Anglo-German Relations and German Reunification
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Father of the House Sarah Priddy
BRIEFING PAPER Number 06399, 17 December 2019 By Richard Kelly Father of the House Sarah Priddy Inside: 1. Seniority of Members 2. History www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Number 06399, 17 December 2019 2 Contents Summary 3 1. Seniority of Members 4 1.1 Determining seniority 4 Examples 4 1.2 Duties of the Father of the House 5 1.3 Baby of the House 5 2. History 6 2.1 Origin of the term 6 2.2 Early usage 6 2.3 Fathers of the House 7 2.4 Previous qualifications 7 2.5 Possible elections for Father of the House 8 Appendix: Fathers of the House, since 1901 9 3 Father of the House Summary The Father of the House is a title that is by tradition bestowed on the senior Member of the House, which is nowadays held to be the Member who has the longest unbroken service in the Commons. The Father of the House in the current (2019) Parliament is Sir Peter Bottomley, who was first elected to the House in a by-election in 1975. Under Standing Order No 1, as long as the Father of the House is not a Minister, he takes the Chair when the House elects a Speaker. He has no other formal duties. There is evidence of the title having been used in the 18th century. However, the origin of the term is not clear and it is likely that different qualifications were used in the past. The Father of the House is not necessarily the oldest Member. -
BDOHP Biographical Details and Index Lord Wright of Richmond
BDOHP Biographical details and index Lord Wright of Richmond (28.06.31-06.03.20) - career outline with, on right, relevant page numbers in the memoir to the career stage. Served Royal Artillery, 1950–51 p 3 Joined Diplomatic Service, 1955 pp 2-3 Middle East Centre for Arabic Studies, 1956–57 pp 3-6 Third Secretary, British Embassy, Beirut, 1958–60 - Private Secretary to Ambassador and later First Secretary, pp 12-15 British Embassy, Washington, 1960–65 Private Secretary to Permanent Under-Secretary, FO, 1965–67 pp 10-11 First Secretary and Head of Chancery, Cairo, 1967–70 - Deputy Political Resident, Bahrain, 1971–72 - Head of Middle East Department, FCO, 1972–74 - Private Secretary (Overseas Affairs) to Prime Minister, 1974–77 pp 7-10, 25, 34-35 Ambassador to Luxembourg, 1977–79 pp 30-31 Ambassador to Syria, 1979–81 pp 30-33 Deputy Under-Secretary of State, FCO, 1982–84 - Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, 1984–86 pp 33-34, 36 Permanent Under-Secretary of State and Head pp 11-12, of Diplomatic Service, 1986–91. 16-18, 21, 30 Member, Security Commission, 1993–2002. - General comments on Middle East and United States, pp 6-8; political versus professional diplomatic appointments, pp 15-20; retirement age in diplomatic service, pp 21-23; recruitment, pp 23-25; Foreign Office image, pp 38-40; John Major, pp 40-42; leaking of restricted papers, pp 43-45. Lord Wright of Richmond This is Malcolm McBain interviewing Lord Wright of Richmond at his home in East Sheen on Monday, 16 October 2000. MMcB: “Lord Wright, you were born in 1931, educated at Marlborough and Merton College, Oxford, you did a couple of years’ national service in the Royal Artillery, and then joined the Diplomatic Service, presumably after going to Oxford, in 1965. -
Discussing What Prime Ministers Are For
Discussing what Prime Ministers are for PETER HENNESSY New Labour has a lot to answer for on this front. They On 13 October 2014, Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield FBA, had seen what the press was doing to John Major from Attlee Professor of Contemporary British History at Queen Black Wednesday onwards – relentless attacks on him, Mary, University of London, delivered the first British which bothered him deeply.1 And they were determined Academy Lecture in Politics and Government, on ‘What that this wouldn’t happen to them. So they went into are Prime Ministers for?’ A video recording of the lecture the business of creating permanent rebuttal capabilities. and an article published in the Journal of the British Academy If somebody said something offensive about the can be found via www.britishacademy.ac.uk/events/2014/ Government on the Today programme, they would make every effort to put it right by the World at One. They went The following article contains edited extracts from the into this kind of mania of permanent rebuttal, which question and answer session that followed the lecture. means that you don’t have time to reflect before reacting to events. It’s arguable now that, if the Government doesn’t Do we expect Prime Ministers to do too much? react to events immediately, other people’s versions of breaking stories (circulating through social media etc.) I think it was 1977 when the Procedure Committee in will make the pace, and it won’t be able to get back on the House of Commons wanted the Prime Minister to be top of an issue. -
