Agricultural Development and Rural Poverty in India

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Agricultural Development and Rural Poverty in India Ind. Jn. ofAgri. Econ. Vol. 51, No. 3, July-Sept. 1996 374 INDIAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS Agricultural Development and Rural Poverty in India Madhusudan Ghosh* INTRODUCTION Rural poverty in India has been a subject of extensive research and intense debate. In the early seventies, the researchers were mainly concerned with the conceptual basis of measurement of poverty and with empirical estimates of the magnitude of poverty. Several attempts were made to estimate the levels of rural and urban poverty on the basis of various norms on which the poverty line is based (see,for example, Ojha, 1970; Dandekar and Rath, 1971; Bardhan, 1973; Sen, 1973; Dandekar, 1981 and Tyagi, 1982). The issues which attracted considerable attention in the subsequent phase of the discussion involve three questions,namely, (a) whether improved agricultural performance has been associated with reductions in the incidence of rural poverty?(b) whether nominal prices of the commodities consumed by the rural poor have any adverse effect on the incidence of rural poverty? and (c) is there any discernible time trend in the incidence of rural poverty? It is after the publication of Ahluwalia's(1978) paper that the relationship between rural poverty and agricultural performance(measured by agricultural production per head of rural population) has been a subject of extensive empirical research. Ahluwalia (1978) observed an inverse relationship between the two variables and thereby asserted the existence of 'trickle-down' mechanisms in the Indian rural economy during 1956-57 to 1973-74. The existence of trickle-down mechanisms ha's been further reinforced by the results of his subsequent study (Ahluwalia, 1986) with expanded data set. Moreover, he observed no evidence of weakening of the relationship since the green revolution. Some other studies, however, reported far from uniform results about the existence of trickle-down process. While the results of Saith(1981), Gaiha (1989), Ghose (1989), Kakwani and Subbarao(1990 a, b), Bhattacharya et al. (1991) and Ghosh (1993, 1994)lent support to the trickle-down hypothesis, Mundle (1983) and Bardhan (1984, 1986) expressed reservations about the validity of the hypothesis in India. While Mundle (1983) did not observe any strong or decisive effect of per capita foodgrains production on the incidence of rural poverty, the results of Bardhan's (1984, 1986) studies vindicated the possibility of growth-induced pauperisation of the agricultural labour and primarily cultivator households. Bardhan concluded: "Agricultural growth and productivity improvements in general tend to help raise incomes all around, but certain types of growth processes generate negative forces for the poor, particularly in an institutional setting of highly unequal distribution of assets and access to resources"(Bardhan, 1986, pp. 90-91). In an unfinished research work,Dharm Narainl emphasised the need for considering the * Senior Lecturer, Department of Economics and Politics, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan - 731 235, Birbhum (West Bengal),and Ford Foundation Post-Doctoral Fellow, Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720, U.S.A. The paper has been revised when the author was a post-doctoral fellow in the Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics, University of California, Berkeley. The award of the fellowship from the Ford Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. RESEARCH NOTES 375 changes in the nominal prices of the commodities consumed by the poor along with the changes in agricultural production per head of rural population and time (representing the influence of other forces) to explain the dynamic behaviour of rural poverty. In doing so, it was observed that while agricultural production per head of rural population is inversely related, the consumer price index for agricultural labourers and the index number of wholesale prices of foodgrains are positively related to, the incidence of rural poverty. Moreover,after allowance is made for the changes in the incidence ofrural poverty associated with agricultural production per head of rural population and nominal prices of the com- modities consumed by the poor, there has been a definite downward trend in the incidence of rural poverty during 1956-57 to 1970-71. The results of the studies by Saith (1981), Ahluwalia(1986), Gaiha (1989)and Ghose(1989) extended support to the findings of Dharm Narain. Gaiha(1989) and Ghose(1989) additionally reported that fluctuations in the relative prices of the commodities consumed by the poor have more powerful effect on rural poverty than the changes in agricultural output per rural person. What is more perplexing is the conflicting results about the time trend in the incidence of rural poverty. Whereas Ahluwalia (1978, 1986) and Mundle (1983) observed no dis- cernible time trend in the incidence of rural poverty, and Ghose(1989) observed a declining trend, Griffin and Ghose (1979) and Saith (1981) reported, in fact, a rising trend. The