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Idealist and Pragmatist Strains of Canadian Thought on Technology and Nationalism
Arms to Communications: Idealist and Pragmatist Strains of Canadian Thought on Technology and Nationalism Marco Adria University of Alberta Abstract: As information and communications technologies (ICTs) become an increasingly important part of the Canadian social, cultural, and economic fabric, the question of how such technologies interact with national autonomy and with the nationalist impulse emerges once again. This article considers a critical moment of another era in which technology’s relationship to nationalism became a matter of public and intellectual discourse. The missile crisis of 1962 in Canada highlighted the conflicting prospects for importing foreign technology while maintaining national autonomy. George Grant and Ramsay Cook took opposing views in this debate. The Grant-Cook dialectic is proposed as a means by which a contemporary approach may be developed to the relationship between the widespread use of ICTs and the potential for nationalism in Canada. Résumé : À mesure que les technologies de l’information et de la communication (TIC) jouent un rôle de plus en plus important dans les domaines social, culturel et économique au Canada, la question de la manière dont ces technologies inte- ragissent avec l’autonomie nationale et l’impulsion nationaliste émerge à nou- veau. Cet article considère un moment critique d’une autre époque pendant laquelle le rapport de la technologie au nationalisme est devenu un sujet de débat public et intellectuel. Au Canada, la crise des missiles de 1962 a mis en relief les objectifs contradictoires d’importer des technologies étrangères tout en mainte- nant l’autonomie nationale. George Grant et Ramsay Cook ont pris des positions opposées dans ce débat. -
The Calgary School Through the Lens of Alexis De Tocqueville
The Calgary School through the lens of Alexis de Tocqueville Daniel Connor Michaelis-Law A Thesis In the Department of Political Science Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Political Science) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada December 2020 © Daniel Michaelis-Law 2020 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Daniel Connor Michaelis-Law Entitled: The Calgary School through the lens of Alexis de Tocqueville and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Political Science) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: ________________________ Chair Dr. Ceren Belge ________________________ Examiner Dr. Daniel Salée ________________________ Thesis Supervisor(s) Dr. Travis Smith Approved by ___________________________ Dr. Daniel Salée, Graduate Program Director ____________________________________ Dr. Pascale Sicotte, Dean of Arts and Science ABSTRACT The Calgary School through the lens of Alexis de Tocqueville Daniel Michaelis-Law This thesis aims to further expand on the intellectual influence of Tocqueville in the Calgary School’s work. It is aimed at trying to better understand the Calgary School and Alexis de Tocqueville. This thesis tries to address a lack of literature on the Calgary School, there is a lack of literature on them and oftentimes they are dismissed out of hand by left-leaning scholars and critics. This project is not an apology for the Calgary School merely to better understand their ideas and the influences behind them. To accomplish this goal three different themes are used that correspond to the first three chapters of this thesis. -
Canadian Foreign Aid and the Christian Right
CANADIAN FOREIGN AID AND THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT: STEPHEN HARPER, ABORTION, AND THE GLOBAL CULTURE WARS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA, 2006–2015 Erin Jex A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in fulfillment of the requirements for the M.A. in Political Science with a specialization in Women’s Studies Faculty of Social Sciences School of Political Studies University of Ottawa © Erin Jex, Ottawa, Canada, 2017 ii Abstract This thesis expands upon the concept of the global culture wars in sub-Saharan Africa from a Canadian perspective, focusing on the growing division within Canada between conservative, religious values and liberal, progressive ones (Caplan, 2012). This division led to a political and cultural realignment alongside the increased visibility and leadership of religious and faith communities in Canadian public and political life. Amidst this polarization, Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper was elected Prime Minister in February 2006. Under his leadership, a conservative, pro-family agenda was established. This agenda, which advocates a traditional understanding of family life and structure, in particular refers to a legally married, heterosexual couple with children. It was supported by the evangelical Christian population in Canada, which grew from a united religious community in Canada into a significant constituency of the Conservative Party. Harper’s tenure, coupled with the increased visibility and leadership of faith and religious communities significantly affected domestic and international policies during his tenure as Prime Minister, from 2006 to 2015. This thesis examines the Muskoka Initiative on Maternal, Child, and Newborn Health (Muskoka-MNCH) and shows how this initiative, which fostered anti-abortion rhetoric abroad, was utilized to appease the evangelical community’s anti- abortion position in Canada. -
Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George
Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George Grant and Russell Kirk H. D. Forbes University of Toronto Prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Concordia University 3 June 2010 Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George Grant and Russell Kirk Say what you choose, so long as it does not prevent you from seeing the facts. Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations Conservatism has similar sources but has had different histories and thus has a somewhat different character today in Canada and in the United States. One purpose of this essay is to shed some light on these confusing similarities and differences by comparing and contrasting two conservative writers, a Canadian, George Grant, and an American, Russell Kirk. The similarities between them – the comparisons – may be sufficient to make their differences – the contrasts – helpful for understanding larger patterns. My immediate purpose, however, is more modest: I aim to provide no more than a quick sketch of the main similarities and differences between Grant and Kirk, with particular attention to their reliance upon or dissent from the gold standard of genuine or classical conservatism as commonly understood, namely, Edmund Burke, leaving aside, except for some brief comments at the end, any consideration of the significance of the comparison for understanding the Canadian and American parties and movements that today are called conservative. My hope is that my more limited inquiry may suggest some further lines of investigation for others that I may have failed to see or to pursue. Similarities Both Grant and Kirk were born in 1918 in the Great Lakes region of North America; both studied history as undergraduates before World War II; both pursued graduate degrees in Britain – Grant at Oxford, Kirk at St. -
Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada
Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Working Paper No. 2021/1 January 2021 The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration www.ryerson.ca/rcis www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration Working Paper No. 2021/1 Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Ryerson University Series Editors: Anna Triandafyllidou and Usha George The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration at Ryerson University. Working Papers present scholarly research of all disciplines on issues related to immigration and settlement. The purpose is to stimulate discussion and collect feedback. The views expressed by the author(s) do not necessarily reflect those of the RCIS or the CERC. For further information, visit www.ryerson.ca/rcis and www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration. ISSN: 1929-9915 Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 Canada License J. Carlaw Abstract Canada’s Conservative Party and former government’s (2006-2015) attempts to define and at times shift Canadian identity and notions of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism to the right have been part of a significant political project featuring a uniquely creative and Canadian form of authoritarian populist politics in these realms. Their 2006 minority and 2011 majority election victories represented the culmination of a long march to power begun with the 1987 founding of the Reform Party of Canada. While they have at times purged themselves of some of the most blatant, anti-immigration elements of the discourses of their predecessor parties, continuities in its Canadian brand of authoritarian populist politics have continued in new forms since the founding of the new Conservative Party in 2003. -
The Market at the End of History: Literary Structuralism and Canadian Infrastructural
The Market at the End of History: Literary Structuralism and Canadian Infrastructural Aesthetics By Adam Carlson A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English Department of English and Film Studies, University of Alberta © Adam Carlson, 2020 ii Abstract Two well-worn ideas were resurrected in the months leading up the 2019 federal election: the first was the resurgence of what‘s been called ―Western alienation.‖ The second was imagined as a means by which such alienation and regional division would be both literally and metaphorically fixed—what Andrew Scheer called ―a national energy corridor.‖ Scheer identified Canada‘s national purpose with the exploitation of resources the corridor would make possible: ―Often we say that the world needs more Canadian energy; I believe that‘s true, but I believe Canada needs more Canadian energy, and we will work to make sure that is a reality.‖1 My dissertation examines the origins and trajectories of both ideas, looking first at the historical and material roots of Western alienation as it pertains to both resource development and to the alienation of—the transportation and selling off of—resources outside of the national space. I analyze Western organic intellectual production to foreground how the form of value characteristic of Canada‘s extractive staples economy structures political claims and infrastructure alike. In Part One, I look at the work of the so-called Calgary School of political science, the academic-/activist-/think-tank-ideologues who engineered the rise of both the Reform Party and of Stephen Harper, and who have helped to steer the way Canadian politics have been understood and performed for the last several decades. -
