ATHENA I MINERVA We Have Seen That the Tradition for Archaistic

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

ATHENA I MINERVA We Have Seen That the Tradition for Archaistic CHAPTER THREE ATHENA I MINERVA We have seen that the tradition for archaistic representations of Artemis can be traced back to the later fifth century B.C. Of all other deities, only Athena seems to have been archaized as early. Indeed already in the late Archaic period there occur in vase-painting cult images of Athena which are rendered in an earlier Archaic style in order that they might appear more ancient than the figures surrounding them. 1 Since these are Ar­ chaic in form and Archaic in date, they are not, strictly speaking, archais­ tic in the sense in which term is used in this study, although they do reflect already at an early date the existence of a self-consciously retrospective mentality. 2 The first truly archaistic representations of Athena occur at about the same time as the first archaistic Hekate figures, during the last quarter of the fifth century B. C. The two general types of archaistic Athena representations­ promachos and palladion-describe poses which were already common in Archaic times, 3 and both types find archaistic expression at about the same time. The former refers to a figure which strides forward-usually with the left leg advanced, brandishes a spear in the right hand, and holds out a shield ( or aegis functioning as a shield) in the left. It faces and aims the spear in the direction of its motion, so that the overall composition is often nearly two-dimensional. "Palladion" refers to a more static figure which stands with its legs together, or nearly so; generally it will also hold up a spear in the right hand and shield in the left, but its orientation is essentially frontal. The terms are used here only to describe a general pose and should not be taken too literally; the most famous Promachos­ Pheidias' colossal bronze on the Akropolis of Athens-was a standing, not a striding figure, and representations of the Palladion of Ilion sometimes show a figure we would call a promachos. 4 Since the terms have become conventional indications of these two poses and succeed in eliciting certain mental images, their use is continued here. 1 See below on the Vivenzio hydria pp.57-58. 2 For this phenomenon in Early Classical times, see Pollitt 1971, 60-63. Ridgway 1977, 307-313. 3 Niemeyer 1960, 15. Herdejiirgen 1969. Willers 1975, 59. LIMC II (1984) pro­ machos: 969-977, palladion: 965-969. Schiirmann 1985, palladion: 17-47, promachos: 71-76. 4 For the Pheidian Promachos: Ridgway 1981, 169 w/previous bibliography, p.189. For Palladia in "promachos" pose, see below p.58. 46 ATHENA / MINERY A I. Promachos Types Archaic images of Athena in the promachos pose occur in several media, but the archaistic images earlier than the Roman era seem to be limited to works that are essentially two-dimensional. 5 Although some such figures might be considered stylistically transitional between the Archaic and the Classical,6 the first truly archaistic Athena images are found on Athenian vases of the late fifth century B.C., both red-figure and black­ figure. 7 From the latter evolve the famous archaistic Athenas of Late Classical and Hellenistic Panathenaic amphorae, and the type is taken up on several coinages of Hellenistic kings beginning with Ptolemy I Soter. 8 Despite the variety among these Classical and Hellenistic archaistic promachoi, there are a number offundamental features which they share. In addition to the pose, these figures all wear the archaistic peplos with overfold, and they generally have a vertical central axis marked by a pleat in the overfold and/or skirt of the peplos. In this they resemble the contem­ porary archaistic Hekate and Artemis-Hekate figures. However, in most cases these Athenas also wear the archaistic wrapped "swallowtail" man­ tle, a feature not shared with Artemis or Hekate. Although there may have been archaistic sculptural images of Athena created in the Hellenistic period, none are known which could be described as Promachos. 9 It seems then to have been left to the Romans to commission the first statues of Athena in this warlike aspect. Although it has been argued that such sculptures existed as early as the fifth century B. C., the argument is, in each case, based on a presumed prototype for the extant Roman copies. These types must be treated individually. A. The Herculaneum Pallas Type There existed at least one and possibly two Athenian examples of this statue type in addition to the famous, nearly intact statue from the Villa of the Papyri at Herculaneum (Fig.16). 10 While it is not clear whether 5 Archaic examples include:images on Panathenaic amphorae, the Athena from the Peisistratid pediment, and the figure from the Gigantomachy frieze of the Siphnian Treas­ ury. Panathenaics: Beazley 1986, 81-92 w/current bibliography. Peisistratid Athena: LIMC II (1984) 970, no.125. Athena on Siphnian Treasury: Ridgway 1977, fig.63. 6 E.g., the bronze statuette dedicated by Meleso on the Akropolis of Athens or the Athena killing a Giant on a metope from Temple Eat Selinus. Statuette: Akr. Mus. no. 6447. Niemeyer 1964, 21-22, pl.II. Metope: LIMC II (1984) 991, no.393 w/bib­ lio~raphy. Fullerton 1989, 63-64. Supra pp.2-3 n.11, 7 n.34. 8 These are the subject of Havelock 1980. 9 See on the Chigi-Munich Athena type (IIIA). to The date for this statue type has been argued on the basis of style in some detail else-.
