Symbols of the French Revolution
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Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas. -
The Political Story, 1814-1900
The Political Story: 1815-1900. From Monarchy to Republic, the struggle for stability and compromise • Republicanism a minority allegiance up to 1880 • Critics associate it with Jacobinism, violent democracy, “Bolshevism” in its day. • By 1880, a permanent majority of the French converted to the republican ideal (Wright, 205) • Transition was exceptional, not normal, it its day A series of experiments in search of stability and compromise (Wright) • The Bourbon Experiment (1814-1830) • The Orléanist Experiment (1830-1848) • The Republican Experiment (1848-1852) • The Imperial Experiment (1852-1870) • The Rooting of the Republican System (1870-1919) Louis XVIII, King of France (1814-1824) Louis-Philippe, King of the French, 1830-1848 Official portrait of Louis XVIII by Jean-Baptiste-Louis Gros Official portrait by Franz Xavier Winterhalter, 1839 Louis XVIII and the Royal Family Charles X, King of France 1824-1830 Official portrait François GERARD, 1825 1814-1848 Struggles for Compromise that Failed How to blend the Revolution and the Old Regime? How to bridge deep divisions created by the Revolution? • Louis XVIII (1814-1824) & the Charter—divine right and a nobility with a legislature • 1817—90,000 men of the wealthy elite had the right to vote • The Chamber: ultras, moderates, liberals (constitutional monarchists, a few republicans) • Charles X (1824-1830) “Stubbornly Unwise” • Coronation at Reims (symbol of the Old Regime) • Compensation of noble émigrés • Partial restoration of the Church—seminaries and missions • Trio of unpopular -
I Was Not Dull
What, Me Dull? Listen, one of the reasons those crazy French overthrew me, supposedly, was because I was dull and boring. I want you to know the truth. Just listen to a bit of my life and let me know if you think it was dull. I was born in Paris (never a boring city) on October 6, 1773. My father was Louis Philippe Joseph. He was a member of the younger branch of the royal family known as the Orleans branch. He was probably the richest man in France. Did you ever hear of him? Probably not, because he is better known as Philippe Egalite, which means Philip Equality. You see, he supported the French Revolution to such a great extent that he was elected to the most revolutionary body of that period, the Convention. In fact, he also voted for the execution of King Louis XVI. My father’s vote was crucial because the vote to have King Louis executed was close and passed by only one vote. So you see, he was a loyal son of the French Revolution even to the point that my father was guillotined (the revolution had a reputation of devouring its own children). Anyway, I also supported the French Revolution and fought in important battles. I liked our general, Dumouriez, so much that I followed him right down to the time he went over to the Austrians—the Revolution. I spent a lot of time in exile during the First French Republic and later while Napoleon reigned. Since you are Americans, it might interest you to know that among the places I lived was Philadelphia, where I stayed for four years. -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier. -
Peasantry and the French Revolution
“1st. What is the third estate? Everything. 2nd. What has it been heretofore in the political order? Nothing. 3rd. What does it demand? To become something therein.” -Abbe Sieyes 1789 Pre-Revolution • Louis XVI came to the throne in the midst of a serious financial crisis • France was nearing bankruptcy due to the outlays that were outpacing income • A new tax code was implemented under the direction of Charles Alexandre de Calonne • This proposal included a land tax • Issues with the Three Estates and inequality within it Peasant Life pre-Revolution • French peasants lived better than most of their class, but were still extremely poor • 40% worked land, but it was subdivided into several small plots which were shared and owned by someone else • Unemployment was high due to the waning textile industry • Rent and food prices continued to rise • Worst harvest in 40 years took place during the winter of 1788-89 Peasant Life pre-Revolution • The Third Estate, which was the lower classes in France, were forced by the nobility and the Church to pay large amounts in taxes and tithes • Peasants had experienced a lot of unemployment during the 1780s because of the decline in the nation’s textile industry • There was a population explosion of about 25-30% in roughly 90 years that did not coincide with a rise in food production Direct Causes of the Revolution • Famine and malnutrition were becoming more common as a result of shortened food supply • Rising bread prices contributes to famine • France’s near bankruptcy due to their involvement in various -
Fair Shares for All
