 5 128–130, 170, 171 Beckford, Jim, 24, 36, 39, 40, 71, 136, 138 D Bellah, Robert, 151, 176, 177 Dean, Mitchell, 5, 19 Biopolitics, 84, 88–92, 123, 174, 203 Deradicalization, 62 Boltanski, Luc, 11, 61, 178, 180 Digital capitalism, 7, 13, 81, 101, Branding, 7, 30, 67, 81, 139–145, 102, 104, 111, 113, 115, 171, 187 127–131, 144, 202, 203

Dubet, François, 9, 11, 68, 69, 212 Hyper-consumerism, 5, 22 Durkheim, Emile, 6, 8, 61, 68, 72, Hyper-real religions, 13, 22, 71, 176, 177, 195 104–106, 109, 175, 220 Hypo-consumerism, 5, 22

E Einstein, Mara, 7, 26, 27, 30, 31, I 37, 55, 56, 67, 137, 139, Individualism, 24, 29, 127–131, 177 140, 154, 188 Inequalities, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 26, Eisenstadt, Shmuel, 163, 178 31, 36, 40, 43–45, 52–55, 61, Emerging churches, 143 68, 69, 84, 92, 93, 95, 128, Evangelical Protestantism, 26 135, 162, 164, 169, 172, 173, 177, 180, 181, 188, 203–207, 209 F Instagram, 2, 83, 124, 127 Facebook, 1, 4, 5, 28, 83, 85, 87, Instrumental rationality, 88, 91, 124, 127, 129, 164 117, 121, 134 Faith-based organizations (FBOs), Internet memes, 1, 110–112, 210 6, 21, 36–40, 203, 207 ISIS, 50, 58, 60, 173 Formal rationality, 115, 117, 206 Islamic finance, 156, 157, 162, 171 Foucault, Michel, 8, 84, 88, 89, Islamic Radicalization/Radicalization 123, 202 of Islam, 58–62 Frankfurt School, 13, 14, 84, 180 Islamophobia, 61 Free market, 4, 40, 41, 50, 92, 137, i-zation of society, 1, 7, 18, 19, 29, 162, 169, 178 76, 78, 81, 115–131, 133, 146, Fundamentalism, 24, 25, 155, 163 149, 150, 169, 185, 202, 203

G J Generation Y, 2, 87, 129, 215 Jameson, Fredric, 4, 6, 8, 14, 49, Gramsci, Antonio, 173–175, 219 81, 101–113, 131, 137, 139, 175, 179, 180, 202, 209, 215 Jediism, 71, 105, 109, 175, 219 H Jubilee 2000 movement, 53 Habermas, Jurgen, 7, 8, 10, 11, 61, Juergensmeyer, Mark, 58 81, 102, 135, 146, 149–164, 169–181, 187, 188, 202–204, 206, 209, 210 K Habitus, 87–88 Keynesian economics, 9 Hegemony, 54, 62, 141, 173–176, Khun, Thomas, 8, 112 179, 209 Kymlicka, Will, 158, 159 INDEX 243

L O Labor force, 84, 92–96 Occupy Wall Street movement, Late capitalism, 83–97, 101, 102, 12, 50, 52 112, 131, 150, 209 Lifeworld, 7, 150–152, 163, 178 Lipovetsky, Gilles, 10, 111, 112, P 127, 128, 135, 180 Panopticon, 90, 92 Lyon, David, 21, 179 Participatory culture, 102, 109–111 Pastiche, 7, 101, 139, 202 Pew Research Center, 12, 55, 85 M Piketty, Thomas, 10–12, 179 Mammon, 51, 169 Polanyi, Karl, 10, 61 Marx, Karl, 28, 111 Pope Benedict XVI, 51 Massively multiplayer online Pope Francis, 14, 49, 52, 204, role-playing games 205, 212 (MMORPGs), 86 Pope Leo XIII, 51 McDonald, Kevin, 58, 59, 108, 118, Popular culture, 7, 8, 21, 22, 71, 77, 121, 122, 137 81, 96, 101, 104–107, 109, 139, McDonaldization of society, 76, 113, 140, 169, 178, 202, 215, 217, 218 118–120, 123, 124, 130, Post-Islamism, 162 133, 151, 209 Post-national constellation, 188, 204 Michel, Patrick, 25, 26, 61 Post-secularism, 7, 18, 81, 146, 149, Milbank, John, 51, 88 151–155, 163, 164, 169, 185, Mysticism, 23, 73, 74, 211 187, 203, 205, 206, 209, 219 Productivity Commission Research Report, 10, 190, 192 N Proletariat, 93 Neoliberalism, 3–7, 9–13, 19–31, Prosperity Religions, 30 35–45, 49–63, 68, 72–78, Protestant Ethic and Spirit of 81–85, 90, 92, 97, 113, Capitalism, 113, 209 128, 140, 143, 145, 146, Pygmalion process, 7, 101, 139, 169, 149, 158–160, 162–164, 185, 202 169–188, 197, 202, 203, 205, 209–213 Neo-Pentecostalism, 25, 26 Q New Age, vii, 5, 20–24, 27, Quantified Self movement, 91, 122 73–75, 124, 138, 139, 143, 172, 210 New Muslim economy, 160–162 R New religious movements (NRMs), Radicalism, 62, 164, 181, 203 50, 56, 57, 60, 62, 173, Rationalization of society, 116–118, 192, 195 130, 202 244 INDEX

Reagan, Ronald, 4, 5, 19, 176 T Rescue missions, 39, 40 Tax exemption, 45, 185–197, Ritzer, George, 4, 6, 8, 81, 113, 115, 206, 210 133–146, 151, 172, 202, 209 Taylo, Charles, 154 Roy, Olivier, 7, 59, 85, 137–139, Thatcher, Margaret, 4, 5, 19, 72 161, 162 Third way, 50–56 Torpey, John, 12, 52, 54, 152 Troeltsch, Ernst, 23, 74 S Turner, Bryan, 12, 24, 52, 54, 62, Second Life, 87 96, 97, 130, 155, 157, 170, Secularism, 24, 73 179, 210, 212, 219, 220 Shari’a, 7, 137, 149, 155–160, 219 SMS messages, 2, 126 Social constructionism, 6, 17, W 68–71, 145 Weber, Max, v, 4, 8, 9, 50, 57, 96, Social glue, 6, 68, 72, 75, 202 113, 115–118, 120, 121, 123, Spickard, Jim, vii, 54, 179 130, 138, 172, 206, 210–212 Spiritualities, 5, 14, 22–24, 29, 54, Welby, Justin, 50 72–74, 96, 105, 109, 133, 138, Welfare, 6, 10, 28, 31, 35–37, 39, 139, 143, 155, 172, 211, 219 40, 42–45, 51, 52, 54, 55, 89, Standardization, 7, 30, 75, 81, 129, 179, 181, 187–189, 194, 102, 116, 118, 128–131, 201, 203–206, 208 133, 143, 174 Welfare system, 204 Star Wars, 72, 97, 105–107, World Rejecting Religious Groups, 109–111, 115, 128, 175, 195 50, 56, 57 Stasis of culture, 8, 102, 110, 137, 215, 217 Sufism, 138, 142 Y Surveillance, 62, 90, 93 YouTube, 2, 4, 28, 86, 92–94, 96