Alexander I. PETROV∗
The variety of ways of moving of people from one country to another and formation of ethnic groups in the countries of arrival (or in the so- called recipient countries) allows to define the general and special in history of those or other migratory streams. In given paper an attempt is undertaken to determine some features of history of the Korean immigration to and process of formation of the Korean community in Russia (the Soviet Union). The theme of given research paper has three groups of topical aspects which are very closely interconnected between each other. Firstly, it is necessity of constant elaborating, perfecting and more precise defining the historical facts on Koreans in Russia. Though there are many different books, articles and collections of documents on the subject published by the present time our knowledge about some facts and events in this history is very approximate. A fundamental academic history of Koreans in Russia, which could help young researchers and ordinary people to estimate the facts and events of the past and to form their opinion about them is not written yet.
∗Russian Academy of Sciences, Far Eastern Branch 158 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
The second group is actually connected with the necessity of more detailed explanation of the general picture of history of the international migrations. Such practical and theoretical knowledge gives us an opportunity to project the probable development of the situations connected with moving for whatever reason of people from one country to another, and to work out measures for solving the arising problems. The importance of the international migration was proved by the fact that on July 9-11th 2007 in Brussels, a global forum was held devoted to studying the problems of the given world phenomenon. And, at last, the third group of topical aspects is closely connected with the past and present political and economic situation in Russia with the stress on the Russian Far East and her integration into the Northeast Asian region from the point of view of international migration and those its streams which have ended in or crossed the Russian territory. So the logic of scientific research makes us to consider and analyze every problem of given topic at least in three planes: 1) the Korean immigration as itself and the process of formation of Korean community in Russia; 2) Russian society as a closest environment of this process, and 3) international relations along the ways of Korean migration and especially the Russia’s relations with the contiguous countries along her borders in those places in Russia where the Koreans settled.
From early times Russia has experienced various kinds of migrations both of internal, and external character. Foreigners had been invited to Russia for constant residence, with granting to them privileges and support, or moved to Russian territory by themselves in accordance with general practice. Some part of immigrants settled in Russia illegally. The forming of the Russia’s openness began during the rule of Emperor Peter the Great who had invited considerable number of foreigners to work in Russia for carrying out of his grandiose reforms. Alexander I. PETROV 159
This practice had been continuing under empress Ekaterina II (she said: “make our land to swarm with people”), who issued the manifesto of July 22, 1763 with many benefits and advantages for “all foreigners” who were “interested in settling in… empire”. The Office of foreign tutelage was established with budget of 200,000 roubles for rendering assistance for foreign settlers. Thanks to energetic measures of the Office of foreign tutelage there have been soon formed 102 colonies of Germans in the Saratov, and then in Samara provinces on coast of Volga River.1 So, as we can see, such a policy was oriented mostly to European countries in accordance with special laws, which gradually formed the Russian immigration policy. The new stage of formation of the Russian immigration policy began during the realm of emperor Alexander I. This period continued until the Great Reforms of 1860s. The immigration laws and regulations took into account in larger scale the Russian treaties with foreign states and the international experience in the sphere of migration.2 On March 5 (17), 1861 the manifesto on a cancelling of the serfdom in Russian Empire had been declared. “Regulations about the peasants got out of a serfdom” had simultaneously been published, according to which the Russian peasants were released from a serfdom and received a lot of personal and property rights. Henceforth peasants could be engaged freely in crafts and trade; they could leave places of their residence, get the movable and immovable property, conclude various contracts and transactions, show claims, enter to educational institutions and on state service, pass to estates of petty bourgeoisies and merchants, etc. Landowners forever lost the right to sell and interfere into peasants’ personal life, as well as to dispose their destiny. Progressive transformations of the beginning of the 1860s which opened the modern period of Russian history had at the same time caused revival of public and economic activity of broad masses, assisted significant activization of migratory processes both inside of Russia, and in both directions in relation to adjacent and at all to foreign states. It rendered essential influence on all spectrum of social and economic, demographic and cultural development of the Russian society. Progressiveness of the Great reforms was obvious, and immigration 160 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ attractiveness of the Russian state had sharply increased. From the beginning of the 1860s the openness of Russia both for immigration and emigration had instituted by the number of laws and regulations, including a rather progressive law about citizenship of Russian Empire (1864).
At the beginning of the 19th century Russia was seeking ways to make her Far Eastern policy, first of all with China more effective in economical perspective. The Ch’ing Dynasty, however, was reluctant to such initiatives of Russian Government trying to neutralize them (the Count Yuri A. Golovkin’s mission, and so on). None the less by the second half of the 19th century the international situation around these two countries drastically changed, and political and military factors began to play more important role in their relations. These factors got their reflections in two wars: Russia was caused to fall into the Crimean War (1853-1856), and China was forced to wage so called the First (or Anglo- Chinese, 1840-1842) and the Second (or Anglo-Franco-Chinese, 1856- 1860) Opium Wars. Even though both Russia and China waged these wars separately, nevertheless they had the common enemies in them – the Great Britain and France. This circumstance brought Petersburg and Beijing together, and they signed the Aigun (1858) and Beijing (1860) Treaties which defined the Russian-Chinese-Korean border along the Amur, Ussuri and Tumangang Rivers. By that time Russia and China had already some treaties and agreements which contained some articles about rules of crossing the border by their subjects, but it was a question mainly of deserters. The articles were in general formulated by the Ch’ing party and demanded extremely severe punishment to those who crossed the border without official permission. It contradicted to the general line of development of Alexander I. PETROV 161 the Russian immigration policy. That is why the Russian authorities could not execute the ordinary people who emigrated from China to Russia just because they would like to change place of their living. For example, when Mongols had moved to the Russian territory at the middle of the 18th century, because they decided to become subjects of the Russian tsar, they, certainly were not executed. According to “the Rules of land trade between Russia and China” of February 20, 1862, signed additionally to the Beijing Treaty, free trade was permitted along all Russian-Chinese border within the limits of 50 kilometers from both sides of it. This fact demonstrated much progress in an issue of moving of the Russian and Chinese subjects across border in comparison with, for example, the Kiakhta Treaty, which concentrated all Russian-Chinese trade just in one point i.e. in Kiakhta. At the same time the Russian authorities got possibility to rely upon the internal laws when foreigners immigrated to Russia, though some misunderstanding on this issue went on until beginning of 1880s.3 It meant that the immigration policy in this region was brought closely to the all-Russian level. The development of the Russian Far East took place in special historical conditions. This region did not have direct influence of the serfdom, so the process of modernization here, especially its such subprocesses as industrialization, urbanization and bureaucratization, had accelerated rates of development. In 1840s-1850s the Russian scientific expeditions informed to St.