97 Winter 2017–18 3 Liberal History News Winter 2017–18
For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 97 / Winter 2017–18 / £7.50 Liberal Democrat history Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y The Forbidden Ground Tony Little Gladstone and the Contagious Diseases Acts J. Graham Jones Lord Geraint of Ponterwyd Biography of Geraint Howells Susanne Stoddart Domesticity and the New Liberalism in the Edwardian press Douglas Oliver Liberals in local government 1967–2017 Meeting report Alistair J. Reid; Tudor Jones Liberalism Reviews of books by Michael Freeden amd Edward Fawcett Liberal Democrat History Group “David Laws has written what deserves to become the definitive account of the 2010–15 coalition government. It is also a cracking good read: fast-paced, insightful and a must for all those interested in British politics.” PADDY ASHDOWN COALITION DIARIES 2012–2015 BY DAVID LAWS Frank, acerbic, sometimes shocking and often funny, Coalition Diaries chronicles the historic Liberal Democrat–Conservative coalition government through the eyes of someone at the heart of the action. It offers extraordinary pen portraits of all the personalities involved, and candid insider insight into one of the most fascinating periods of recent British political history. 560pp hardback, £25 To buy Coalition Diaries from our website at the special price of £20, please enter promo code “JLH2” www.bitebackpublishing.com Journal of Liberal History advert.indd 1 16/11/2017 12:31 Journal of Liberal History Issue 97: Winter 2017–18 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Obituary of Bill Pitt; events at Gladstone’s Library Deputy Editors: Mia Hadfield-Spoor, Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Archive Sources Editor: Dr J. -
Sayı Tam Dosyası
TOPLUM VE SOSYAL HİZMET Society and Social Work DANIŞMA KURULU/ADVISORY BOARD Hakan ACAR, Prof. Dr. (Liverpool Hope Üniversitesi) Emrah AKBAŞ, Doç. Dr. (Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt Üni.) Abdullah KARATAY, Prof. Dr. (Üsküdar Üniversitesi) Kamil ALPTEKİN, Prof. Dr. (KTO Karatay Üniversitesi) Betül ALTUNTAŞ, Prof. Dr. (Muğla Sıtkı Koçman Üni.) Reyhan ATASÜ TOPÇUOĞLU, Doç. Dr. (Hacettepe Üni.) Işıl BULUT, Prof. Dr. (Başkent Üniversitesi) Sema BUZ, Prof. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Theda BORDE, Prof. Dr. (Alice Salomon Hoschschule) Özlem CANKURTARAN, Prof. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Ali ÇAĞLAR, Prof. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Gülsüm ÇAMUR, Prof. Dr. (On Dokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi) Gizem ÇELİK, Doç. Dr. (Bilecik Şeyh Edebali Üniversitesi) Serap DAŞBAŞ, Doç. Dr. (Selçuk Üniversitesi) Melahat DEMİRBİLEK, Doç. Dr. (Ankara Üniversitesi) Veli DUYAN, Prof. Dr. (Ankara Üniversitesi) Lambert ENGELBRECHT, Prof. Dr. (Stellenbosch Üni.) Ercüment ERBAY, Doç. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Ronald FELDMAN, Prof. Dr. (Columbia Üniversitesi) Rıza GÖKLER, Prof. Dr. (Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt Üni.) Şengül HABLEMİTOĞLU, Prof. Dr. (Lefke Avrupa Üni.) Vedat IŞIKHAN, Prof. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Sunay İL, Prof. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Özlem KARAKUŞ, Prof. Dr. (Selçuk Üniversitesi) Nur Feyzal KESEN, Doç. Dr. (Selçuk Üniversitesi) Renata KLEIN, Doç. Dr. (Maine Üniversitesi) Nilgün KÜÇÜKKARACA, Doç. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Aliye MAVİLİ, Prof. Dr. (Biruni Üniversitesi) Cengiz ÖZBESLER, Prof. Dr. (Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt Üni.) Emine ÖZMETE, Prof. Dr. (Ankara Üniversitesi) Yasemin ÖZKAN, Prof. Dr. (Hacettepe Üniversitesi) Gonca POLAT, Doç. Dr. (Ankara Üniversitesi) Semra SARUÇ, Doç. Dr. (Anadolu Üniversitesi) Ayşe SEZEN SERPEN, Prof. Dr. (Ankara Üniversitesi) Haluk SOYDAN, Prof. Dr. (Southern California Üniversitesi) Fatih ŞAHİN, Prof. Dr. (Manisa Celal Bayar Üniversitesi) Melike TEKİNDAL, Doç. Dr. (İzmir Katip Çelebi Üniversitesi) İlhan TOMANBAY, Prof. -