diverging results about the time trend in rural poverty may be attributed to differences in the procedure of estimating poverty incidence and also in the choice of the time period. The present study, using statcwise cross-section data2 at four points of time, 1972-73, 1977-78, 1983 and 1986-87,3 examines the effects of agricultural development and some other variables on rural poverty in India. It specifically examines whether the benefits of agricultural development have trickled down to the rural poor. The rest of the paper is organised as follows. The effects of agricultural development and other selected variables on rural poverty arc examined in Section II. Section III summarises the main findings and indicates some policy implications. The data used in this study are taken from diverse sources which are cited in the Appendix. II AGRICULTURAL PERFORMANCE AND RURAL POVERTY Since the rural people derive their livelihood primarily from agriculture, their living conditions depend to a significant extent upon the performance of this sector. We have used State Domestic Product in agriculture per head of the rural population(SDPAR) as a measure of agricultural performance. Since improved agricultural performance is supposed to affect all sections of the rural population including the rural poor, SDPAR may be considered as the generalfactor influencing the incidence of rural poverty. The factors that significantly influence the living conditions of the rural poor specifically may now be identified. The agricultural labour households and the primarily cultivator households consisting of marginal and small farmers are identified as the rural poor. The 32nd Round (1977-78)of the National Sample Survey(NSS) Report revealed that about 56 per cent of the agricultural labour households and 31.7 per cent of the households self- employed in agriculture (a large section of whom are marginal and small farmers) were living below poverty line in India. The two groups of households together constituted 79.32 per cent of the rural poor. The report also revealed that casual labourers are among the 376 INDIAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS poorest segment of the total workforce in agriculture; whereas 58.2 per cent of the casual workers and 49.3 per cent of the regular wage workers were living below poverty line, 31.7 per cent of the self-employed households in agriculture were found to be living in poverty (see Dev, 1988). Identification of the households living below poverty line makes it relatively easy to identify the specificfactors determining the living conditions of the rural poor.The primarily cultivator households earn their livelihood primarily from their most important income generating asset, viz., land. Naturally, it is the average size of the marginal and small operational holdings(AVMSH) which may be taken as one of the important specific factors determining the level of living of this section of the rural poor. The level of income of the agricultural labour households depends upon the availability of wage employment and the wage rate. Again,since the purchasing power of the wage labourers depends upon the prices of the commodities consumed by them vis-a-vis the money wage rate they receive, it is the real wage rate(RWAL) which may be considered as the important factor determining their living conditions. Moreover,since one cannot expect any wage income without having any employment, we need to consider a factor which may reflect employment opportunities. This is done by considering the data on current-day status unemployment rate among rural males(CDURM). Thus while state domestic product in agriculture per head of rural pop- ulation(SDPAR) has been considered here as the generalfactor , the following three factors have been considered as the specificfactors influencing the incidence of rural poverty:(a) Average size of marginal and small operational holdings(AVMSH), (b) Real wage rate for male labourers(RWAL), and (c)Current -day status unemployment rate among rural males (CDURM).The incidence ofrural poverty(RPOV) measured by headcount ratio is expected to vary inversely with SDPAR, AVMSH and RWAL,but directly with CDURM. In order to examine the effects of these factors on rural poverty, we have estimated two equations for rural poverty:,one involving the general factor, and the other involving the specific factors as explanatory variables.4 RPOV = o + a, SDPAR .... (1) RPOV = po + 13, AVMSH 132 RWAL + 0.3 CDURM ....(2) The equations are estimated by Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) method with pooled statewise cross-section data corresponding to four time points, 1972-73, 1977-78, 1983 and 1986-87. The results of the estimated equations are: RPOV = 70.88 - 0.054 SDPAR ; R2 = 0.466. (0.008)* RPOV = 94.30 - 24.328 AVMSH - 9.436 RWAL + 1.041 CDURM ; R2 = 0.631. (9.479)* (1.066)* (0.564)** (Figures in parentheses are standard errors; ** and * Significant at 5 and 1 per cent level respectively; Number of observations(n) = 56). The coefficient of SDPAR turns out to be significantly negative, indicating thereby an inverse relationship between rural poverty and agricultural production per head of rural population.