- Petersburg, that as it had appeared, the Amur and Ussurijsky regions was deserted, sparsely populated, and absolutely not developed territory. So on April 27, 1861 for settling this territory by accelerated rates emperor Alexander II signed «Regulations for settlement of Russian and foreigners in the Amurskaya and Primorskaya oblasts of Eastern Siberia», worked out by the Siberian Committee. The first clause of the law said: «It is permitted in general to settle in these areas to all interested persons, both to Russian, and foreigners, but with compliance with conditions, below stated». Subsequently followed twelve more clauses by which the benefits granted to settlers were explained. Validity of the law was defined for 20 162 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ years. According to it, for example, a plot in 100 dessiatins (109,25 hectares) was given to each family. The settler had the right to redeem his plot for a reduced price as a private property.4 At the same time the imperial government made a lot of efforts for maintenance of a good- neighbored relations with all contiguous countries of Northeast Asia to provide peace development of its new territory. Thus, at the beginning of 1860s in the South of the Russian Far East, namely in Amurskaya and Primorskaya oblasts, there were created quite favorable conditions both for Russians, living in Siberia and the European part of the country, and citizens of foreign states, in international-legal and natural-economic attitudes to settle there.5 The movement of Koreans to Russia has begun when Korea was under rule of Taewongun, who pursued a policy of an extreme isolationism. It has been caused by attempts of the Western countries to penetrate to the Korean peninsula. Besides, the Korean government very cautiously looked at new neighbor of its country, i.e. at Russia. The other reason of the interdiction of emigration from Korea was natural and consisted in that fact that her government did not want to lose its tax-payers. Anyhow the Korean peasants have appeared more far-sighted “diplomats”, and at the beginning of 1864 the first 14 families consisting of 65 persons have moved to the Posjet district of Primorskaya oblast. Before that they received consent and permission of new chief of the Novgorod Post Lieutenant Ryazanov who had been appointed instead of died Major Ivan F. Cherkavsky. It is possible to assume, that if Cherkavsky did not died in summer of 1863, this movement, probably, would be carried out earlier. He was the first Russian military official of the Posjet district who had explained to Koreans the essence of the Russian laws, including, of course, «Rules for settlement of Russian and foreigners in the Amurskaya and Primorskaya oblasts of Eastern Siberia». He had also assured them that they would not be given out to the Korean or Chinese authorities even if they demand their homecoming. The given conclusions can be proved by the Commander of Vladivostok Post Lieutenant E.S. Burachek’s diary records who on December 21, 1862 wrote: “Several Alexander I. PETROV 163
Koreans with families wish to move to our territory; they are enticed with a 20-years privilege to not pay taxes, but they are afraid, that Russian soldiers will take away their wives from them. Such fables as it appears, the Chinese officials dismiss, which lose a several lan of silver (a lan about 8 zolotniks) from each family. In the spring we learn, how much Koreans are independent”.6 The important feature of immigration of the initial stage from Korea consists in that fact that the Korean peasants secretly moved for a constant residence to the country which they before actually did not know. However, it is true that some of Korean peasants had got acquainted with the Russian seamen from a frigate "Pallada", when it had stopped near Korea and the Russians were engaged in hydrographic research at a Southern extremity of the Ussurijsky region when the mission of Vice- Admiral Evfimy V. Putjatin was passing by to Japan. The events connected with migration of the first Korean families to the Primorskaya oblast was going on as follows. In the winter 1862 Major Cherkavsky caught hard cold and in July of next year died. Lieutenant Burachek who was well informed about all affairs occurred on the Russian-Korean border, shortly before his death has left for Petersburg. Therefore guarantees both of the former, and of the latter about maintenance of the rights Koreans after their migration to Russia had been hung in mid-air. When Lieutenant Ryazanov was appointed as a chief of the Novgorod Post, he was not informed about contacts of the Korean peasants with Cherkavsky. In his official report No. 205 of November 20, 1863, addressed to the Military Governor of the Primorskaya oblast, Rear Admiral P.V. Kazakevich, he asked permission to comply with a request of the Korean peasants to move to the Russian territory. In the same official report Ryazanov informed that Koreans had asked him "to build on a place of their settlement the Russian house for a living in it at least five person-soldier which could serve as maintenance of their safety from Manchus, because without such protection the Manchus will kill them (i.e. Korean settlers. – A. P.)".7 164 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
At last, everything had been settled down, and at the beginning of 1864 movement of the first 14 Korean families to the Posjet region took place. They had founded Tizingkhe village. It is well-known how the Korean authorities had reacted to this fact. In June, 1864 in province Hamgyung one official and one more person «have been decapitated on the bank of the Tumen River as a token of the prevention against similar infringements of the law. It was the first of many such cases».8 Henceforth the migration of Koreans to Russia were increasing. It is enough to say, that in 1867 there lived already 124 Korean families in Tizingkhe village with total number of people 661. They had 394.5 dessiatins of an arable land, i.e. one family had cultivated 3.18 dessiatins of land.9 Strengthening of immigration has been connected first of all with objective circumstances (poor harvests in northern part of Korea, hard taxes and exploitation). Nevertheless it was also connected with mitigation of a position of Seoul. At the beginning of the 1870s the Korean government seemingly acknowledged the advantages of frontier contacts with Russia for population of both countries. It also came to conclusion that migration of their subjects to the Southern-Ussurijsky region as inevitable consequence of these contacts. The Korean immigration to Russia began under favorable juridical conditions when the Russian government for attracting new settlers to the Amurskaya and Primorskaya Oblasts issued on April 27, 1861 a new law – the “Regulations for Settlement of Russian and Foreigners in the Amurskaya and Primorskaya Oblasts of the Eastern Siberia”. These regulations became a continuation of some of the best traditions of the Russian immigration policy originally formed in the 17th – 18th centuries under the rule of Peter I and Ekaterina II. The Regulations, which were brought into force for 20 years, were very popular among the Koreans, so the growth of the Korean population in Russia during this period especially in the Primorskaya Oblast was very fast. Privileges related mostly to land-tenure and taxation. In 1881 these privileges were cancelled for foreigners. Alexander I. PETROV 165
Even though from the very beginning the Koreans settlers were treated by the Russian authorities as the Russian subjects, until the second half of the 1890s they were de-jure foreigners. Until 1881 they never submitted petitions for naturalization, so they could not fix their privileges of the first stage of colonization of the Russian Far East as the first settlers. If they fixed their land in 1881, they had chance by time of naturalization to have land lots 100 dessiatins per family. Unfortunately in this regards 1881 and subsequent years up to the time of naturalization passed without any actions from their side. In 1890s most of settled Koreans in Russia were naturalized. On naturalization peasant received land lots at a rate of 15 dessiatins per one family (house-hold). All Koreans were enrolled to the peasant, petty bourgeois, merchants and some other estates of the Russian society with the same rights with other Russian subjects. Little by little business contacts between Koreans who lived on both sides of border expanded and became more and more frequent. The contacts between relatives were also usual and frequent. Sometimes Koreans from Russia went to Korea and committed there infringements of the law. For instance, in February 1880 Frontier Commissar of the South- Ussury region Nicolai Matiunin was invited by the General-Governor of the North Korea for negotiations “on disorders” of the Russian Koreans crossing border.10 If Korean citizen had committed crime in Russia, he was punished by the Russian courts. By 1880 about 10,000 Koreans lived in the Russian Far East almost permanently. Most of them lived together with their families. That is why local administration of the Far East as regards these Koreans was guided by instructions of the Central Government on settlement of this region, and considered them as foreign settlers who would be naturalized in the nearest future. When in 1880 the Russian-Chinese relations sharply deteriorated it was decided “to make a stock of grain for Russian and Korean settlers… not less than 50,000 poods”.11 The considerable number of Koreans adopted Christianity (the Orthodox Church). Thus, according to the Vislenev’s census of 1878, in the Khankaisky, Suifunsky and 166 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
Russia into two periods, had increased in comparison with the previous year by 3,140 people and totaled 83,541 people. Number of Russians was 46,179 people or 55.3%. The Russian subjects at an account of indigenous population numbered 63,283 persons, making 75.8% of whole population. The Korean population was estimated by number of 13,480 people. (Seen table 1).
Population of the Primorskaya Oblast on January 1, 1891 Nationality Number Share %%
Russians 43,259 51.8
Indigenous peoples 17,105 20.5
Europeans–Foreigners 143 0.2
Chinese 6215 7.4
Japanese 419 0.5
Koreans 13,480 16.1
Russian Forced Settlers 2335 2.8
Russian Exiled Hard-Laborers 585 0.7
Total 83,541 100.0 Source: The Review of Primorskaya oblast for 1890. Vladivostok, 1891. P. 1-2.