Recommended publications
  • The Divinity of Hellenistic Rulers
    OriginalverCORE öffentlichung in: A. Erskine (ed.), A Companion to the Hellenistic World,Metadata, Oxford: Blackwell citation 2003, and similar papers at core.ac.uk ProvidedS. 431-445 by Propylaeum-DOK CHAPTKR TWENTY-FIVE The Divinity of Hellenistic Rulers Anßdos Chaniotis 1 Introduction: the Paradox of Mortal Divinity When King Demetrios Poliorketes returned to Athens from Kerkyra in 291, the Athenians welcomed him with a processional song, the text of which has long been recognized as one of the most interesting sources for Hellenistic ruler cult: How the greatest and dearest of the gods have come to the city! For the hour has brought together Demeter and Demetrios; she comes to celebrate the solemn mysteries of the Kore, while he is here füll of joy, as befits the god, fair and laughing. His appearance is majestic, his friends all around him and he in their midst, as though they were stars and he the sun. Hail son of the most powerful god Poseidon and Aphrodite. (Douris FGrH76 Fl3, cf. Demochares FGrH75 F2, both at Athen. 6.253b-f; trans. as Austin 35) Had only the first lines of this ritual song survived, the modern reader would notice the assimilaüon of the adventus of a mortal king with that of a divinity, the etymo- logical association of his name with that of Demeter, the parentage of mighty gods, and the external features of a divine ruler (joy, beauty, majesty). Very often scholars reach their conclusions about aspects of ancient mentality on the basis of a fragment; and very often - unavoidably - they conceive only a fragment of reality.
    [Show full text]
  • Torresson Umn 0130E 21011.Pdf
    The Curious Case of Erysichthon A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Elizabeth Torresson IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Advisor: Nita Krevans December 2019 © Elizabeth Torresson 2019 Acknowledgments First, I would like to thank the department for their support and especially the members of my committee: Nita Krevans, Susanna Ferlito, Jackie Murray, Christopher Nappa, and Melissa Harl Sellew. The seeds of this dissertation were planted in my senior year of college when Jackie Murray spread to me with her contagious enthusiasm a love of Hellenistic poetry. Without her genuine concern for my success and her guidance in those early years, I would not be where I am today. I also owe a shout-out to my undergraduate professors, especially Robin Mitchell-Boyask and Daniel Tompkins, who inspired my love of Classics. At the University of Minnesota, Nita Krevans took me under her wing and offered both emotional and intellectual support at various stages along the way. Her initial suggestions, patience, and encouragement allowed this dissertation to take the turn that it did. I am also very grateful to Christopher Nappa and Melissa Harl Sellew for their unflagging encouragement and kindness over the years. It was in Melissa’s seminar that an initial piece of this dissertation was begun. My heartfelt thanks also to Susanna Ferlito, who graciously stepped in at the last minute and offered valuable feedback, and to Susan Noakes, for offering independent studies so that I could develop my interest in Italian language and literature.