FAIR SHARES FOR ALL JACOBIN EGALITARIANISM IN PRACT ICE JEAN-PIERRE GROSS This study explores the egalitarian policies pursued in the provinces during the radical phase of the French Revolution, but moves away from the habit of looking at such issues in terms of the Terror alone. It challenges revisionist readings of Jacobinism that dwell on its totalitarian potential or portray it as dangerously Utopian. The mainstream Jacobin agenda held out the promise of 'fair shares' and equal opportunities for all in a private-ownership market economy. It sought to achieve social justice without jeopardising human rights and tended thus to complement, rather than undermine, the liberal, individualist programme of the Revolution. The book stresses the relevance of the 'Enlightenment legacy', the close affinities between Girondins and Montagnards, the key role played by many lesser-known figures and the moral ascendancy of Robespierre. It reassesses the basic social and economic issues at stake in the Revolution, which cannot be adequately understood solely in terms of political discourse. Past and Present Publications Fair shares for all Past and Present Publications General Editor: JOANNA INNES, Somerville College, Oxford Past and Present Publications comprise books similar in character to the articles in the journal Past and Present. Whether the volumes in the series are collections of essays - some previously published, others new studies - or mono- graphs, they encompass a wide variety of scholarly and original works primarily concerned with social, economic and cultural changes, and their causes and consequences. They will appeal to both specialists and non-specialists and will endeavour to communicate the results of historical and allied research in readable and lively form. -
And Voltaire's
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF POPE’S “ESSAY ON MAN” AND VOLTAIRE’S “DISCOURS EN VERS SUR L’HONME” A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS BY ANNIE BERNICE WIMBUSH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES ATLANTA, GEORGIA NAY 1966 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE . a a . • • • . iii. Chapter I. THENENANDTHEIRWORKS. a• • • • • . a aa 1 The Life of Alexander Pope The Life of Voltaire II. ABRIEFRESUNEOFTHETWOPOENS . aa • . • •. a a 20 Pope’s “Essay on Man” Voltaire’s “Discours En Vers Sur L’Hoimne” III. A COMPARISON OF THE TWO POEMS . a • • 30 B IBLIOGRAPHY a a a a a a a a a a a • a a a • a a a a a a a 45 ii PREFACE In the annals of posterity few men of letters are lauded with the universal renown and fame as are the two literary giants, Voltaire and Pope. Such creative impetus and “esprit” that was uniquely theirs in sures their place among the truly great. The histories and literatures of France and England show these twQ men as strongly influential on philosophical thinking. Their very characters and temperaments even helped to shape and transform man’s outlook on life in the eighteenth century and onward.. On the one hand, there is Voltaire, the French poet, philosopher, historian and publicist whose ideas became the ideas of hundreds of others and whose art remains with us today as monuments of a great mind. On the other there is Pope, the English satirical poet and philosopher, endowed with a hypersensitive soul, who concerned himself with the ordinary aspects of literary and social life, and these aspects he portrayed in his unique and excellent verse, Both men were deeply involved in the controversial issues of the time. -
Classical Images As Allegory During the French Revolution
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2007 Visioning The Nation: Classical Images As Allegory During The French Revolution Kristopher Guy Reed University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Reed, Kristopher Guy, "Visioning The Nation: Classical Images As Allegory During The French Revolution" (2007). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 3312. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/3312 VISIONING THE NATION: CLASSICAL IMAGES AS ALLEGORY DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION by KRISTOPHER G. REED BA Stetson University, 1998 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2007 Major Professor: Amelia Lyons ABSTRACT In the latter half of the Eighteenth Century, France experienced a seismic shift in the nature of political culture. The king gave way to the nation at the center of political life as the location of sovereignty transferred to the people. While the French Revolution changed the structure of France’s government, it also changed the allegorical representations of the nation. At the Revolution’s onset, the monarchy embodied both the state and nation as equated ideas. -
The Subversive Court of Louise Bénédicte De Bourbon, Daughter-In-Law of the Sun King (1700–1718)”
Phi Alpha Theta Pacific Northwest Conference, 8–10 April 2021 Jordan D. Hallmark, Portland State University, graduate student, “Parody, Performance, and Conspiracy in Early Eighteenth-Century France: The Subversive Court of Louise Bénédicte de Bourbon, Daughter-in-Law of the Sun King (1700–1718)” Abstract: This paper examines how the French princess Louise Bénédicte de Bourbon, duchesse du Maine (1676–1753), the wife of Louis XIV’s illegitimate son, the duc du Maine, established an exclusive court at her château de Sceaux beginning in the year 1700 that challenged the centralized cultural system of the French monarchical state. Located twenty kilometers away from the rigid and controlling political center of Versailles, the court of the duchesse du Maine subverted social norms by inventing and performing parodies of court protocols, chivalric orders, emblems, and other forms of monarchical imagery. In a time and place where women were both legally and socially barred from holding positions of authority, the duchesse du Maine created a parallel world in which she was the sovereign, presiding over a court of important political, cultural, and intellectual figures, including the philosopher Voltaire. By considering the significance of this subversive court culture in the context of the factional divisions and dynastic crises emerging in the last years of Louis XIV’s reign, this paper will show how the seemingly frivolous aristocratic divertissements of the duchesse du Maine and her circle were informed by political, social, and dynastic ambitions that would culminate in a conspiracy to overthrow the French regent, Philippe d’Orléans, in 1718. “Parody, Performance, and Conspiracy in Early Eighteenth-Century France: The Subversive Court of Louise-Bénédicte de Bourbon, Daughter-In-Law of the Sun King (1700–1718)” by Jordan D. -