Fuel and Faith: a Spiritual Geography of Fossil Fuels in Western Canada
Fuel and Faith: a spiritual geography of fossil fuels in Western Canada by Darren Fleet M.J., University of British Columbia, 2011 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2005 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Communication Faculty of Communication, Art and Technology © Darren Fleet 2021 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2021 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Declaration of Committee Name Darren Fleet Degree Doctor of Philosophy Title Fuel and Faith: a spiritual geography of fossil fuels in Western Canada Committee Chair: Siyuan Yin Assistant Professor, Communication Shane Gunster Supervisor Associate Professor, Communication Enda Brophy Committee Member Associate Professor, Communication Stephen Collis Committee Member Professor, English Am Johal Examiner Director, Vancity Office of Community Engagement Imre Szeman External Examiner Professor, Communication Arts University of Waterloo ii Ethics Statement iii Abstract With the acceleration of climate change, Canada's commitment to action on carbon emissions faces several vital contradictions. These tensions have economic, social, and communicative dimensions. This research seeks to investigate some of these manifestations by looking at how energy is understood and articulated through the lens of faith. Unique to the Canadian cultural/petrol landscape is that the physical geography of extraction -
The Conservative Party of Canada and the Politics of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism (2006-2015)
THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY OF CANADA AND THE POLITICS OF CITIZENSHIP, IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM (2006-2015) JOHN CARLAW A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO SEPTEMBER 2019 © JOHN CARLAW, 2019 Abstract This dissertation assesses the modern Conservative Party of Canada and government’s (2006- 2015) discourses, political approach and policy record in the fields of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism. This is done in the context of the party’s evolution from its Reform Party and Canadian Alliance predecessors on the terrain of a Canadian settler colonial state with significant racialized and ethnicized (im)migrant and refugee populations from whom some electoral support is required to achieve and exercise power. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Canadian Alliance Party’s absorption of the former Progressive Conservative Party of Canada saw the birth of a new Conservative Party that at its core remained an exclusionary political force whose authoritarian populist approach to politics and policy reinforced and further intensified existing social hierarchies between settler colonial and (im)migrant Canadians, particularly with their treatment of Muslims, refugees, migrant workers and prospective citizens. Their policies and policy-making approach also greatly accelerated the further decline of permanent in favour of temporary or “two-step” immigration, family class immigration, and the public and parliament’s role in making immigration policy. To achieve and maintain power, however, the Conservative Party project had to be connected to an attempted hegemonic political project that could obtain enough support to win elections and govern. -
George Grant's Cosmopolitan Critique of Education
Encounters/Encuentros/Rencontres on Education Vol. 14, 2013, 49-69 George Grant’s cosmopolitan critique of education La critique cosmopolite de l’éducation, de George Grant La crítica cosmopolita a la educación de George Grant William F. Pinar University of British Columbia, Canada ABSTRACT A cosmopolitan curriculum encourages students to grapple with the “problem of my life and flesh.” That “problem” is simultaneously autobiographical, historical, and biospheric. It is a problem to be studied as it is lived through and acted upon. What makes curriculum “cosmo- politan” is its subjective structuration, informed by and addressed to the historical moment, within which subjectivity occurs and takes social form. Cosmopolitan curriculum may claim disciplinary and/or interdisciplinary associations; its educational significance is its provision of passages between the past and present. Key Words: cosmopolitanism; curriculum; subjectivity; George Grant; history. RESUMEN Un currículo cosmopolita anima a los estudiantes a luchar con el “problema de la vida y la carne”. Este “problema” es al mismo tiempo autobiográfico, histórico, biosférico. Es un prob- lema para ser estudiado mientras es vivido y obrado. Lo que hace a un currículo “cosmopolita” es la estructuración subjetiva, puesta al corriente por y dirigida hacia el momento histórico, dentro del cual ocurre y toma forma la subjetividad. El currículo cosmopolita puede reclamar asociaciones disciplinarias y/o interdisciplinarias; su significación educativa es su provisión de pasajes entre el pasado y el presente. Descriptores: cosmopolitismo; currículo; subjetividad; George Grant; historia. Date of submission: 2013-09-05 ISSN 1925-8992 Date of acceptance: 2013-10-09 © Encounters/Encuentros/Rencontres on Education • 49 W. -