    [Show full text]
  • A DEDICATION to APHRODITE EPEKOOS for DEMETRIUS I SOTER and HIS FAMILY Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 131 (2000) 106–110
    OLIVER D. HOOVER A DEDICATION TO APHRODITE EPEKOOS FOR DEMETRIUS I SOTER AND HIS FAMILY aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 131 (2000) 106–110 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 106 A DEDICATION TO APHRODITE EPEKOOS FOR DEMETRIUS I SOTER AND HIS FAMILY1 This inscribed marble plaque is said to have been brought to France from Syria at the beginning of the 20th century. In the early 1990s the French collection to which it belonged was sold and the piece came to the United States where it currently remains as part of a private collection. The stone measures 25.5 cm wide, 24.7 cm high and 2.6 cm thick. There is a trace of a raised molding 0.7cm wide on the upper left corner of the stone. The lower left and upper right corners are broken and missing. The stone ap- pears to be a cut piece of a marble stele reused for this inscription. The script is appropriate to the second century BC (although the form of the letter II appears more frequently in the third century) and the letters range in height from 20 to 10 mm. A space of 15-17 mm separates each line. ÑUp¢r ba!il°v! Dhmhtr¤ou ka‹ ba!il¤!!h! Laod¤kh! ka‹ t«n t°knvn 4 ÉAfrod¤t˙ §phkÒƒ tÚn bvmÚn ÉApollofãnh! ÉApollofãnou ı flereÊ!. For the well-being of King Demetrius and Queen Laodice and their children, Apollo- phanes the son of Apollophanes, the priest [dedicated] the altar to Aphrodite Epekoos. 2: The letter alpha of Laod¤kh! is incomplete.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pharmacy of Euripides: Asclepius and the Theater of Dionysus
    Robin Mitchell-Boyask - April 6th, 1996 The Pharmacy of Euripides: Asclepius and the Theater of Dionysus If this road, before it opens into the grove of the Muses, leads us over by the temple of Asclepius, so is this for acquaintances of Aristotle only further proof that we are moving in the right footsteps. -- Jacob Bernays[1] Jacob Bernays, the first great proponent of the medical interpretation of Aristotelian catharsis (and the uncle of Sigmund Freud's wife), was closer to a truth about tragedy than he realized, because the Muses indeed are quite close to the temple of Asclepius. For if Aristotle ever did visit the Theater of Dionysus in Athens to witness dramatic performances, an activity he subordinated to reading, a few steps, even a brief glance over his shoulder, would have taken him into the Athenian City Asklepieion. In the following investigate the interplay the imagery of disease in drama with the development of the cult of the healing hero/god Asclepius in fifth-century Athens. Asclepius, a son of Apollo, invented the art of healing, and became so good at it that he attempted to resurrect mortals, for Zeus destroyed him. But the Greeks couldn't make up their mind about him, so in cultic practice he was a god. Recognizing in this study the link between medicine and poetry that the Athenians drew, we shall see the placement of the god of physical healing near the Theater turns it into a locus of therapy for the polis. Indeed, I shall further suggest in turn that it was the earlier associations among poetry, healing and immortality that might have led to the installation of Asclepius' shrine above the theater.