Recommended publications
  • POVERTY and REFORMS in INDIA T. N. Srinivasan1
    December 1999 POVERTY AND REFORMS IN INDIA T. N. Srinivasan1 Samuel C. Park, Jr. Professor of Economics Chairman, Department of Economics Yale University 1. Introduction The overarching objective of India's development strategy has always been the eradication of mass poverty. This objective has been articulated in several development plans, ranging from those published in the pre-independence era by individuals and organizations to the nine five year plans, and annual development plans since 1950 (Srinivasan 1999, lecture 3). However actual achievement has been very modest. In year 1997, five decades after independence, a little over a third of India's nearly billion population is estimated to be poor according to India's National Sample Survey (Table 1). It is also clear from the same table that until the late seventies, the national poverty ratio fluctuated with no significant time trend, between a low of 42.63 percent during April-September 1952 to a high of 62 percent July 1966-June 1967, the second of two successive years of severe drought. Then between July 1977-June 1978 and July 1990-June 1991, just prior to the introduction of systemic reforms of the economy following a severe economic crisis, the national poverty ratio declined significantly from 48.36 percent to 35.49 percent. The macroeconomic stabilization measures adopted at the same time as systemic reforms in July 1991 resulted in the stagnation of real GDP in 1991-92 relative to the previous 1I have drawn extensively on the research of Gaurav Datt and Martin Ravallion of the World Bank in writing this note.
    [Show full text]
  • Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution Across States
    Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution across States Empirical Assessment - 2012-13 April 2013 Sponsored by Ministry of Panchayati Raj Government of India The Indian Institute of Public Administration New Delhi Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution across States Empirical Assessment - 2012-13 V N Alok The Indian Institute of Public Administration New Delhi Foreword It is the twentieth anniversary of the 73rd Amendment of the Constitution, whereby Panchayats were given constitu- tional status.While the mandatory provisions of the Constitution regarding elections and reservations are adhered to in all States, the devolution of powers and resources to Panchayats from the States has been highly uneven across States. To motivate States to devolve powers and responsibilities to Panchayats and put in place an accountability frame- work, the Ministry of Panchayati Raj, Government of India, ranks States and provides incentives under the Panchayat Empowerment and Accountability Scheme (PEAIS) in accordance with their performance as measured on a Devo- lution Index computed by an independent institution. The Indian Institute of Public Administration (IIPA) has been conducting the study and constructing the index while continuously refining the same for the last four years. In addition to indices on the cumulative performance of States with respect to the devolution of powers and resources to Panchayats, an index on their incremental performance,i.e. initiatives taken during the year, was introduced in the year 2010-11. Since then, States have been awarded for their recent exemplary initiatives in strengthening Panchayats. The Report on"Strengthening of Panchayats in India: Comparing Devolution across States - Empirical Assessment 2012-13" further refines the Devolution Index by adding two more pillars of performance i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Poverty and Fertility in India: Some Factors Contributing to a Positive Correlation