Maintaining Party Unity: Analyzing the Conservative Party of Canada's
Maintaining Party Unity: Analyzing the Conservative Party of Canada’s Integration of the Progressive Conservative and Canadian Alliance parties by Matthew Thompson A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2017, Matthew Thompson Federal conservative parties in Canada have long been plagued by several persistent cleavages and internal conflict. This conflict has hindered the party electorally and contributed to a splintering of right-wing votes between competing right-wing parties in the 1990s. The Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) formed from a merger of the Progressive Conservative (PC) party and the Canadian Alliance in 2003. This analysis explores how the new party was able to maintain unity and prevent the long-standing cleavages from disrupting the party. The comparative literature on party factions is utilized to guide the analysis as the new party contained faction like elements. Policy issues and personnel/patronage distribution are stressed as significant considerations by the comparative literature as well literature on the PCs internal fighting. The analysis thus focuses on how the CPC approached these areas to understand how the party maintained unity. For policy, the campaign platforms, Question Period performance and government sponsored bills of the CPC are examined followed by an analysis of their first four policy conventions. With regards to personnel and patronage, Governor in Council and Senate appointments are analyzed, followed by the new party’s candidate nomination process and Stephen Harper’s appointments to cabinet. The findings reveal a careful and concentrated effort by party leadership, particularly Harper, at managing both areas to ensure that members from each of the predecessor parties were motivated to remain in the new party. -
Idealism and Identity: George Grant and Charles Taylor Codtont the Modem Dilemma
Idealism and Identity: George Grant and Charles Taylor Codtont The Modem Dilemma Robert Alexander Shotton Meynell B.A., Concordia University, 1995 Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Political Science) Acadia University Spring Convocation 1998 O by Robert Alexander Shotton Meynell, 1998 National tibrary Bibliothèque nationale 191 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibiiographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wdlington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaON K1AON4 ûttawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive Licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retauis ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Table of Contents Abstract.. .... ..............Abstract..................,........,....Abstract..................,........,....Abstract..................,........,....Abstract..................,........,....Abstract..................,........,... -
The Dealignment and Realignment of Right-Wing Parties in Canada: the Fragility of a ‘Big Tent’ Conservative Party
The Dealignment and Realignment of Right-Wing Parties in Canada: The Fragility of a ‘Big Tent’ Conservative Party. Duane Bratt and Bruce Foster Department of Economics, Justice, and Policy Studies, Mount Royal University, Calgary, AB Abstract. The history of right-of-centre political parties in Canada is replete with cycles of internal fracturing, which are then followed by periods of cohesion and stability. The conservative movement in Canada, federally and provincially, has a history of splitting into different political parties and then reuniting, thus repeating the cycle. This occurs at a frequency not shared by other parties of different ideological perspectives. Drawing in part from recently-uncovered confidential documents, specifically, efforts undertaken in the mid-1960s by Premier E.C. Manning to unify the Alberta Social Credit and Progressive Conservative parties, this paper undertakes to identify and explain the factors underlying this penchant for conservative political parties, especially in western Canada, to undergo the process of division and reunification as frequently as they do. We explain the conservative inclination for political party dealignment and realignment by examining three propositions: 1) Why does this process occur almost exclusively among right-of-centre parties? 2) Why has western Canada – Alberta in particular – been the prime location for this process, both historically and contemporarily? 3) What are the conditions and/or prerequisites underlying the process dealignment and realignment? We also consider four hypotheses to test the soundness of our claim. This paper makes the case that the process of dealignment and realignment is a common characteristic of right-of-centre parties, particularly in western Canada.