    [Show full text]
  • New and Old Panathenaic Victor Lists
    NEW AND OLD PANATHENAIC VICTOR LISTS (PLATES71-76) I. THE NEW PANATHENAIC VICTOR LISTS FINDSPOT, DESCRIPTION, AND TEXT The present inscription (pp. 188-189) listing athletic victors in the Panathenaia first came to my attention a number of years ago by word of mouth.1 I do not have accurate information about its initial discovery. The stone was initially under the jurisdiction of Dr. George Dontas, who helped me gain accessto it and determinethat no one was working on it. My own interest in the inscriptionin the first place stemmedfrom the hand. With the assistance of the Greek authorities, especially the two (former) directorsof the Akropolis, G. Dontas and E. Touloupa, whose generous cooperationI gratefully acknowledge,I have been granted permission to publish this important inscription.2In October of 1989 I was able to study the text in situ and also to make a squeeze and photographs.3 I In a joint article it is particularly important to indicate who did what. In this case Stephen Tracy has primary responsibilityfor section I, Christian Habicht for section II, and both authors for IV; section III is subdividedinto parts A, B, and C: Tracy is the primary author of A and B and Habicht of C. Nevertheless, this article is the product of close collaboration.Although initially we worked independently,each of us has read and commentedon the other's work. The final draft representsa version agreed upon by both authors. Photographs:Pls. 71-75, SVT; P1. 76, Tameion ArcheologikonPoron. All dates are B.C., unless otherwise stated. Works frequently cited are abbreviatedas follows: Agora XV = B.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Coin Reference Guide
    Ancient Coin Reference Guide Part One Compiled by Ron Rutkowsky When I first began collecting ancient coins I started to put together a guide which would help me to identify them and to learn more about their history. Over the years this has developed into several notebooks filled with what I felt would be useful information. My plan now is to make all this information available to other collectors of ancient coinage. I cannot claim any credit for this information; it has all come from many sources including the internet. Throughout this reference I use the old era terms of BC (Before Christ) and AD (Anno Domni, year of our Lord) rather than the more politically correct BCE (Before the Christian era) and CE (Christian era). Rome With most collections, there must be a starting point. Mine was with Roman coinage. The history of Rome is a subject that we all learned about in school. From Julius Caesar, Marc Anthony, to Constantine the Great and the fall of the empire in the late 5th century AD. Rome first came into being around the year 753 BC, when it was ruled under noble families that descended from the Etruscans. During those early days, it was ruled by kings. Later the Republic ruled by a Senate headed by a Consul whose term of office was one year replaced the kingdom. The Senate lasted until Julius Caesar took over as a dictator in 47 BC and was murdered on March 15, 44 BC. I will skip over the years until 27 BC when Octavian (Augustus) ended the Republic and the Roman Empire was formed making him the first emperor.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Zeus Meilichios in Argos the Olympian Gods Famously Have
    The role of Zeus Meilichios in Argos The Olympian gods famously have nothing to do with the dead.1 ‘Farewell,’ says Artemis to the dying Hippolytos, ‘it is not lawful for me to look upon the dead or defile my sight with the last breath of the dying’.2 They are, after all, defined by their immortality, and death is antithetical to their very being.3 Thanatos is ‘hateful to men and loathsome to the gods’, and Hades himself is not exactly the most sociable of gods – and, notoriously, does not receive cult.4 In fact, the god of the dead never leaves his realm, and does not operate in the world of the living. And yet, as always, when we look more closely at the situation on the ground, things are not so straightforward. In this paper, I would like to consider a case in which a god appears to be picking up a particular association with the dead, and to look at how this interaction affects the iconography of his cult statue. What I am interested in is how the presence of a localised hero- or chthonic cult can affect the way that a god’s cult, and cult statue, are depicted and understood. The cult statue in question, in this case, is that of Zeus Meilichios at Argos. The epithet ‘Meilichios’ means ‘mild’, ‘kindly’, ‘open to propitiation’.5 The name is placatory, and, as Walter Burkert suggests, ‘epitomises the appeasing effect of offerings to the dead’.6 Like many such epithets, it has an ominous ring, implying a need to be particularly nice to a god who is potentially the opposite of kindly; and, indeed, this is a form of Zeus connected to the underworld.