    Global Majority E-Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (December 2011), pp. 87-98 Poverty and Fertility in India: Some Factors Contributing to a Positive Correlation Brittany Traeger Abstract India has diminishing population growth rates and fertility rates; however, they still remain high compared to the world average. The families living in poverty are those having the most children because they are consistently trapped in poverty from generation to generation with little opportunity. Poor families are typically larger because they use children as a source of generating income via child labor. Parents also have children for insurance purposes because they envision needing help when they get older. All children born into poverty, especially girls, have little opportunity to escape from it in adulthood because of the lack of education and power. Another cause for high fertility rates is the large unmet need for family planning among the poor. Investing in family planning amongst the poor would be efficient to reduce fertility rates and poverty. Furthermore, increases in school enrollments, (including for girls) result in more power for females and thus decreasing fertility rates. I. Introduction Currently, about one quarter of India’s population lives in poverty, i.e., on less than one dollar-a- day. 1 This is a sharp decrease from what the poverty rate was in previous decades but it remains high. India also remains to have relatively high fertility and population growth rates. Many consider high poverty and high fertility to be a vicious cycle poor people are caught in. The vicious cycle is that females of poor families get married at a young age and typically have many children.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Roots of Mass Poverty in South Asia
    Historical Roots of Mass Poverty in South Asia A Hypothesis Tapan Raychaudhuri The contemporary phenomenon of underdevelopment is not a continuation of the traditional economic order of pre-modern times. The patterns of economic organisation and levels of economic performance in the traditional societies of Asia, before they were enmeshed into the international economy created by first the merchant and later the industrial capitalism of western Europe, were significantly different from their contemporary counterparts. In the case of India, the pre-colonial economy in its normal functioning did not generate large groups of half starving people. The author traces the roots of mass poverty in India, as we know it today, to the new institutional framework of agriculture introduced after 1813 which deprived small holders, both tenants and proprietors, of nearly all their surplus, if it did not actually reduce them to landlessness. Not only the new institutional arrangements, but even the positive developments in agriculture augmented the tradi- tional disparities of India's agrarian society. Thus development of a market for cash crops implied a change in the ratio of non-food crops to food crops until, with increases in population, the output of foodgrains per head of population declined quite sharply. And where irrigation provided the means of increasing productivity, those in control of large holdings tried and increased their holdings, often at the cost of the poorer agriculturists. The all-too-familiar phenomenon of today's mass poverty was thus already an established fact of life by the time population began to increase at a steady pace.
    [Show full text]
  • Rural Poverty Alleviation Progammes ======For
    TFYP WG REPORT No.81/2001 REPORT OF THE WORKING GROUP ON ======================================= RURAL POVERTY ALLEVIATION PROGAMMES ======================================= FOR THE TENTH FIVE YEAR PLAN (2002-2007) PLANNING COMMISSION GOVERNMENT OF INDIA DECEMBER-2001 Government of India Ministry of Rural Development Krishi Bhawan, New Delhi Contents Page Chapter - 1 Background 1-2 Chapter - 2 Poverty Alleviation Initiatives in Rural India in Retrospect 3-5 Chapter – 3 Programmes for Self-Employment 6-10 Chapter – 4 Programmes for Wage-Employment 11-26 Chapter – 5 Other Programmes of Rural Development 27-41 Chapter – 6 Review of Programmes by the Sub-Groups 42-60 Chapter – 7 Poverty Alleviation Programmes – Strategy for the Tenth Five 61-67 Year Plan Chapter – 8 Recommendations of the Working Group 68-78 Annexure - I Composition of the Working Group Annexure – II Composition of the Sub-Group-I Annexure - III Composition of the Sub-Group-II Annexure-IV Composition of the Sub-Group-III Annexure- V Financial and Physical Progress Under IRDP since inception (1980-81-1998-99 Annexure- VI TRYSEM since inception Annexure- VII Financial