Thus, formation of the Korean community had begun in 1864 in the Primorskaya Oblast on the base of immigration from Korea. In 27 years after its beginning (1864-1891) there were already 13,480 former subjects of the Korean Kingdom in the Oblast. They made 16.1 % of total population of the abovementioned oblast. Taking into account the Koreans of the Amurskaya oblast and Baikal area their number in Russia at that time reached approximately 15,000 people. The Korean community was one of most loyal parts of population of the Russian Far East. At the same time Koreans were very industrious and capable working people. The significant peculiarity of the immigration from Korea consisted in that fact that Koreans, in contrast with other immigrants in the Russian East, moved there basically by whole families. 168 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
The great number of them settled in the Southern part of the Primorskaya Oblast, namely in the Posjetsky Uchastok (i.e. district), adjoining to the border with Korea. More or less compactly they were settled in whole Yuzhno-Ussuriysky Krai. By the middle of 1890s it was decided that 2026 Korean families (so called of the 1st category) could unconditionally acquire the Russian citizenship. Soon this figure at the request of Koreans of the 2nd category was increased more almost by one thousand families. By the moment of annexation of Korea (1910) by Japan and during subsequent years the Posjetsky Uchastok had been extremely overpopulated. There were the Koreans’ petitions about increasing their land plots. For this purpose many of them agreed to move to the other places of the Ussurijsky region, for example, to the Olginsky Uyezd provided that they would receive land plots in accordance with increased norm of land same as the Russian settlers of that period, i.e. 15 dessiatins (16.3875 hectares) per every member of family.15 The usual norm of land plot for naturalized Koreans was 15 dessiatins per family or household. There were cases when Koreans intended to move by the whole villages. For example, in 1911 such a resolution was adopted at the village meeting (“skhod” or regular meeting of village householders) of Nagornoye village. Sometimes Koreans – Russian citizens offered, that with them the Koreans without such citizenship would move together with them. In this connection the opinions of representatives of Russian administration had divided: some of them (for example, A.A. Tatischev) thought that "to impede to the latter... there are no special grounds". The others (for example, Priamursky Governor-General Nikolai L. Gondatti) insisted, that moved «Koreans should be certainly Russian subjects and advantage should be done to those who knows Russian well».16 The Koreans of the first waves of immigration had formed very rallied and well-organized ethnic group of population of the Russian Far East. They compactly lived in three volosts: Adiminskaya, Yangchikhinskaya and Korsakovskaya. Thanks to tax and other privileges as well as to large cultivated plots and free enterprise, more and more Russian Koreans were becoming rich and wealthy. At the same time their elite began to form, it Alexander I. PETROV 169 consisted of village and volost starshinas, post office and telegraph as well as provincial administration officers, teachers, clerics, merchants, businessmen and so on. Among them there were very rich people. For example, Petr Semionovich Choi’s pure year income reached 100,000 roubles and more (for comparison it can be said that quite good salary was 600 roubles a year, ordinary worker earned 15-20 roubles per month and so on). P.S. Choi (Choe Jae Hyun) is outstanding the outstanding person in history of the Korean liberation movement. During long time (1891-1911) he was a Starshina of the Yangchikhinskaya volost. He had several medals from the Tsar’s Government for his good service.17 To the beginning of the October Revolution of 1917 he owned only in Vladivostok four houses which leased basically to Chinese. He owned also a plot No. 8 in Slavianka (the Southern-Ussurijsky region of the Primorskaya Oblast) where there was a stone house. In 1912 some Koreans were very wealthy. They had a lot of immovable property. Among them were Petr Semionovich Choi, Nikolai Ivanovich Han, Arkhip Nikolaevich Kim, Petr Nikolayevich Kim, Pavel Semionovich Park, and many other. The point of view of the Russian government on the Koreans of the Russian Far East of the first waves of immigration was expressed good enough by the Governor of Primorskaya Oblast Rear Admiral G.F. Erdman (1875-1880). He wrote: “1) the Korean population which has moved into our boundaries with the families, has formed separate societies, being grouped by significant villages; 2) All their products they market in our territory, obviously increasing productive forces of the country; 3) these Foreigners, having rallied villages on all Southern- Ussuriiskiy region, represent themselves as the stable population of the country, ready to execute all taxes and duties assigned on them, and they already acquired the organization of rural societies; and at last; 4) our Government has knowingly adopted this population which searched for shelter and protection in our country”. The attitude at the same time to the offer "to form strongly settled rural inhabitants out of alien Chinese" was in general different, because 170 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ especially at the initial stage of immigration there was there was a big percent of a criminal element among Chinese. It is possible to recollect, for example, pronouncement of the person who knew problems of the Far East very good, of already above-mentioned Nikolai G. Matiunin. In 1875, having shown a way of actions of some Chinese, he exclaimed: "How it is possible to wish, that from the different crowd expelled to us from China, besides for a while, the settled population could grow at us?" By the given example we just wished to emphasize that point, that those who arrived at that time from China to Russia basically were people who came just for seasonal work, and they left their families in the native land. The immigration policy of the tsar’s government concerning Koreans was not stable. When we say so, we usually think about governor- generalship of Pavel F. Unterberger, who in 1908 came out against the further Korean immigration especially illegal. Nevertheless in general it is possible to consider the Russian immigration policy during the tsar’s period as positive. The attempts to consider this policy through a prism of 1937 are inappropriate and historically ungrounded. In 1916 Lee Chong Ho wrote “Russia is the country with which the contemporary history of Korea is connected in closest way and who, as the nearest neigbour of the last, better than others knows and feels her position… She over fifty years is in direct dialogue with Korean people by means of the Korean immigrants, who found for themselves wide protection and a blessed shelter in Russian bounds”.18 This is a good example of an estimation of the Korean immigration as a historical phenomenon of that period really from positions of historicism and universal values. In 1999 one of very old Koreans I have met said to me: "Koreans in the Russian Far East lived under tsar better, than under the Soviets until 1937”. I think, he was right.
The Korean Community of the USSR During a Process of Closing of Borders, 1917-1920s
After the October revolution the Koreans battled not only on the side of Bolsheviks, but also on the side of the white, up to the end remaining true Alexander I. PETROV 171 to the oath to the Russian tsar. There was even a separate Korean battalion under command of colonel Kim. They perished all up to one, but oath to tsar was not broken. Only for it they deserve all respect. Nevertheless the number of Koreans who fought on the Bolsheviks’ side was more significant. They fought both in Red Army and as partisan detachments. As for Red Army there were units which consisted only of Koreans. For example, the Independent Korean Infantry Regiment was disbanded on March 28, 1923. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Korean community in Russia was the extremely diverse. The careful studying of waves of immigration from Korea allows speaking about forming of multi-layer (multi-stratum) of the Korean communities in the Russian Far East. The reason of it can be traced both in different time of migration of Koreans, and in that fact that they were natives of different regions of Korea and even from China. (We can recollect, that some of them had been hired in Manchuria as a labor force during the First World War). Consequence of it consisted in gravity, and in some respect insuperability of contradictions between various groups of the Korean patriots who had moved to Russia with the purpose of continuation of the anti-Japanese struggle. Not in the last turn as a result of these contradictions, such tragic "misunderstandings" of the Civil War in Russia and the Korean anti- Japanese movement, like «the Amur incident» of 1921 have been possible to happen.19 At the same time a role Komintern, and also such statesmen of that period like V.K. Blucher, V.D. Vilensky, A.M. Krasnoshchekov, B.Z. Shumyatsky in this incident cannot be belittled. Collision of interests of Komintern with politics of the Far Eastern Republic was inevitable. Creation of this buffer state has been dictated by necessity of "pressing out" of foreign, first of all the Japanese intervention from the Far East. As it is well-known, Vladimir Lenin on December 21, 1920 said: “…circumstances forced us to establish a buffer state in a form of the Far Eastern Republic”. Work of Komintern during that period concerning people of China, Korea, Mongolia and Japan consisted in: 1) awakening of conscious movement of wide broad masses for struggle for 172 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ liberation from oppression of the foreign capital, 2) support of their revolutionary movement, 3) an establishment strong connections with the revolutionary organizations in these countries, 4) strengthening of propaganda work, etc. One of tasks of Komintern consisted in active support of Korean and Chinese guerrilla units. As for Far Eastern Republic the Ministry on National Affairs headed by K.Ya. Looks worked out “the Statute about organs of the Cultural National Self-Government of Koreans, living in the territory of FER”. The “Statute” was created in order to strengthen the position of Koreans who had broken their relations with Korea and who recognized the FER as their new Motherland. According to the “Statute” Koreans could set up the Korean National Societies and Korean General Assemblies, as well as Soviets and Congresses of Soviets. Unnaturalized Koreans could be members of these institutions but only naturalized Koreans had political rights.20 On November 14, 1922, i.e. in the same day when the Far Eastern Republic finished its existence, the Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee (FERC) was established. Its residence was in Chita. The Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee became the supreme organ of the central power of the Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic (RSFSR) in the Far Eastern Oblast, which included Amurskaya guberniya, Priamurskaya guberniya, Zabaikalskaya guberniya, Pribaikalskaya guberniya, Primorskaya guberniya with the Northern part of Sakhalin Island and Kamchatskaya guberniya with attached islands. The Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee was officially subordinated only to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and to the Council of People’s Commissars. One of the most important department of the FERC was the Department of Governance that was responsible for organizing of apparatus of Soviet power in the guberniyas, for supervising for execution of decrees and resolutions of central and local authorities, and so on. The information on problems of the Korean population of the Far Eastern Oblast was concentrated in the office of Plenipotentiary on Korean matters. In May 1924 the FERC moved to Khabarovsk. Alexander I. PETROV 173