Commerce, Glory, and Empire Montesquieu’S Legacy Céline Spector1
1 Commerce, Glory, and Empire Montesquieu’s Legacy Céline Spector1 “This book is not precisely in anyone’s camp.”1 Should we take at face value this statement at the end of the introduction to volume one of Democracy in America? Or should we see it, more subtly, as an echo of the quotation from Ovid with which Montesquieu prefaced The Spirit of Laws: prolem sine matre creatum, a work created without a mother? For Tocqueville, as for Montesquieu, the point is by no means to forgo the inspiration of past sources, but rather to announce a new method – the “new political science for a world altogether new,” which he evokes in keeping with the science of society for which The Spirit of Laws laid the groundwork.2 From the first volume of Democracy in America – weaving together geographical causes, laws, and customs – to The Ancien Regime and the Revolution, which redeploys the method of Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and Their Decline, Tocqueville pursues Montesquieu’s project: to determine the causes of institutions (laws, customs) and assess their effects in a comparative light, to theorize the adaptation of legislation to the “genius” of the people it is meant to govern, and to explain the deep causes of radical historical breaks, without denying any leeway to the human will.3 Nevertheless, it is not sufficient to quote Tocqueville’s famous phrase about his three “fetish authors”: Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Pascal.4 Beyond the parallels, we need to revisit an affinity that his contemporaries recognized but that has since been lost from view.5 Like the American Framers such as Madison and Hamilton, Tocqueville knew his debt to the “rarest political writer” of all time. -
FRENCH REVOLUTION PART 3 from the Directory 1794-1799 To
FRENCH REVOLUTION PART 3 From the Directory 1794-1799 to Napoleon Bonaparte The Terror July 1793-July 1794 Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety Inscription on Engraving from 1795, after pyramid: Thermidor “Here lies all Robespierre guillotines the France.” executioner, after all France has been guillotined Constitutions of 1791 and 1793 are beneath his feet COUP D’ĖTAT OF THERMIDOR JULY Execution of Robespierre, 1794 Saint Just, Couthon July 1794 End of the Jacobin Terror, start of White Terror" -- execution of 72 leading Jacobins in one day The Directory takes power 1794- 1799 The Directory: July 1794-1799 Paul Barras one of the five Directors making up the executive council Legislature under Directory is Drawing of bicameral: member of Council of Council of Elders = upper house Elders -- pseudo-Roman Council of 500 = lower house robes Constitution of the Year V 1795 Third constitution – one every two years 1791, 1793 Ends universal male suffrage Indirect elections (electoral college like USA) Bicameral legislature upper house as more elite restraint on lower house LOUIS XVII -- never reigned son & heir of Louis XVI & Marie Antoinette b. 1785 d. 1795 June in prison of illness at age 10 (age 8 at time of Marie Antoinette’s trial) Set back for royalist hopes for restoration of monarchy – but the eventual Louis XVIII restored in 1814 was the brother (in exile since 1792) of King Louis XVI executed in Jan 1793. REVOLT OF GERMINAL (Spring 1795): Parisian sans culottes riot, call for "bread & Constitution of 1793," but no more political -
Consular Services to Citizens Abroad: Insights from an International Comparative Study
SUMMARY AND INSIGHTS “Die Nederlanders kom je ook overal tegen” Consular services to citizens abroad: insights from an international comparative study Stijn Hoorens, Fook Nederveen, Tuure-Eerik Niemi, Victoria Jordan, Kate Cox, Marc Bentinck For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR4288 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK R® is a registered trademark. © 2019; Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal Cover image shared by Elliott Brown via Flickr Creative Commons; no known copyright restrictions. RAND Europe is a not-for-profit research organisation that helps to improve policy and decision making through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the sponsor. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.randeurope.org Table of contents Table of contents ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Preface………. ........................................................................................................................................ 5 Summary ................................................................................................................................................