and Physical Progress Under DWCRA since inception Annexure- VIII Financial and Physical Progress Under SITRA Annexure- IX Financial and Physical Progress Under GKY Annexure- X Financial and Physical Progress Under JRY/JGSY since inception Annexure- XI Plan wise/year-wise resources allocated/utilised, wells constructed under MWS Annexure- XII Financial and Physical Progress Under EAS/SGRY since inception Annexure- XIII Plan-wise/Year-wise financial and Physical Progress Under IAY since inception 1 Chapter-1 Background 1.1 The Planning Commission, vide their letter No. M-12018/1/2000-RD dated December 15,2000 constituted a Working Group under the Chairmanship of Secretary, Rural Development, Government of India on Poverty Alleviation Programmes for the formulation of the 10th Five Year Plan for the Country.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronic Poverty in India: Overview Study
    Chronic Poverty in India: Overview Study Aasha Kapur Mehta Professor of Economics Indian Institute of Public Administration New Delhi and Amita Shah Associate Professor Gujarat Institute of Development Research Ahmedabad CPRC Working Paper 7 Chronic Poverty Research Centre ISBN Number: 1-904049-06-0 * Acknowledgements This paper has benefited immensely from the detailed comments and inputs provided by Andrew Shepherd on various drafts. Discussions with David Hulme especially at the initial stages of planning the research and also at the Capetown workshop were extremely useful as were comments provided by Kate Bird and Arun Mehta. Nikhila Menon was the research officer for this project and her cheerful research assistance has been a major contribution. Two young researchers, Trishna Satpathy and Karen Moore have provided extremely valuable comments, ideas and information and their insights and pointers in the direction of research material are very gratefully acknowledged. The paper has also benefited from interaction with participants at a research design workshop in Capetown in July, 2001. Sections 1, 2, 3 and 5 are based on a paper on "Chronic Poverty in India: An Overview" by Aasha Kapur Mehta. Section 4 is based on a paper on "Poverty in the Lagging Regions in India" by Amita Shah. IIPA and GIDR provided crucial support and resources. 1 Abstract This paper tries to summarise the current state of knowledge about chronic poverty in India and identify the agenda for further research. An overview of the trends in incidence of income poverty in India is provided so as to place chronic poverty in context. It views chronic poverty in terms of severity, extended duration and multidimensional deprivation.
    [Show full text]
  • Poverty Transitions, Health, and Socio-Economic Disparities in India
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Population Center Working Papers (PSC/PARC) Population Studies Center 7-7-2020 Poverty Transitions, Health, and Socio-Economic Disparities in India Veena S. Kulkarni Arkansas State University - Main Campus, [email protected] Vani S. Kulkarni University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Raghav Gaiha University of Pennsylvania, GDI University of Manchester, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/psc_publications Part of the Disability Studies Commons, Diseases Commons, and the Inequality and Stratification Commons Recommended Citation Kulkarni, Veena, Vani Kulkarni, and Raghav Gaiha. 2020. "Poverty Transitions, Health, and Socio-Economic Disparities in India." University of Pennsylvania Population Center Working Paper (PSC/PARC), 2020-50. https://repository.upenn.edu/psc_publications/50. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/psc_publications/50 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Poverty Transitions, Health, and Socio-Economic Disparities in India Abstract SDGs offer an inclusive and just vision for 2030, in which the interrelationships between (near) elimination of poverty, health reforms and elimination of socio-economic disparities play an important role. The present study focuses on the associations between poverty transitions over a period, and health indicators such as NCDs, disabilities, socio-economic disparities, state affluence and inequality in income distribution.
