Chapel Hill Expert Survey 2017 CODEBOOK
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Slovakia's Righteous Among the Nations
Slovakia’s Righteous among the Nations Gila Fatran Slovak-Jewish relations, an important factor in the rescue of Jews during the Holocaust, were influenced in no small part by events that took place in the latter third of the 19th century. That century saw the national awakening of oppressed nations. The Slovak nation, ruled by the Hungarians for 1,000 years, was struggling at the time for its national existence. The creation of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy led in 1867 to the granting of equal civil rights to the Jews in the empire in the assumption that they would assimilate nationally and culturally into the state. At the same time the Hungarian leaders stepped up their suppression of the Slovak nation. The integration of the Jews into the developing economic and cultural life and the continued improvement in their situation alongside the suppression of the aspirations of the Slovaks, were used by the political and church representatives of the Slovak nation to fan the flames of Jew-hatred and to blame the Jews for the difficult lot of the Slovak People. During this period many Slovak publications also addressed the existence of a “Jewish Question” in a negative sense: blaming the Jews for all of the Slovak society’s ills. During this era, one of the central reasons behind the rise of Slovak antisemitism was the economic factor. At the same time, the slogan “Svoj k svojmu,” which, freely translated, means “Buy only from your own people,” registered a series of “successes” in neighboring countries. However, when nationalists, using this motto, launched a campaign to persuade Slovaks to boycott Jewish-owned shops, their efforts proved unsuccessful. -
LORD BOLINGBROKE's THEORY of PARTY and OPPOSITION1 By
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository Max Skjönsberg, HJ, Oct 2015 LORD BOLINGBROKE’S THEORY OF PARTY AND OPPOSITION1 By MAX SKJÖNSBERG, London School of Economics and Political Science Abstract: Bolingbroke has been overlooked by intellectual historians in the last few decades, at least in comparison with ‘canonical’ thinkers. This article examines one of the most important but disputable aspects of his political thought: his views on political parties and his theory of opposition. It aims to demonstrate that Bolingbroke’s views on party have been misunderstood and that it is possible to think of him as an advocate of political parties rather than the ‘anti-party’ writer he is commonly known as. It has been suggested that Bolingbroke prescribed a state without political parties. By contrast, this article seeks to show that Bolingbroke was in fact the promoter of a very specific party, a systematic parliamentary opposition party in resistance to what he perceived as the Court Whig faction in power. It will 1 I have benefited from comments by Adrian Blau, Tim Hochstrasser, Paul Keenan, Robin Mills, and Paul Stock, as well as conversations with J. C. D. Clark, Richard Bourke, and Quentin Skinner at various stages of this project. As usual, however, the buck stops with the writer. I presented an earlier and shorter version of this article at the inaugural Early-Modern Intellectual History Postgraduate Conference at Newcastle University in June 2015. Eighteenth-century spelling has been kept in quotations throughout as have inconsistencies in spelling. -
Hungary Covering the Period of January to December 2020
ANNUAL REVIEW OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION OF LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANS, AND INTERSEX PEOPLE IN HUNGARY COVERING THE PERIOD OF JANUARY TO DECEMBER 2020 Hungary ACCESS TO GOODS AND SERVICES EDUCATION In December, the Equal Treatment Authority (ETA) found that On 15 December, parliament amended the Fundamental Law a hotel discriminated when refusing to host an event of a local to further entrench the anti-trans framework by establishing NGO that organised Pécs Pride. children’s “right” to identify with their birth sex, to be ‘protected’ from interventions to change it, and to be educated according to Christian values. ASYLUM On 16 July, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in the Gergely Gulyás, Minister of the Prime Minister said educators Rana v. Hungary case that an Iranian trans refugee had the who use ‘Wonderland is for Everyone’ (see Bias-motivated right to legal gender recognition. The government paid the speech and violence) may face criminal charges. Two local compensation, but the man’s documents have still not been governments banned the book in kindergartens, and a third one changed. banned LGBTQ propaganda in all institutions. BIAS-MOTIVATED SPEECH AND VIOLENCE EMPLOYMENT In August, PM Viktor Orbán called on neighbouring governments Háttér Society prepared a detailed practical guide to help to stand up for Christian values, warning against Western employers navigate difficulties arising from the ban of legal efforts to “experiment with a godless cosmos, rainbow families, gender recognition in an employment context. migration and open societies”. A coalition of NGOs issued a guide for employers on the COVID-19 Several local governments raised the rainbow flag during the pandemic’s impact on vulnerable employees, including LGBTQI Pride Festival, some of which were forcibly removed or burned by people. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