On September 21, 1923 it was decided to simplify naturalization of those Koreans of Primorskaya Guberniya, who settled there before 1918. The Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee was also trying to increase publishing the textbooks in Korean for schools in Korean villages. 21 At the same time the political line of the FERC in general was very rigid. On December 21, 1923 Secretary of the Khabarovsk Uyezd Committee of the Russian Communist Party Lebedev delivering speech of welcome in the Conference of delegates of the Korean working peasantry of the Khabarovsk Uyezd of the Primorsky Guberniya said: “Only under leadership of the Russian Communist Party the Russian workers and peasants, throwing off the age-old yoke, gave for the nationalities wide road of initiative and possibility by common efforts to build new life. That is why we also demand from nationalities to fulfill all tasks which stand in front of Russian workers and peasants. At the present time the urgent task of the citizens of the Republic is promoting and strengthening of the economical power of our Republic. That is why we demand timely payment of tax, higher productivity from workers and larger plough-land from peasants”. 22 The external policy of the Communist Russia and her propaganda at that period was oriented to the world revolution. For example, Secretary Lebedev in the same Conference said: “Our today slogan is “Long live German revolution!” With triumph of the German Revolution the Korean workers and peasants will be liberated from yoke of the Japanese capitalism. Long live the German revolution! Long live leader of the world proletariat – comrade Lenin! Long live the Headquarter of the World Revolution – Komintern III”. 23 The first six questions of the abovementioned conference’s agenda were as follows: 1) Report on the tax policy of the USSR and single agricultural tax in the Far East (comrade Lee Seng-cheng); 2) National question (12th Congress of the Russian Communist Party) (comrade An Thia-gook); 3) School question (comrade Akim); 4) Information report on adopting of citizenship of the RSFSR (comrade An Thia-gook); 5) Reports from villages about position of the Korean population; 6) Land 174 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ question (comrade Kolobanov).24 The comrade Lebedev’s speech and agenda show that the most important issue for the revolutionary authorities of the Far Eastern Oblast was to guarantee the tax collection. The resolution suggested by Lee Seng-cheng called all Koreans to pay whole tax and included such a point as “to bind every delegate to put the resolution into effect”. As for the Korean peasants the most burning question for them was the land question. At the same time this is a key for understanding of many other questions of history of Koreans in Russia during 1920s-1930s. Unfortunately we have no enough place in this article to consider this problem in details. According to the census of 1923 there were 18,378 families of Koreans living only in Primorskaya Guberniya, and from the very beginning it was acknowledged that the result of this census were incomplete. Anyhow number of Korean families was almost twice more in comparison with the census of 1917 (9308 families). In the middle of 1920s the land question of the Korean population of the Posjet district was partly put in good order. Many Korean families who had Russian citizenship also got land in accordance with so called “labor principles” in other uyezds. A number of such Korean peasants reached 4810 families. It meant that the land question was not settled down for about 14,000 families. 1,173 households of them belonged to Koreans who had the Russian citizenship. According to official data, land situation of approximately 10,000 Korean families was very difficult.25 Anyway the Far Eastern Revolutionary Committee demanded to collect taxes from all population of the Far Eastern Oblast. According to the reports from villages which were delivered in the abovementioned conference (the fifth point of agenda) by December 21, 1923 (date of opening of conference) Koreans were able to pay from 30 to 50 percents of tax. Many of them said that they are forced already to eat rotten potatoes or to starve. Nevertheless the resolution on the first point of agenda was adopted unanimously. Of course, pressing of the Communist Party on them was very hard. At the same time it should be acknowledged that vast majority of Koreans believed that the policy of the Soviet power is right: they just should overcome temporary Alexander I. PETROV 175 difficulties and everything would be normalized, including liberation of Korea. At the same time the Primorskaya Guberniya Land Administration came to conclusion that the measures on settling down of land question among Koreans could be successful only in one case, just if “a question about new influx of Koreans from abroad would be solved”. So it was one of the internal reasons for closing the Soviet borders in the Far East. It was the usual policy of the Soviet government of that period, directed at world revolution under a banner of the proletarian internationalism. It was even more clearly seen as regards other countries of the world, including countries of Europe. The attitude of the governments of the countries of the West to such policy of the Soviet Union was sharply negative. Because of it some of governments for a long time did not recognize the USSR. For example, it was said in the April 14, 1928 statement of the US Secretary of State Kellogg: “… it is the conviction of the Government of the United States that relations on a basis usual between friendly nations cannot be established with a governmental entity which is the agent of a group which hold it as their mission to bring about the overthrow of the existing political, economic and social order throughout the world and to regulate their conduct toward other nations accordingly”.26 Such policy, in my opinion, was belittling a role of October revolution and was causing a significant loss to its influence. Multi-layer of the Korean ethnic group in the Russian Far East continued to be formed on the basis of immigration during the subsequent Soviet period. The result of it was manifested well enough in the middle and the end of 1920s when Koreans were adopting the Soviet citizenship. There were many difficulties which were caused by illegal immigration and were solved at the cost of so called class solidarity and proletariat internationalism. The requirements of rules of naturalization at that period of the Soviet history for a part of the Korean population were impracticable as, vast majority of them was absolutely not able neither to write, nor to speak in Russian. Besides, many Koreans had no necessary identification papers 176 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ because in due time they did not want or could not receive them from Japanese authorities. To receive the Soviet citizenship it was required to live in the USSR constantly not less than five years. In 1920s in parallel with national-liberation movement the Korean communist movement began to develop. Its condition however was characterized by complexity. That is why some Korean activist subdivided it into two questions: "Primorsky" and "Foreign" ones. On first of them one of the points of view consisted in that fact, that old Korean functionaries used the Primorsky leading party and Soviet organs of authorities in their fractional purposes. Therefore in connection with the created situation in a party and general-political management of the Korean national movement there was a danger of the further strengthening of fractional struggle. For example, at meeting of body of the Korean active functionaries of 2nd Vladivostok area on September 19, 1926 under presidency of Pak Ai (Pak Ae), on which report by Kim Maen Hwa was heard, Sheng Woo Deng underlined, that “a moral condition of a [party] cell was not good”. Some Korean communists considered, that strengthening of fractional struggle among the Korean communists of the Russian Far East occurs owing to fractional policy of managing section of national minorities of Vladivostok district committee ARCP(b) Pak Ae. Some Koreans, in particular, reproached him that using “weak awareness and the indifferent attitude” of Russian responsible party workers “to a question of the Korean political life” he artificially disorganized the Korean activists, putting forward some of them and overthrowing others in front of the district party committee. For example, he has removed Park Dong Hee from a post of the editor of the "Vanguard" newspaper and replaced him with Lee Piak Tso. One of those who was adhered to this point of view was Choi Guo Ryo. Such point of view obviously went counter with a policy of the Shanghai group. It is known, that Park Ae worked together with Lee Dong Hwee and has been co-opted to the Shanghai government as the Consul General in the Far Eastern Republic.27 Subsequently Park Ae in his turn accused Choi Guo Alexander I. PETROV 177
Ryo that he had mobilized the Suifung Korean kulaks (i.e. rich peasants) for sending delegation to the Central Executive Committee of the USSR for appealing on the local land policy, and also that he had held fractional assembly of Koreans in Nikolsk-Ussuriisk. In general, between these two representatives of the Korean national movement have developed rather tough relations.28 On such a background the conflicts between leaders of the Korean community did not make for its successful development. Some of them understood it, but they could not solve all problems for achieving of reconciliation.