    [Show full text]
  • Manipulating Late Hellenistic Coinage: Some Overstrikes and Countermarks on Bronze Coins of Pergamum Jérémie Chameroy
    Manipulating Late Hellenistic Coinage: Some Overstrikes and Countermarks on Bronze Coins of Pergamum Jérémie Chameroy To cite this version: Jérémie Chameroy. Manipulating Late Hellenistic Coinage: Some Overstrikes and Countermarks on Bronze Coins of Pergamum. Chiron, Walter de Gruyter, 2016, pp.85-118. hal-02451369 HAL Id: hal-02451369 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02451369 Submitted on 23 Jan 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. CHIRON MITTEILUNGEN DER KOMMISSION FÜR ALTE GESCHICHTE UND EPIGRAPHIK DES DEUTSCHEN ARCHÄOLOGISCHEN INSTITUTS Sonderdruck aus Band 46 · 2016 DE GRUYTER INHALT DES 46. BANDES (2016) Thomas Blank, Treffpunkt, Schnittpunkt, Wendepunkt. Zur politischen und mu- sischen Symbolik des Areals der augusteischen Meta Sudans Jérémie Chameroy, Manipulating Late Hellenistic Coinage: Some Overstrikes and Countermarks on Bronze Coins of Pergamum Borja Díaz Ariño – Elena Cimarosti, Las tábulas de hospitalidad y patronato Charles Doyen, Ex schedis Fourmonti. Le décret agoranomique athénien (CIG I 123 = IG II–III2 1013) Eric Driscoll, Stasis and Reconciliation: Politics and Law in Fourth-Century Greece Werner Eck,Zur tribunicia potestas von Kaiser Decius und seinen Söhnen Pierre Fröhlich, Magistratures éponymes et système collégial dans les cités grecques aux époques classique et hellénistique Wolfgang Günther – Sebastian Prignitz, Ein neuer Jahresbericht über Baumaßnahmen am Tempel des Apollon von Didyma Rudolf Haensch – Achim Lichtenberger – Rubina Raja, Christen, Juden und Soldaten im Gerasa des 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections
    Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections Ptolemy II Philadelphus and the Dionysiac Model of Political Authority 1 Michael Goyette e Graduate Center of the City University of New York A roughout the Ptolemaic era, the Greek rulers of Egypt had to tackle complex issues pertaining to the nature of their dominion over peoples who were in many ways culturally, socially, and politically distinct. is paper examines how, despite these differences, Ptolemy II Philadelphus found a way to connect with both the Greek and Egyptian segments of his population by identifying himself with the god Dionysus. Although a Greek deity, Dionysus possessed specific associations that would have resonated with elements of Egyptian religion and culture. ese connotations would have promoted the perception of Philadelphus as a legitimate and benevolent ruler capable of transcend - ing cultural boundaries. e grand procession in the Ptolemaia festival has been characterized by Dorothy J. ompson as a form of propa - ganda for the ruling family. Similarly, the various forms of evidence presented in this paper suggest that Dionysus would have been a conven - ient political vehicle in this syncretic environment. Such an approach on the part of Philadelphus was highly innovative and effective, and influenced the political identity assumed by later Ptolemaic rulers. hen Ptolemy II Philadelphus became sole ruler of spective on Philadelphus’ administration, revealing that his asso - Ptolemaic Egypt in 283 bce , he inherited an expan - ciations with Dionysus served as an integral part of his political Wsive kingdom of great social, ethnic, and religious program. It will be demonstrated that this program reflected an diversity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Annex to the Stoa of Zeus in the Athenian Agora
    THE ANNEX TO THE STOA OF ZEUS IN THE ATHENIAN AGORA (PLATES 55-58) N discussionsof the Stoa of Zeus Eleutheriossince its discoverythirty-five years ago little attention has been paid to the two-roomed Annex that was erected behind the main building in the early Roman period. Serious problems still exist with regard both to the plan of this Annex and its function. In the following pages an attempt is made to define these problems and to suggest solutions; the evidence now available does not permit definitive answers.1 The Stoa of Zeus, dating probably from the Peace of Nikias (421-415 B.C.), iS one of the few buildings that may claim kinship with the Propylaia and hence with one of our honorand's favorite architects. It is hoped that even this late chapter in the history of the Stoa may prove of some interest to Professor Dinsmoor. PLAN OF THE ANNEX The Annex was set down in a deep pit hewn out of the living rock behind the Stoa (Figs. 1, 2; Pis. 55, 56, 58). Along the west side this meant the removal of about five meters of rock. The construction also involved the demolition of a small earlier structure that had stood behind the Stoa in its northern part (see below, p. 179). The architect evidently aimed to center his building on the axis of the Stoa. In fact, however, the axis of the new building falls 0.94 m. north of the axis of the old. The discrepancy was probably due to the need of avoiding the northeast corner of the large building of the Hellenistic period that rose between the Stoa and the Temple of Hephaistos.2 The east front of the Annex appears to have fallen in the line of the retaining wall that protected the back of the Stoa; the upper part of the retaining wall was presumably demolishedto admit the new construction.