International Migration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia and the Outlook for East Central Europe
International Migration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia and the Outlook for East Central Europe DUŠAN DRBOHLAV* Faculty of Science, Charles University, Prague Abstract: The contribution is devoted to the international migration issue in the Czech Republic and Slovakia (Czechoslovakia). Besides the contemporary trends, the international migration situation is briefly traced back to the communist era. The probable future scenario of international migration development - based especially on migration patterns that Western Europe has experienced - is also sketched, whilst mainly economic, social, political, demographic, psychological and geographical aspects are mentioned. Respecting a logical broader geopolitical and regional context, Poland and Hungary are also partly dealt with. Statistics are accompanied by some explanations, in order to see the various „faces“ of international migration (emigration versus immigration) as well as the different types of migration movements namely illegal/clandestine, legal guest-workers, political refugees and asylum seekers. Czech Sociological Review, 1994, Vol. 2 (No. 1: 89-106) 1. Introduction The aim of the first part of this contribution is to describe and explain recent as well as contemporary international migration patterns in the Czech Republic and Slovakia (and the former Czechoslovakia). The second part is devoted to sketching a possible future scenario of international migration development. In order to tackle this issue Poland and Hungary have also been taken into account. In spite of the general importance of theoretical concepts and frameworks of international migration (i.e. economic theoretical and historical-structural perspectives, psychosocial theories and systems and geographical approaches) the limited space at our disposal necessitates reference to other works that devote special attention to the problem of discussing theories1 [see e.g. -
Italy's Most Popular Aperitivi
Italy’s Most Popular Aperitivi | Epicurean Traveler https://epicurean-traveler.com/?p=96178&preview=true U a Italy’s Most Popular Aperitivi by Lucy Gordan | Wine & Spirits Italy is world famous for its varied regional landscapes, history, food and accompanying wines. However, if you go straight out to dinner, you’ll be missing out on a quintessential tradition of la bella vita, because, when they have time, self-respecting Italians, especially in the north and in big cities, start their evening with an aperitivo or pre-diner drink. An aperitivo is not “Happy Hour” or an excuse to drink to oblivion. Italians blame many ailments on their livers so the aperitivo has digestive purposes. It allows Italians to relax, unwind and socialize after work. It also starts their digestive metabolism and gets the juices flowing with a light, dry or bitter tonic with a “bite” to work up their appetite before dinner. This so-called “bitter bite” is beloved to Italians who prefer it and the overly sweet to sour. It took me several years to get used to bitter, much less like it. The oldest aperitivo is vermouth, an aromatic fortified wine created in Turin, where the aperitivo tradition is still strongest today. As www.selectitaly.com tells us: “ One of the oldest vermouths dates back to 1757 when two herbalist brothers, Giovanni Giacomo and Carlo Stefano Cinzano created vermouth rosso, initially marketed as a medicinal tonic.” This explains the bitter quality of many Italian drinks even non-alcoholic ones like chinotto or crodino. The Cinzano brothers flavored their vermouth, (its name derived from the German wormwood), with Wermut, its main ingredient, and with over 30 aromatic plants from the nearby Alps: herbs, barks, and roots such as juniper, gentian and coriander. -
Political Parties and the Transition to Democracy
POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a nonprofit organization working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide. Calling on a global network of volunteer experts, NDI provides practical assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and promote citizen participation, openness and accountability in government. POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction 2 Section 1: What Makes a Political Party Democratic? 4 Section 2: The Party Constitution 6 Section 3: Party Organization 8 Section 4: Developing a Policy Agenda and Message 13 Section 5: Communication and Outreach 18 Section 6: Membership Recruitment 23 Section 7: Fundraising 27 Section 8: Training 35 Conclusion 39 Appendices 40 A. Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of Canada B. Organization and Structure of the Australian Labor Party and the Democratic Party of the Republic of Korea C. Sample newsletter and tips for creating newsletters from the Liberal Democrats of Britain D. Party platforms from the Alliance of Free Democrats of Hungary and the African National Congress of South Africa E. Communication techniques from the Social Democratic and Labour Party of Northern Ireland and a letter to supporters from the Labour Party of Britain F. Information on membership recruitment and activation from the Labour Party of Britain G. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Supplementary File