Espionage as a Pretext for the Deportation of Koreans from the Soviet Far East
Vast majority of Korean immigrants in Russia were ordinary peasants. All what they wanted in Russia was just a piece of land to cultivate their traditional grains and vegetables. Anyhow complexity of the international situation in the Far Eastern area had led to that that some of them were recruited by Japanese as their spies. Such Koreans were usually with low moral principles, the other ones had got under blackmail of Japanese. If usual Koreans and even high ranked person of Korean nationality as real patriots of their motherland knew about such facts they tried to inform the Russian authorities about that and expose spies. Thus, in official letter No. 10835 of September 18, 1904 Minister of Internal Affairs Prince P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirskoy wrote to Admiral E.I. Alekseev: «Staying in Saint- Petersburg the Korean envoy, has notified, that he for certain knows that bribed Koreans and the Japanese, who changed their clothes for the Korean dress, are engaged in espionage within the limits of Empire and in the locations of our armies in the Far East. At the same time the named envoy has stated, that in view of the prevention of ill-intentioned plans of the marked persons, it would be, perhaps, expedient to send all suspicious Koreans for definition of their identities to Vladivostok to the chief of the Korean community in this city, deserving, in opinion of the envoy, full 178 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ confidence”.29 This document once again proves the banal fact, that only individual Koreans were engaged in espionage. By the way, in the confidential circular of department of common causes of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, signed by its Director A.A. Lopukhin and addressed to governors, town governors and ober policemeisters in connection with the information of the Korean envoy, it was also clearly stated: “We received information that some bribed by Japan Koreans (my italic. – А.P.) and the Japanese, who changed their clothes for the Korean dress, are engaged in espionage within the limits of Empire and in the locations of our armies in the Far East”.30 As for the Soviet period, the situation on its Manchurian border especially in 1920s was extremely complicated. For example, during 1925-1928 the units of Red Army liquidated 22 anti-communist bands of total number 988 people. At the same time along border there were detained and arrested 42,630 smugglers, spies and saboteurs of different nationalities.31 During 1930s the state on the Soviet-Manchurian border had not improved at all, and after so called “Manchurian incident” of September 18, 1931 that lead to establishing on March 1, 1932 of the Manchou-guo deteriorated. Under such circumstances the Soviet Union was forced to make preparation for war with Japan considerably strengthening the counter- espionage activities. Many Soviet Koreans and Chinese were involved in these activities. At the same time more and more Japanese spies were caught along the Russian-Korean and Russian-Manchurian borders. Among them there were Russians, Koreans, Chinese and Japanese. In 1935 the Military Tribunal condemned on a charge of espionage 35 Russians (49.3%), 27 Koreans (37.0%) and 10 Chinese (13.7%). For the next year these numbers were as follows: 11 Russians (14.1%), 45 Koreans (57.7%) and 22 Chinese (28.2%). As for 45 Koreans, condemned in 1936, 17 peoples of them were citizens of the USSR, two people had foreign citizenship and 26 people lived in the Soviet Union illegally32 Thus the Japanese militarists, preparing for the war against China and the USSR, reinforced recruiting of Koreans and Chinese for espionage Alexander I. PETROV 179 purposes in the Soviet Far East. They use all possible methods for it, including intimidating and blackmail especially those Koreans whose relatives lived both in Korea and the Soviet Far East, as well as in Kando. It is well known that the Soviet Koreans freely went to Korea and China for short period stay there. For example, from Vladivostok they firstly moved to the Pestchanny Cliff by sea and then went to Hunchun by forest paths. These paths were also used by smugglers. After conflict on the Eastern Chinese railroad (May 27, 1929) and subsequent hostilities between the Soviet and Chinese troops, the Posjet part of border was strengthened including mounted patrols, but when Koreans wanted to visit their relatives in Korea or Kando, they concealing themselves and waiting until such patrol disappeared, continued crossing the border. Smugglers did not stop their activities as well. So when Japanese caught such people they did all efforts to recruit them as their spies. Such Korean had only choice to agree or to die, especially when Japanese threatened to kill his relatives. The forced deportation of Koreans (officially “resettlement of Koreans” in Russian “pereseleniye koreitsev”) of the Soviet Far East to the Republics of Central Asia and Kazakhstan had been started soon after beginning of the Sino-Japanese War (July 7, 1937) and sharp deterioration of the situation on the Soviet-Manchurian frontier. On August 21, 1937 the Communist Party Central Committee and the Council of People’s Commissars had adopted the resolution about resettlement of all Korean population of border regions of the Far Eastern Krai to the South-Kazakhstan Oblast, zone of Aral sea and Balkhash Lake as well as Uzbekistan. The resolution and appropriate order was immediately sent to Khabarovsk to Secretary of the Party Committee of the Far Eastern Krai Vareikis. The order was concretized and on August 29 passed to Vladivostok to Secretary of the Communist Party Primorsky Committee Becker, Chairman of the Primorsky Executive Committee Danilov and Chief of the Primorsky Department of NKVD (People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs) Dimentmann. This order signed by Vareikis, Volskii and Liushkov said: “Immediately inform the regional 180 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~ points: First. Property of resettling Korean holdings, having left in the places should be estimated in accordance with the balance cost on January 1, 1937. Second. Property bought after January 1, 1937 should be estimate in accordance with the real price. Third. Unharvested sown areas should be estimated in accordance with the average productivity of given crop, set by regional executive committee on general purchase prices of the grain-purchase. Forth. State procurement receives all livestock of the resettling Koreans’ farms and compensate it nature in the places of moving in. Fifth. The regional executive committees assumes obligations to remit to the kolkhozes (collective farms. – A.P.) on their demand on arrival to the places of resettlement the sum of money determined in accordance with abovementioned order for the total cost of the socialized property of the kolkhozes. Sixth. The appropriate departments of bank transfer the indivisible funds of the kolkhozes on the current accounts of bank to the appropriate departments of banks in the places of resettlement of the kolkhoz. Seventh. The indisputable debts of resettling kolkhozes for fulfilled works should be paid both at the expense of products they have by money and by way of reconning of this debt during evaluating of cost of the kolkhozes’ left property. Eighth. All immovable property of members of collective farms and individual peasant-farmers are estimated and paid on insurance estimate. Ninth. Cost of property left by members of collective farms and individual peasant-farmers should be paid by money or letters of credit. Tenth. Evaluation of property is carried out by commissions appointed by districts’ troikas”.33 Thus, the resettlement should be considered in the context of preparation of the Soviet Union for possible war with Japan. One of the Korean collective farmers from Siniy Utios (Dark-blue Cliff) village named Kang Hwa Soo on September 9, 1937 said: “The governmental measures on resettlement of Koreans to Kazakhstan are indisputably right. The further leaving of us on the border is inexpedient, because many of us have relatives abroad which Japanese use in the purposes of espionage”. At the same time the Korean women Kang Choong Sik and Kang Diu Alexander I. PETROV 181
Eun said: “We are resettled at the proper time. Living on the border is dangerous now. If hostilities begin, Kazakhstan will be safe place”.34 The forced resettlements at the period of the Stalin’s regime were also closely connected with the new splash of Stalin’s political repressions, which began in May of the same year with the arrest of so called Tukhachevsky’s group consisted of eight marshals and top-ranked generals of the Red Army who were in two weeks executed by shoot. The forced deportation of the Soviet Koreans had rendered huge harm to the economic, social and cultural development of the Korean Community, destroyed the natural processes of their adaptation and naturalization. It has brought much grief to the vast majority of ordinary Koreans. One of the most significant result of forced resettlement consist in the fact that considerable number of Koreans lost their ethnic identity because the created in the Russian Far East during 1860s – 1930s system of education and cultural development of them was considerably broken and liquidated. It is necessary to underline that process of deportation should be studied more thoroughly and carefully.
The Soviet Koreans after the Khrushchev’s Thawing until Collapse of the Soviet Union
Soon after Stalin’s death the Koreans were allowed to move to the other places of the Soviet Union. Young men began to be called-up for military service. At the same time more and more Koreans began to enter to universities, so from the end of 1950s a number of high-educated people among the Soviet Koreans including candidates and doctors of sciences as well as writers, poets, musicians and artists was rapidly increasing. By the time of collapse of the USSR the Koreans lived practically in all union republics, but mainly (89.7%) in Uzbekistan, Russia and Kazakhstan. It is natural, that after disintegration of the Soviet Union this community has been broken into the same number with formed independent states. As for 182 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
Russia, at the moment of collapse of the USSR more than 25 million of the ethnic Russians and 4 million representatives of other nationalities of Russia had found themselves out of bounds of the Russian Federation. According to the all-Union census of 1989 the ethnic Koreans were distributed in the following way (see table 2).
Distribution of Ethnic Koreans in the Republics of the USSR, 1989 Republic Number Republic Number
Uzbekistan 183,140 Moldova 269
Russia 107,051 Latvia 248
Kazakhstan 103,315 Georgia 242
Kirgizstan 18,355 Estonia 202
Tajikistan 13,431 Lithuania 119
Ukraine 8,669 Azerbaijan 94
Turkmenistan 2,848 Armenia 29
Belorussia 638 Total 438,650 Source: All-Union Census of 1989. General Statistics.
Many peoples of the Soviet Union have gone through forced deportations under Stalin's rule. It was common tragedy of the country and we should study this period of the Soviet history thoroughly and carefully. The Koreans of the Soviet Union had overcome all difficulties of the Stalin’s period. Many of them were trying to maintain their traditional culture as hard as possible.