    [Show full text]
  • Mystery Cults and Soteria
    ‘Salvation’ (Soteria) and Ancient Mystery Cults In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries it was sometimes said that ancient mystery cults were ‘religions of salvation’ (Erlösungsreligionen). According to these scholars, the gods of mysteries were often called Soter and the main purpose of initiation was to attain soteria in a spiritual and eschatological sense. Such ideas were adopted in, among others, Richard Reitzenstein’s Die hellenistiscen Mysterien- religionen (1910) and Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft: ‘Soter is perceived as the bringer of soteria, and soteria, salus, varies between the preservation of earthly life and the “granting of a new, higher, (life)” that is closer to god, more moral and superior to death, into which one is “reborn” through a mysterion. Soter as saving (σώζων) in an entirely concrete sense becomes a helper in attaining soteria, a “salvation” in a religiously more abstract, unearthly and more spiritual sense’.1 Underlying these views is the tendency, common in early scholarship, to identify antiquity’s influence on early Christianity.2 Ancient mystery cults, it is said, were very much concerned with the destiny of the soul and the afterlife, and therefore already expressed the very same spiritual concern for individual salvation that was later expressed in Christianity. This salvation concerned not only this life but also life after death, and could be attained by sharing the experience of the ‘saviour god’, especially Dionysus, Attis and Osiris, who had himself died but risen again. These ideas have widely influenced early interpretations of ancient mysteries.3 Thus Percy Gardner, Professor of Archaeology at Cambridge and Oxford, who was interested in Biblical studies, wrote: ‘The deity of the [Hellenistic] society was a θεὸς σωτήρ; and the society sought through fellowship with him to reach a state of σωτηρία, safety or salvation, a salvation belonging alike to the present life and that beyond the grave..
    [Show full text]
  • The Triad of Zeds Soter, Artemis Soteira and Megalopolis at Megalopolis
    The Triad of ZeDs Soter, Artemis Soteira and Megalopolis at Megalopolis Antonio Corso The sanctuary of Zeus the Saviour at Megalopolis was probably established in 371 B.C. The three cult statues, depicting Zeus Soter, Artemis Soteira and Megalopolis, are described by Pausanias, who attributes them to the sculptors Kephisodotos and Xenophon. This Kephisodotos must have been the elder one. The configurations of these three statues seem to be represented on Megalopolitan coinage. Zeus was seated frontally on a throne, holding a sceptre in his raised right hand with a himation over his left shoulder. Artemis was standing to the left, dressed in a short chiton, with a spear in her raised right hand and the hem of her mantle in her left. The head of Artemis at Pavia may derive from this Artemis. The figure of Megalopolis was draped, her right arm brought down and her forearm brought forward, in order to extend an attribute, perhaps a phiale. She wore a mural crown. The sanctuary of Zeus the Saviour at Megalopolis was probably established in 371 B.c., I the probable date for the foundation of the Great City itself. As one of the city's key sanctuaries, the establishment of cult and altar must have played an important role in the city's foundation, even if the final monumentalization of the shrine took place in the 340s B.c.2 The three cult statues, depicting Zeus Soter, Artemis Soteira and Megalo­ polis, must have been commissioned very soon after the foundation of the city. Pausanias gives a clear description of the images: Zeus was seated on a throne with Megalopolis on his right hand and Artemis on his left.
    [Show full text]