The End of Détente* a Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics
The End of Détente* A Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics By Thomas Smith After the election of autonomous and must resist all pressure of any Jimmy Carter as US kind whatsoever, whether of a political, religious President, Prime or economic nature.”1 With British government Minister Margaret documents from 1980 recently released under the Thatcher flew to Thirty Year Rule, the time seems apt to evaluate the Washington on 17th debate about the Olympic boycott, and to ask the December 1979 for question: to what extent was the call by the British her first official visit. government for a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Five days later NATO Olympics an appropriate response to the invasion of announced the de- Afghanistan? ployment of a new Before the argument of the essay is established, it generation of American is first necessary to provide a brief narrative of the rockets and Cruise main events. Thatcher’s government began discussing missiles in Western the idea of a boycott in early January 1980; however, Europe. On the 25th their first action was to call for the Olympics to be December Soviet moved to a different location. Once the IOC declared troops marched into that relocating the Olympics was out of the question, Afghanistan. Thatcher told the House of Commons that she was now advising athletes not to go to Moscow and wrote Photo: U.S. Government to Sir Denis Follows, Chairman of the BOA, informing Introduction him of the government’s decision. The BOA, which was Britain’s NOC and the organisation that could During the 1970s, relations between the West and the accept or decline the invitation to the Olympics, Soviet Union were marked by an era of détente. -
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend. -
Internal British Debates in the Late 1980S on Germany's Potential
Internal British Debates in the Late 1980s on Germany’s Potential Reunification 225 Chapter 8 “Say One Thing and Think Another:” Internal British Debates in the Late 1980s on Germany’s Potential Reunification Liviu Horovitz During the 1980s, no one within the British government welcomed Germany’s probable and irresistible reunification. On this very issue, “we have to say one thing and think another,” Charles Powell, the prin- cipal foreign policy advisor to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, not- ed already in 1984.1 He articulated what many within the UK’s chan- celleries wrote in various memos, reports, and summaries of discussions throughout the decade. The Cold War status quo suited the United Kingdom well, but Brit- ish officials concluded it was unsustainable. Soviet power was slowly waning. Without this constraint, the Germans were bound to seek to live together. British planners believed that the Americans, slowly moving away from Europe, were going to become less invested on the continent. Hence, the most likely outcome was a less constrained Ger- man state at the center of Europe. Britain’s interests would be harmed, and London’s leverage to avert such result would be limited. A major- ity argued that novel, creative, or radical policy solutions were need- ed. And yet, as newly declassified documents attest, UK policymakers concluded that others would pull Britain’s chestnuts out of the fire. Many claimed that France would oppose German reunification. Most important, however, was the mainstream view: the Soviet Union, in spite of its worsening situation, would once again let its tanks roll into Eastern European capitals rather than see Germany unified. -
Colin Andrew CMG (Born 24 October 1946)
BDOHP Biographical Details and Interview Index MUNRO, Colin Andrew CMG (born 24 October 1946) Career (with, on right, relevant pages in interview) Assistant Principal, Board of Inland Revenue, 1968–69 p 2 Entry to Diplomatic Service, 1969 pp 2-3 FCO (South West Pacific Department), 1969-71 p 3 Third, later Second, Secretary, Bonn, 1971–73 pp 3-8 FCO (Commonwealth Co-ordination Department), 1973 pp 8-9 Second, later First, Secretary, Kuala Lumpur, 1973–77 pp 9-12 FCO (Defence Department), 1977-79 pp 13-14 FCO, Private Secretary to Minister of State, 1979–80 pp 14-21 Head of Chancery, Bucharest, 1981–82 pp 21-25 FCO (Western European Department), 1983-84, pp 25-28 Assistant Head of Department, 1985–87 Deputy Head of Mission, East Berlin, 