Prospects of Development of the Korean Community in Russia
On April 1, 1993 special law (No. 4721-1, State Registration No. Р9301487) was adopted about rehabilitation of the Korean Russians.35 Thus, we can say, that their kind reputation was historically restored by this law. Now there are about 200 thousand Koreans in the Russian Alexander I. PETROV 183
Federation. Approximately 35 % of them live in the Russian Far East. They live also in all regions and corners of Russia, uniting into the unions, associations and societies as well as into national cultural autonomies and centers for protection of the rights and maintenance of the culture, language and traditions. The Korean immigration to Russia continues now, becoming more multi-vectorial. Koreans come to the Russian Far East, and live and work there for a long time. Some of them became the Russian citizens. For example, missionary Tereza Alekseevna Bek Gaen Sook, obtained Russian citizenship, and now teaches the Korean language, acquaints Russians with the Korean culture, gives many forces to charitable activities.36 The Soviet Koreans together with other people of the USSR have overcome this terrible time and could keep their better qualities such as diligence, cheerfulness and optimism. Their prospects in modern Russia look quite encouraging and bright. They are a rather high-educated and enterprising part of the population of the country. In many respects they became the important link of Russia with the countries of Northeast Asia and first of all with the Korean states. Not in a small degree owing to them, relations of Russia with Republic Korea are constantly improving and updating, i.e. do not stand on a place. Especially it concerns to the Russian Far East where Koreans still gravitate to and little by little come back. As you know, on October 17, 2003 the State Duma adopted law “About introduction of changes and additions to the Federal Law “About citizenship of the Russian Federation”.37 According to the clause 1 paragraph 4 of this amendments, the foreign citizens and persons without citizenship, having arrived to the Russian Federation from states, which were members of the USSR, who were registered in the place of living in the Russian Federation on condition of July 1, 2002, or who had permission for temporary living in the Russian Federation, were able to receive citizenship of the Russian Federation in simplified order, if they applied for that by January 1, 2006. 184 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
The current demographic situation in the Russian Far East is rather complicated. While its share in territory of Russia amounts to 36,4 %, number of inhabitants of region in 2005 made only 4,6 % of her population. Since 1991 while whole Russia has lost 4.1 % of its population, the number of inhabitants of the Far East has decreased by 19.8 % (from 8,056,600 to 6,589,000 people on January 1, 2007). However the history knows some periods when growth of the population in the region had advancing rates. We should study the past experience and put it into practice. The international aspect of this group lies in the fact that Russia and Korea are neighboring states and demands from researchers to study the legal status of Koreans in Russia (Soviet Union) as attentively as possible. However the situation in Russian Far East has cardinally changed. At the present time representatives of about 130 nationalities live in Primorski Krai. The Korean community also has become absolutely different. It is mixed and diverse as never before. Not taking into account the Russian Koreans, arrived from Siberia and European Russia, there are Koreans from Sakhalin, from former republics of the Soviet Union, from South and North Korea, as well as from China. For example, now in Russia there are about 5 thousand Koreans from North Korea which work there on construction sites and timber cutting places. Almost all North Koreans arrive to Russia officially, under contracts with building and timber-cutting firms. During 2004-2006 North Korea took the 4th place among the countries of the far abroad by quantity of the labor migrants arriving to the Russian Federation. In 2004 there worked in Russia over 14,7 thousand citizens from the KPDR, in 2005 г - more than 20 thousand, and in 2006 - over 21,7 thousand.38 Sometimes it is possible to meet in the Russian Far East the Koreans even from other countries of the world, mainly from the USA and Japan. Thus it is possible to ascertain, that Koreans of the Russian Far East are a unique community. Members of this community speak in many languages, not forgetting their native one. The Russian Koreans make kernel of this community, because they possess all rights of citizens of the Russian Alexander I. PETROV 185
Federation. All these Koreans are different. For example, the Sakhalin Koreans do not consider themselves as Koryo-Saram. At the same time all Koreans of Russia including the Russian Far East have much in common between each other. All of them are tied by invisible threads of common ethnic culture and all of them to some extent are striving to it. For example, many Sakhalin Koreans know Korean language perfectly. So many of them go to Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and some other states of former members of the USSR to teach continental Koreans their native language. On this account it is possible to bring many other examples, but I shall limit myself only to one. It is just about things without which people cannot live, i.e. food. In March of 2008 one Russian trading company by chance through my friends has invited me as translator for its negotiations with the Korean company. I have willingly agreed. At negotiations the Korean representative offered many different goods: confectionery products, drinks, snacks, chocolate, etc. To his surprise the representative of Russian company, having noted quality of the presented goods, has unexpectedly asked his counterpart to help him with import of other goods - kimchi. It has appeared, that he already carried kimchi by very small batches by a steamship, and this goods very quickly was sold out in Vladivostok. Even slightly spoiled kimchi does not lie on counters too long because there was not another one. There were many people who wished to buy kimchi. The main buyers were, certainly, Koreans. Nevertheless many Russian, especially those who have been to Korea, lived there or studied, also with pleasure buy kimchi. The Russian businessman told: All Koreans of Vladivostok love South-Korean kimchi. And that kimchi which is made in Vladivostok is not so popular. That kimchi which he brings, was very expensive because he brings it by small batches in a steamship. But all the same it was very quickly sold out. It is very simple example which, however, clearly shows, how much in common people have, even when it seems that they are far from each other. If to think properly, it is possible to find many other convincing examples. 186 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
Koreans of the Russian Far East are united into different organizations; they have national-cultural autonomy. Many of them take part in work of the national-cultural centers. At the same time many Koreans consider such activities as one of opportunities to emigrate to the South Korea. She represents a history of considerable success. During long period it demonstrates constant economic growth, which for the time being is unachievable for many other countries. International status of South Korea is also very stable. In these regards she is very attractive for Koreans of Russia and the Commonwealth of independent states (CIS). That fact is by no means not casual, that they return to themselves the Korean surnames, for this or that reason changed before, or simply take new ones if have fully lost them. For instance, only in the Kizhinginsky district of Buryatiya, where the number of Koreans in general is insignificant, in 2003 172 persons have changed their surnames, in 2004 - 163, in 2005 – 100 and For the first quarter 2006 this figure has made nearby 30 person.39 Pull towards their historical and ethnic motherland and culture is the natural phenomenon. It is very important factor of interstate interaction, and it should be used for strengthening their cooperation with Korea much more effectively. As for the Russian Far East, it is going through not the best times. A demographic situation, to say mildly, is complicated. Its population is shrinking. The last fixed maximal number of inhabitants was made on January 1, 1991, when it totaled 8,056,600 people. Since that time the Far Eastern Federal region stably goes in a direction of reduction of population. During next 15 years it was reduced every year by approximately 100,000 people. The economy develops not so quickly as it would be desirable. But prospects of development of this region remain good. Huge resources’ of oil and gas could promote economic integration with the countries of Northeast Asia. In this respect the Korean community could become one of those stabilizing factors which would promote economic prosperity of the Russian Far East. It could promote the solution of those problems which have collected in region for years of perestroika. Alexander I. PETROV 187
Until August, 2007 when the Federal Target Program on development of the Far East and Zabaikalye for 2008-2013 was approved as a whole, the local authorities of these territory were guided by the program approved in 1987 by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Central Committee. The Federal government expects, that by 2013 gross regional product (GRP) of the Far East and Zabaikalye will grow in 2,6 times, and investments into a fixed capital will increase in 3,5 times. The prospects of development of the Korean community in Russia in the given context can be considered as good. It is necessary to point out the beneficial influence of negotiations in Pusan in November, 2005 between the former presidents of Russia Vladimir Putin and South Korea Roh Moo-hyun on all complex of mutual relations between two states. As a result of this meeting a number of documents were signed. Most important of them is the joint Russian- Korean "Plan of actions in the field of trade and economic cooperation". It is directed at the development of inter-regional cooperation, expansion of contacts of citizens, maintenance of the further growth of bilateral trade, bringing out investment cooperation to the qualitatively new level. The plan also concerns interactions of Russia and South Korea in sphere of science, in the field of space, power and natural resources, information technologies and communication, as well as fishery. Signatures under the plan were put by Deputy Minister of Economic Development and Trade Andrey Sharonov and Minister of Foreign Affairs and External Trade Kim Hyung Chong. The plan provided also the conclusion of the intergovernmental agreement on temporary labor activities of citizens of one state on territory of another, and also continuation of work on perfection of procedure of mutual trips of citizens. For example, it has been decided to extend the application of the intergovernmental agreement about abolishment of the visa formalities for owners of diplomatic passports to a category of citizens with service passports. The Russian party in the document also has declared readiness to assist in opening general consulates of the Republic of Korea in St.-Petersburg and Irkutsk. 188 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
Besides then in Pusan president of Vneshtorgbank Andrey Kostin and head of the Korea Exchange Bank Richard Ueker have signed the cooperation agreement directed on strengthening of partner communications between banks in sphere of creation of favorable conditions for development of bank service of the foreign trade turnover between Russia and South Korea. In particular, the agreement provides expansion of interaction in the field of financing trading operations, including realization of transactions with use pre-export and design financing. At the same time, the prepared agreement on natural gas has not been signed. As to "the Plan of actions in the field of trade and economic cooperation ", the majority of its items are successfully carried out. About its influence on development of the Russian-Korean cooperation in the field of space, for example, is well-known for all. Not taking into account Koreans of South Korea, North Korea and China, who live, work and study in the Russian Far east there live Russian Koreans and their descendents arrived here after deportation, Koreans from Sakhalin, as well as Koreans from states of Middle Asia and Kazakhstan, i.e. from republics of former Soviet Union. It accords with the general immigration policy of the Russian Federation. In 2005 President Vladimir V. Putin during meeting of the Council of Security of RF said, that migration policy is a “powerful lever of consolidation between countries of Commonwealth of Independent States”, that “people arrived from states of Commonwealth, are able to strengthen seriously the integration ties”, and that “their happy lawful employing and normal social life is one of factors of strengthening cooperation with our closest partners”.38 It is understandable, that he said about representatives of all nationalities of the former Soviet Union, including Koreans. It would be desirable to improve studies on all direction of history and present situation of Koreans in Russia. These studies are not so strong and comprehensive as they could be. The necessity of issuing of the academic history in Russia has matured long ago. It is necessary to conduct a constant monitoring of conditions of the Korean Community of the Russian Far East. In this regards, territorial dialogue both within the limits Alexander I. PETROV 189 of the Russian Far East and with the neighboring states is necessary in order to combine the policy in searches of the balanced decisions. Without the help of such states as the Republic Korea, it seems to me, it will be too difficult to manage with all existed and arising problems. The government of the Republic of Korea could play more active role in destiny of the Korean community of the Russian Far East. For example it could participate in working out of the general strategy of growth and creation of the workplaces, concerning the members of the Korean community. The important point of this strategy should become an increasing of share of highly skilled jobs among representatives of the Korean nationality. It could become the first step for making economies of two countries to be closer to each other. At the same time it would promote needs of integration of the Russian Far East for economic cooperation with all countries of Northeast Asia. So, considering a situation in economy of the Russian Far East, South Korea could invest more in representatives of the Korean community and promote their equality. She quickly enough could feel benefits and experience moral satisfaction from such policy. At the same time, in my opinion, more active protection of traditional knowledge and folklore of the Koreans in the Russian Far East could be more effective. On the other hand, such policy could become the consolidating factor for more successful development of this community in the future. The Korean Community of the Russian Far East in many respects represents a unique historical and ethno-cultural phenomenon, and this community has a right to be waiting for more adequate policy toward itself.