Online-Appendix for the paper: Electoral behavior in a European Union under stress Table A1: Eurosceptic Parties in the 2014 European Parliament election Country Parties Austria EU Stop, Europe Different, Austrian Freedom Party Belgium Workers Party of Belgium, Flemish Interest Bulgaria Bulgaria Without Censorship, National Front, Attack Croatia Croatian Party of Rights Cyprus Progressive Party of the Working People, National Popular Front Czech Dawn of Direct Democracy, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, Party of Republic Free Citizens Denmark Danish People’s Party, People’s Movement against the EU Estonia Conservative People’s Party of Estonia Finland True Finns France Left Front, Arise the Republic, National Front Germany National Democratic Party of Germany, The Left, Alternative for Germany Greece Communist Party of Greece, Coalition of the Radical Left, Independent Greeks, Popular Orthodox Rally, Golden Dawn Hungary FIDESZ-KDNP Alliance, Jobbik Ireland Ourselves Alone Italy Left Ecology Movement, Northern League, Five Star Movement Latvia Green and Farmers’ Union, National Independence Movement of Latvia Lithuania Order and Justice, Election Action of Lithuania’s Poles Luxembourg Alternative Democratic Reform Party Malta none applicable Netherlands Socialist Party, Coalition CU—SGP, Party of Freedom Poland Congress of the New Right, United Poland, Law and Justice Portugal Left Bloc, Unified Democratic Coalition Romania Greater Romania Party, People’s Party—Dan Dianconescu Freedom and Solidarity, Ordinary People and Independent -
Reducing Inequalities in the Eu Through Investment in Children's Early Years
TOWARDS A CHILD UNION! REDUCING INEQUALITIES IN THE EU THROUGH INVESTMENT IN CHILDREN’S EARLY YEARS by Christian MORABITO Michel VANDENBROECK Preface by László ANDOR Report Published in June 2020 by THE FOUNDATION FOR EUROPEAN PROGRESSIVE STUDIES (FEPS) The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the think tank of the social democratic political family at EU level. Its mission is to develop innovative research, policy advice, training and debates to inspire and inform progressive politics and policies across Europe. FEPS operates as a hub for thinking to facilitate the emergence of progressive answers to the challenges that Europe faces today. Today FEPS benefits from a solid network of 68 member organisations. Among these, 43 are full members, 20 have observer status and 5 are ex-ofcio members. In addition to this network of organisations that are active in the promotion of progressive values, FEPS also has an extensive network of partners, including renowned universities, scholars, policymakers and activists. Rue Montoyer 40, B-1000 Brussels, Belgium +32 2 234 69 00 [email protected] www.feps-europe.eu @FEPS_Europe FUNDACION PABLO IGLESIAS Founded in 1977, and heir to the created in 1926, this institution works to expand the fields of political action of the progressives in Spain, looking for answers to the new political challenges. Additionally, the foundation preserves the historical archive of PSOE, the second oldest party in European social democracy. www.fpabloiglesias.es PROGRESIVA Društvo Progresiva is an association for development of advanced thought in Slovenia. It has the ambition to develop into a central platform for people that are linked to the idea of Social Democracy in Slovenia and in the near future to become a progressive "think tank". -
Spatial Hierarchical Analysis of Italian Regions
The Regional Economics Applications Laboratory (REAL) of the University of Illinois focuses on the development and use of analytical models for urban and regional economic development. The purpose of the Discussion Papers is to circulate intermediate and final results of this research among readers within and outside REAL. The opinions and conclusions expressed in the papers are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent official positions of the University of Illinois. All requests and comments should be directed to Geoffrey J. D. Hewings, Director, Regional Economics Applications Laboratory, 607 South Matthews, Urbana, IL, 61801-3671, phone (217) 333-4740, FAX (217) 244-9339. Web page: www2.uiuc.edu/unit/real SPATIAL HIERARCHICAL ANALYSIS OF ITALIAN REGIONS by Paolo Postiglione and Geoffrey J. D. Hewings REAL 06-T-11 September, 2006 SPATIAL HIERARCHICAL ANALYSIS 1 OF ITALIAN REGIONS Paolo Postiglione2 University of Chieti-Pescara, Italy Geoffrey J.D. Hewings3 REAL, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA Abstract: Regional interactions and spillover effects should be considered as important factors in growth analyses of regional economies. In this paper, using a modified version of the Dendrinos-Sonis model (1990), we analyze the spatial hierarchical system of Italy. The interaction among Italian regions is considered at three different levels of spatial aggregation based on the NUTS classifications. The results from the model strongly depend on the choice of the region considered as the numeraire. In this paper, we define some general rules to help economic researchers in the choice of the reference region. Keywords: Dendrinos - Sonis model, regional interactions, income variables, Italy.