1987–90 pp 28-37 Consul General, Frankfurt, 1990–93 pp 37-39 FCO (Head of OSCE and Council of Europe Department), pp 39-40 1993–97 Ambassador to Republic of Croatia, 1997–2000 pp 41-45 Deputy High Representative, Mostar, 2001 pp 45-48 Royal College of Defence Studies, 2002 p 48 UK Permanent Representative to OSCE, Vienna, 2003–07 pp 49-53 1 Colin (Andrew) Munro CMG interviewed by Malcolm McBain at the Reform Club, London on 8 September 2009 Education and induction to the Civil Service MM May I ask about your education? CM Yes, I went to school at George Watson’s College (GWC) in Edinburgh from the age of 5 to 17. GWC is run by the Company of Merchants of the city of Edinburgh. It was then a direct-grant school. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
Methodological Framework of WP8: Parliamentary Debates Berganza, Herrero & Carratalá
Methodological Framework of WP8: Parliamentary Debates Berganza, Herrero & Carratalá 30 October 2014 INFOCORE Deliverable D8.1 2014/10 METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK: PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES © Rosa Berganza1, Beatriz Herrero1 & Adolfo Carratalá2 1University Rey Juan Carlos, 2University of Valencia How to cite this paper: Berganza, R., Herrero, B. & Carratalá, A. (2014). Methodological Framework: Parlamentary Debates. INFOCORE Working Paper 2014/10. Online available at http://www.infocore.eu/wp- content/uploads/2015/11/Methodological-Framework-WP8_Final2.pdf INFOCORE Deliverable D8.1 1 www.infocore.eu/results/ Methodological Framework of WP8: Parliamentary Debates Berganza, Herrero & Carratalá METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK OF WP8: PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (EXECUTIVE SUMMARY) Work Package (WP) 8 studies parliamentary discourses concerning the following violent conflicts: Israel- Palestine, Syria, Macedonia, Kosovo, Burundi, and DR Congo. In this regard, WP8 analyzes debates, interpellations, speeches, resolutions, and declarations addressed by parliamentary members of conflict countries, but also of European Parliament (UE), Bundestag (Germany), National Assembly (France), and House of Commons (United Kingdom). Thus, our main research objective is to identify the conceptual categories and semantic structures used to construct the discourses of Members of Parliament (MPs) and which of them may influence the development of conflicts. In this respect, mainly relevant are the flows of contents generated by news media, social media, strategic communications, and those present in the political debates. They seem to be interconnected, so that parliamentary debates and resolutions could influence and also be influenced by the contents spread in the other forums/outlets. In the first case, MPs act as sources of discursive patterns; in the second case, they perform the role of receivers of these patterns which can also be transformed while addressing the Parliament. -
François Mitterrand, of Germany and France
François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France Caption: In 1996, François Mitterrand, President of France from 1981 to 1995, recalls the negative attitude of Margaret Thatcher, British Prime Minister, towards German reunification. Source: MITTERRAND, François. De l'Allemagne. De la France. Paris: Odile Jacob, 1996. 247 p. ISBN 2- 7381-0403-7. p. 39-44. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/francois_mitterrand_of_germany_and_france-en- 33ae0d5e-f55b-4476-aa6b-549648111114.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/3 François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France […] In Great Britain, on 10 November 1989, the Prime Minister’s Press Office published a statement in which Mrs Thatcher welcomed the lifting of the restrictions on movements of the population of East Germany towards the West, hoped that this would be a prelude to the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, looked forward to the installation of a democratic government in the German Democratic Republic and warned, ‘You have to take these things step by step.’ On the subject of unification, however, she said not a word. Three days later, at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet at the Guildhall in the City of London, she spoke about free elections and a multiparty system in East Germany, cooperation with the emerging democracies of Central Europe and the new role which NATO would have to play.