Conclusions
The history of the Korean Diaspora in Russia has counted almost one and a half centuries. Its basic skeleton consists of descendants of Koreans who had moved to Russia in second half of 19th and at the beginning of 20th centuries. Before 1937 they lived basically in the Russian (Soviet) 190 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
Far East, when all of them were forcedly deported from that region to the Republics of Central Asia and Kazakhstan. Thus, features of the Korean immigration to Russia and formation within her boundaries of the Korean Community were caused by a lot of the objective and subjective reasons considered in brief above. Character of the Korean immigration changed gradually and filled with new contents. Having begun as exclusively peasant immigration, it has gradually incorporated also labour and national-liberation components. In legal attitude by 1890 it has received legislative maintenance both from Russian and Korean governments. From 1890s Koreans of the Russian Far East began to acquire Russian citizenship. This process continued during subsequent years up to the end of 1920s. Many of those who has received Russian citizenship in 1920s, were illegal migrants. When Stalin repressions have begun, this fact has been turned against them. Forced deportation of Koreans of 1937 was tragedy for them, caused to them a severe loss in all areas of life. Human losses during this period also were significant. Deportations have received a due negative estimation in official documents of the government of former Soviet Union of the period of perestroika as well as of the government of the Russian Federation. Now the Korean Community of Russian Far East is growing. Its social composition is extremely various and motley. A legal status of its members is also very different. In the certain attitude it is one of the most complex ethnic groups of the Russian Far East if to mean its structure and countries of departure. Afterwards the Korean immigration to Russia went on constantly and after Russo-Japanese war the number of non- naturalized Koreans became bigger than number of naturalized ones. So in 1910s naturalization of them and establishing of their new villages were continued. At the same time the Russian government was trying to neutralize the anti-Japanese liberation movement of these Koreans. In 1917-1922 the Koreans in Russia took active part in the revolutionary events and Civil war. At the same time their anti-Japanese liberation movement became more active and mass. Sometimes lack of Alexander I. PETROV 191 co-ordination of their activities with Moscow, the government of the Far Eastern Republic and Komintern had led to such misunderstandings as the “Amur incident”. Under the Bolsheviks’ power the immigration policy of the Soviet Union had been little by little curtailing. At the same time its character began to regenerate more and more subordinating to the task of the world revolution. By 1930s there was only one group of foreigners who had privileges of immigration to the Soviet Union as well as privileges of naturalization, i. e. those who conducted revolutionary-liberation activities in their home country or in some other foreign country. The immigration laws were created not for the sake of people and their prosperity, but for the sake of the communist ideas. As a result of deportation from the Far East to Central Asia and Kazakhstan and restrictions of 1937-1953 many Koreans had lost their identity. From the middle of 1950s these restrictions were liquidated. Many Korean families moved to the other places of the USSR. The cultural level of the Korean community from that time have sharply increased. At the present time the Koreans of the Russian Federation including the Russian Far East need help in gaining their identity and keeping more effective contacts between each other for revival of their culture and traditions. In its turn it could have a positive effect on economic and trade relations between Russia and Korea
Key Word:Russian Far East, Korean Community, Koreans, history, immigration, immigration policy, development
Notes :
1 1888, Istoricheskoye obozreniye piatidesiatiletney deyatelnosti Ministerstva Gosudarstvennykh imushchestv (Historical Survey of the 50-year activities of 192 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
the Ministry of State Properties), Part 2, Saint-Petersburg, pp. 107-109. These Germans safely lived down to communistic experiments of 1930s and 1940s when all of them, among many peoples of the USSR have undergone to forced deportation. 2 1837, Istoricheskoye obozreniye vodvoreniya inostrannykh poselentsev v Rossii (Historical survey of settling the foreign settlers in Russia) // Zhurnal Ministerstva Vnutrennikh Del (Journal of the Ministry of Internal Affairs). Part 26. Saint-Petersburg, pp. 441-442. 3 Alexander I. Petrov, 2003, Istoriia resheniya voprosa o podsudnosti kitaiskikh iimigrantov v vosmidesiatyie gody XIX veka (History of solution of problem about cognizance of Chinese immigrants in 1880s), Works of the RAS FEB Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of Peoples of the Far East. Vol. 12. North-East Asia: Problems of Regional Interaction. (History and Modern Time). Dalnauka, pp 51-66. 4 Polnyi Svod Zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii. Svod 2 (Full Code of Laws of Russian empire. Code 2), Т. 36. Branch 1. 1861. From 36490-37190. SPb., 1863.36928, pp. 682-683. 5 Primorskaya oblast was established in 1856 on the base of Kamchatskaya Oblast (the Kamchatka Peninsula). In 1860 the Ussurijsky region was joined to it. Amurskaya oblast was established in 1858. 6 Evgeny S. Burachek, 1999, Vospominaniia Zaamurskogo kazaka (The Amur Cossack’s Memoirs), p. 195. Saying about “several lans of silver” E. Burachek meant an amount of taxes which Korean families paid. See also: Alexander I. Petrov, 2000, Koreiskaia Diaspora na Dalnem Vostoke Rossii. 1860–1890-e gody (The Korean Diaspora in the Russian Far East. 1860s–1890s), Russian Academy of Sciences Far Eastern Branch, pp. 49-68. 7 The Russian State Historical Archives of the Far East (RSHAFE). Folder 87. Inventory 1. File 278. Leaf 1; Look also: Alexander I. Petrov, 1987, Formirovaniye koreiskogo naseleniya i ego hoziaistvennaya deyatelnost na territorii russkogo Dalnego Vostoka: 1864 – fevral 1917 gg. (Formation of the Korean population and its economic activities in the territory of the Russian Far East: 1864 - February, 1917), Far Eastern Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences, p. 10. 8 Ching Young Choe 1972, The Rule of the Taewon’gun. 1864—1873. Restoration in Yi Korea, Harvard University Press, p. 84. 9 RSHAFE. F. 87. I. 1. F. 278. L. 278. Alexander I. PETROV 193