    [Show full text]
  • Role of Panchayat Bodies in Rural Development Since 1959 (2011)
    Theme Paper Role of Panchayat Bodies in Rural Development since 1959 55th Members’ Annual Conference V. N. Alok INDIAN INSTITUTE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION NEW DELHI Saturday, October 22, 2011 Role of Panchayat Bodies in Rural Development since 1959 THEME PA P ER FOR T HE FIF T Y -FIF T H MEMBERS ’ ANNUAL CONFEREN C E V. N. ALOK Indian Institute of Public Administration New Delhi 2011 ROLE OF PANCHAYAT BODIES IN RURAL DEVELOPMENT SINCE 1959 I THE CONTEXT Within the Indian federal architecture panchayat is the closest to the notion of direct democracy distinct from the representative democracy of the Union and States, due to its proximity to the community it serves. Panchayat has deep faith in democracy in which the common man in the rural area has huge capacity to have a good living for himself and the community under the healthy environment that the State creates. If a common man appears to be indifferent to the high economic growth, it is because he is devoid of the mainstream national development and has not been provided equal opportunity to participate in activities for his own betterment. The objectives of a panchayat include organizing common men in the process of developing themselves through their own efforts on a continuing basis, at the same time, enhancing their capacity and self-reliance. This begins with ‘citizen participation’ in political processes and ‘service delivery’ of local public goods, e.g. potable drinking water, general sanitation, primary health, elementary education, maintenance of public properties etc. Hence, the key objective of the panchayat is to balance the two values of ‘citizen participation’ and ‘service delivery’, the basic goals of decentralized democracy1 envisaged in the Report of Balvantray Mehta Study Team (1957) and the subsequent 73rd Amendment to the Constitution of India.
    [Show full text]
  • India Chronic Poverty Report
    India Chronic Poverty Report Towards Solutions and New Compacts in a Dynamic Context Aasha Kapur Mehta l Andrew Shepherd Shashanka Bhide l Amita Shah l Anand Kumar INDIAN INSTITUTE OF Chronic Poverty PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Research Centre i INDIA CHRONIC POVERTY REPORT ii iii INDIA CHRONIC POVERTY REPORT: Towards Solutions and New Compacts in a Dynamic Context Aasha Kapur Mehta • Andrew Shepherd Shashanka Bhide • Amita Shah • Anand Kumar INDIAN INSTITUTE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION INDRAPRASTHA ESTATE, RING ROAD, NEW DELHI-110002 iv © Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi, 2011 Price 300 ISBN : 81-86641-41-6 Published by Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi and Printed at New United Process, A-26, Naraina Industrial Area, Ph-II, New Delhi, Ph. 25709125 FOREWORD The “India Chronic Poverty Report: Towards Solutions and New Compacts in a Dynamic Context” is timely, coming as it does while the Approach to the Twelfth Plan is being formulated. Written by a group which has been researching chronic poverty for several years, the Report goes back to speeches made in the Constituent Assembly at time of Independence and reminds us that promises made then on the ‘fight to end poverty, squalor, ignorance and disease’ still remain unfulfilled. It draws attention to the gaps between actual achievements in this regard and constitutional provisions regarding equitable development. Given that the Eleventh Plan focus was to make “growth faster and more inclusive”, and that in this context efforts were also made to impart a “rights approach” in some major anti-poverty schemes, the Report is a reminder of the long-haul nature of India’s development promises.
    [Show full text]
  • CC-12: HISTORY of INDIA (1750S-1857)
    CC-12: HISTORY OF INDIA (1750s-1857) V. TRADE AND INDUSTRY (C). DRAIN OF WEALTH Till the Battle of Plassey i.e., 1757, the European traders imported bullion into India in return of the export of the Indian cotton and silk goods which had a flourishing market in the west. But the situation was soon reversed after the conquest of Bengal after the Battle of Plassey by the English East India Company, when the company not only stopped importing bullion into India, but began to purchase goods from the surplus revenues of Bengal and the profits made from the duty-free inland trade. This was the beginning of the plunder of Bengal and by the end of the 18th century the whole country became a playground of plunder by the British Government. The period from 1757 CE to 1857 CE the administration of the Indian subcontinent was in the hands of the English East India Company and from 1858 CE to 1947 CE India was directly ruled by the British Crown. India had to pay a very heavy price for these two hundred years of colonial rule. The process of continuous plunder of India’s raw materials, resources and wealth by Britain to enrich itself at the cost of India’s growing poverty led to the formulation of the theory of Drain of Wealth by the nationalist economists like Dadabhai Naoroji, M.G. Ranade, R.C. Dutt and others. The economic exploitation of India at the hand of the colonial government was so massive the it left India with ‘poverty amidst plenty’.