10 RSHAFE. F. 1. I. 1. F. 697. L. 60. 11 Collection of most important official documents on governing of the Eastern Siberia. Vol. 1. No. 1. Irkutsk, 1884, p. 87. 12 Ibid. Vol. 4, No. 2, Irkutsk, 1884, p. 8. The Khankaisky okrud was named after Khanka Lake, the Suifunsky okrug was named after Suifen River and the Suchansky okrug was named after Suchan River. In 1878 there were 20 Korean villages in these okrugs including very small ones. 13 RSHAFE. F. 1. I. 1. F. 755. L. 318. 14 RSHAFE. F. 720. I. 1. F. 94. L. 19-20. Pood is Russian measure of weight = 16.38 kg 15 Uyezd was a lowest administrative division in tsar’s Russia. Under the Soviet power uyezd was named as raion. Raions exist up to now. 16 RSHAFE. F. 702. I. 5. F. 257. S. 6, 7. 17 See also: Park Hwan. Daeryugyro kan hyukmyongkadyl (Revolutionaries who went to mainland). Seoul: Kookhak zaryowon, 2003. P. 223-305; Ban Byung Yool. Choi Petr Semionovich – vydayushchiisia deyatel’ koreitsev Rossii (Outstanding representative of the Koreans of Russia Petr Semionovich Choi). Seoul: Ministry on Affairs of Veterans and Patriots, 2006. 31 pp. (in the Korean and Russian Languages). Alexander I. Petrov. Korean Diaspora in Russia. 1897-1917. Vladivostok: Russian Academy of Sciences, Far Eastern Branch, 2001. P. 211, 244, 304, 338, 341. 18 Archives of External Policy of Russian Empire. F. Officer on Diplomatic Affairs. I. 579. F. 135. P. 136. 19 For more see: Park B.D. « The Amur incident » (from history of the Korean guerrilla movement) // Vostok. 1995. No. 5. P. 82-87. 20 Alexander I. Petrov, 1992, Koreans in the Far Eastern Republic (Koreitsy v DVR) // The Civil War in the Russian Far East: Results and Lessons. Vladivostok, pp. 126-129. 21 Koreitsy na Rossiyskom Dalnem Vostoke (1917-1923). Documenty i Materialy (Koreans in the Russian Far East (1917-1923) Documents and Materials), Far Eastern University Publishing House, 2004, pp. 280-281. 21 The Minutes No. 1 of December 21, 1923 of the Conference of delegates of the Korean working peasantry of the Khabarovsk Uyezd of the Primorskaya Guberniya // RSHAFE. F. R-2422. I. 1. F. 1486. P. 1. Guberniya is the same as province. Now it is usually named as Oblast or Krai. However we should underline that only during 1920s there existed so called the Far Eastern 194 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
Oblast which consisted of several guberniyas. Nevertheless in usual sense of the word “oblast” is almost same as “province”, “guberniya” and “krai”. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. P. 2. Kolobanov was a representative of the Primorskaya Guberniya Land Administration. 24 Minutes of meeting of the technical officers of the Primorskaya Gouberniya Land Administration of October 2, 1924 25 Chandler P. Anderson. Recognition of Russia // The American Journal of International Law. Vol. 28. 1934. P. 93. 26 The State Archives of Primorsky Krai (SAPK). F. 25. I. 5. F. 6. S. 146-163. See also: Ban Byung Yool, 1998, Sungzae Yi Dong Hwee ildaeki. Bumwoosa, pp. 302-304. 27 Ibid. 28 RSHAFE. F. 1. I. 7. F. 725. S. 24. 29 Ibid. S. 28. 30 A.G. Smirnov (compiler), 2002. Legendarnyi Grodekovskiy. 80 Let Krasnoznamionnomu, Ordena Kutuzova Grodekovskomu Pogranichnomu Otriadu (Legendary Grodekovsky. 80 Years of the holding the Red Banner and the order of Kutuzov Grodekovsky Frontier Detachment), “Russkiy Ostrov”, p. 25. 31 Yury M. Zaitsev, 2008, The Counter-Espionage Measures on Protection of Objects of Military Infrastructure in the Soviet Far East (1930s) (Kontrrazvedyvatelnyie meropriyatiya po zashchite obéctov voyennoi infrastructury na Dalnem Vostoke SSSR (1930ye gg.), Russia and APR, No. 2, p. 129. 32 State Archives of Primorsky Krai. F. P-1. In. 1. F. 682. P. 6-7. “Troika” is a derivative noun from “three”. Here it means three-men commission consisted of the first secretary of the regional party committee, chairman of the Soviet’s executive committee and chief of the regional department of the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs (PCIA, well-known on the Russian abbreviation as NKVD). During Stalin’s repression all power in the regions was concentrated in hands of such troikas. Stalin believed that these people are most devoted to him, but it was not every time so. For example, on June 13, 1938 Chief of the Far Eastern department of PCIA (NKVD) Liushkov had crossed the Soviet-Manchurian border and passed to the Japanese authorities a lot of secret materials. Alexander I. PETROV 195
33 State Archives of Primorsky Krai. F. P-1. In. 1. F. 682. P. 41. 34 Decree of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation “About Rehabilitation of the Russian Koreans” // The Rossiiskaya Gazette. April 9, 1993. See also: Reabilitatsiya Narodov Rossii. Sbornik Dokumentov i Materialov (Rehabilitation of Peoples of Russia. Collection of Documents and Materials), Moscow, 2000, pp. 192-193. 35 Vladivostok, November 30, 2007. 36 Federal Law of May 30, 2002 № 62-ФЗ "About Citizenship of the Russian Federation" // Collection of Legislation of the Russian Federation, 2002, N 22, Clause 2031. 37 http://news.vl.ru/world/2007/05/11/korea/ 38 http://www.regions.ru/news/1972798/ 39 http://www.archipelag.ru/agenda/povestka/povestka-immigration/slovo_vlasti/ sovbez/
1 Submission date: 2008.5.16 Completion date of review: 2008.6.27 196 Koreans in Russia in the Context of History of ~
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19ǚǞ ɢá˙Nj 1937ʚ ̳ʢ ǔ̳ϟȿʠ͝ ȑͤƧɖ˘ ϟȿʠ ˢ Ƨ˙Nj ͅǞΑͤ İIJ͎ Łϊ̽ Ȕ ͬ˯. ȊͰ˘ ʰƘ͝ Ϊʺſ ϟȿʠͤ͢ ͢ ˢ͑ ɗ͚ȑ ɢ ̪Ƒȑ Ϊť ȏ˙ ȿͱ̼ ȑͤ ͢Ò͝ Ƒǘ˙ ƚɅ͝ Ε͑ ͂Ƌ ͬ˯. ͢ ʥ²͐ ǚʈ͐ 1a Ƨ) ˙ ǞáȏƋ ͬƋ, ϟȿʠ ˢ ȑͤˢƧ͝ ʺ 150ʚŁ˙ ́ȑ őƚ ͑ ΚƖȘό˯. ȑͤƧɖ ȼǘ˙ ́ȑ ˤƴL ůȘ ȊͰ˘ ϟȿʠ͝ ȑͤ͢͝ ΪǏƘ ^ϊˢ ̳Ǚ͝Ƙ k̤ Ɏãȑ Ζ͑ ȏƋ ͬ˔ ͓͑ Ěˡό˯. ϟȿʠˢ ȑͤ͐͝ ͥĝ͝ ȕê˙ á́ȏˡ k̤ ΑǔΑ͎ ̪Y̦̳͑ ǐ˯. k̤ ͅȑ ̤ƵƧ ϓ͝ ȑ͎ ͽȶ͑ ͝ Ȕ ͬ˘̙, Ǔ˘ 1920ʚ ˥ăȶĭ-̤ȶTȶĭ˙Nj ͥ ĝͤ˙ ͝ȘNj ϋͩ͑ ˽ȏˬ˯. Ǔϟɢ ǔ̳ϟȿʠ͝ ͛ ȑͤ͝ ͐ ȶĿVΚȏ˙Nj ϓʭʠȿʠ̅ ÑͰʃȶľ͝ ǰœ˙Ɛ ƖɋƵ ͎ ŋΚ͢ϊ ˽ȏˬ˯. ǓϑNj ƵΑ͑ ̱ȑ ȑͤ͝͝ ƳɁͱ̣ ͐ ~¯Χ˯. ÒΫ̦̳Ɠ^ ʠ˥υ ǰœ˙Ɛ ˤê͝ ȑͤ ˲ ͢ϊ Ͱ͝ ÒΫ²ɋ ãΒ˙ ˽ˤʕ ŋȑ ®Ż͑ ϊ˔˯. 1937ʚ ͢ɢ Ƶ ̦ ǚ́͐͝ _͐ ²ɋΑ ΒůƘ dzȼ͑ ͨˈú˯. ȶĿV͢ ϋͰ, ȑͤ͐͝ Ͱȏˡ ǔ̳ϟȿʠˢ͎ ̭ʠŊ˯. ȊͰ˘ 1937ʚ͝ ŋΚ͢ϊĿ ƖɀΑ͎ Ƨɖϊ͝ Θǃ͝ ͵̼ ΪÇυ˘ ū͑ኾ ₢, ǰœ˙Ɛ ˤê ĺƧ ͢ɢ͝ ͢ ˢ ȑͤ͝͝ ²Κ͑͝ §Αȏ Ƌ ͬ˯. ȶͽ ǔ̳ ϟȿʠ˙Nj͝ ȑͤ͐͝ ÒΫΑ Θǘ͑ ɖěȏ ʣ ȏƋ ͬƋ, Ǔ͝͝ _͐ Ƨω͢͝ ϟȿʠˢ ȑ͎ͤɝ ȶ ȶL ͤɀȏƋ ͬ˯. ȊͰ˘ ȑƵΘİĿ ǔ̳ ϟȿʠ˙Nj͝ ȑͤ Ƨɖ͝ Ðϑ˙ Ě˯ ΑǔΑͤ ˢȒ͑ Ș ύ ū͎ Ó˘˯. Alexander I. PETROV 197
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