    [Show full text]
  • Geography and Economics Matriculation 10
    GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMICS MATRICULATION 10 Untouchability is a sin Untouchability is a crime Untouchability is inhuman TAMILNADU TEXTBOOK CORPORATION COLLEGE ROAD, CHENNAI - 600 006. Government of Tamilnadu First Edition - 2006 CHAIRPERSON Tmt. M. MANIMEKALAI Principal DIET, Aduthurai, Thanjavur Dist. - 612 101. REVIEWERS Geography Economics Thiru C. SUBRAMANIAN Tmt.GIRIJASESHADRI Principal, Principal, SBIOAModel Mat. Hr. Sec. School Jaigopal Garodia Hindu Vidyalaya Mogappair Eri Scheme Mat. Hr. Sec. School, West Mambalam Chennai - 600 037. Chennai - 600 033. Tmt.PRASANNARADHAKRISHNAN Principal GKD Mat. Hr. Sec. School Perianaickenpalayam Coimbatore - 20. AUTHORS Geography Tmt.V.MEENAKSHI Tmt.M.NAGAMEENA Lecturer in Geography Zion Mat. Hr. Sec. School DIET, Indira Nagar, Tambaram, Thirur, Chennai - 60 073. Thiruvellore Dist. Economics Tmt.SEETHASUBRAMANIUM Tmt.V.VIDYAVATHI Headmistress Vice Principal, Sri Sankara Vidyalaya Mat. Hr. Sec. School, Jaigopal Garodia Vivekananda Vidyalaya East Tambaram, Chennai - 600 059. Mat. Hr. Sec. School, Anna Nagar Chennai - 600 040. Price : Rs. This book has been prepared by The Directorate of Matriculation Schools on behalf of the Government of Tamilnadu. This book has been printed on 70 G.S.M. paper Printed by offset at : ii PREFACE Based on the Tenth Matriculation Syllabus, this book aims to throw light upon Geography and Economics through a seamless blend of topics such as agriculture, industries, transport and communication and latest developments in remote sensing techniques. This book, not only describes the nature of resources, their availability and utilisation but also their conservation and sustainable development. The diffusion of science and technology in all sectors has been described well, along with the emphasis on values of cultural heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • India: Country Partnership Strategy 2013-2017
    Country Partnership Strategy: IND, 2013–2017 POVERTY ANALYSIS (SUMMARY) 1. Poverty incidence. From 1951 to 1978, India's poverty rate—the percentage of the population living below a given poverty line—fluctuated between about 45% and 62% with no clear trend.1 Beginning in the late 1970s, and broadly coinciding with an acceleration in the rate of economic growth, the poverty rate declined, from 43% in 1983 to 27.6% in 2004/05.2 An improved methodology for determining the poverty line, introduced in 2009, has led to a larger share of the population being counted as poor. However, poverty rates have declined even according to the new poverty line, from 45.3% in 1993/94 to 21.9% in 2011/12 (Figure 1). Further, while in 1983 about 55.5% of Indians lived below the $1.25 per day poverty line—the internationally comparable poverty line—this dropped to 32.7% in 2009.3 However, 68.9% of the population still lives under the $2.00 per day poverty line, indicating that a large proportion of population is vulnerable to economic shocks that may drive them back into extreme poverty. Figure 1: Poverty in India 420 50 405 45 390 40 375 360 35 345 30 330 25 315 20 300 15 285 10 poverty line below (million)poverty line 270 Number of people belowof peopleNumber 255 5 of populationPercentage 240 0 1993/1994 2004/2005 2009/2010 2011/2012 Note: Poverty is defined in terms of the poverty lines defined by the Expert Group 2009. Source: Government of India, Planning Commission.
    [Show full text]