Colonial Land Policy, Land Speculation, and Settlement in Enniskillen Township, 1830S–1860S

“Oil Mania”: Colonial Land Policy, Land Speculation, and Settlement in Enniskillen Township, 1830s–1860s CHRISTINA BURR* Geography, plus the economic and social conditions of oil resource extraction, shaped settlement and land speculation in Enniskillen Township in southwestern Ontario from the opening of the township to settlement in 1835 through the “oil boom” of the 1860s. Colonial land policies were intended to encourage settlement by loyal, industrious British subjects, but did not prevent land speculation. During the early stages of the development of the oil industry, the activities of land speculators in the township were part and parcel of the normal workings of capitalism. Land speculation involved both settlement and improvement of land holdings. An analysis of settlement and land speculation in Enniskillen Township over this period demon- strates the continued usefulness of micro-studies in unravelling the nuances of colonial land-granting policies in Upper Canada. La géographie et les conditions économiques et sociales de l’extraction des res- sources pétrolières ont guidé la colonisation et la spéculation foncière dans le canton d’Enniskillen, situé dans le Sud-Ouest de l’Ontario, de son ouverture en 1835 jusqu’à la « ruée vers l’or noir » des années 1860. Les politiques coloniales d’aménagement du territoire avaient pour but d’encourager la colonisation des lieux par de loyaux et d’industrieux sujets britanniques, mais elles n’empêchèrent pas la spéculation fon- cière. Aux premières heures du développement de l’industrie pétrolière, les activités des spéculateurs fonciers du canton faisaient partie intégrante des rouages normaux du capitalisme. La spéculation visait tant la colonisation que l’amélioration des biens-fonds. L’analyse de la colonisation et de la spéculation foncière dans le canton d’Enniskillen durant cette période montre que les micro-études sont d’une constante * Christina Burr is associate professor in the Department of History at the University of Windsor. The author thanks Chris Thomas and Geordie Raine for research assistance in the Land Registry Records, and Barbara and Frank Burr for assistance with the research in Enniskillen Township. Douglas McCalla provided a number of useful and insightful comments on an earlier version of the paper, delivered at the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association in Halifax on April 22, 2003. Finally, the author gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 268 Histoire sociale / Social History utilité pour nous aider à comprendre les nuances des politiques coloniales d’attribu- tion des terres dans le Haut-Canada. COLONIAL GOVERNANCE was transformed during the early decades of the nineteenth century in the settler colony of Upper Canada. Colonial officials sought to create a terrain for capital accumulation through disposses- sion of Native peoples, transformation of land tenure towards freehold, and registration of property. Nineteenth-century practices of geographical recon- naissance and land registry made Upper Canada amenable to European settlement and colonial administration. According to the “civilizing” process imagined by colonial administrators, the wilderness frontier would give way to bounded property comprised of a landscape of family farms and compact villages, populated by loyal and industrious British subjects. Land policies in Upper Canada did not affect every township equally, as studies by John Clarke, William Shannon, and Randy Widdis have illustrated, particularly when such factors as physical geography, the timing and extent of European settlement, and absentee ownership are taken into consideration.1 Colonialism was never a uniform or coherent imposition, but rather a pro- foundly mediated set of relationships between local Crown lands agents, settlers, squatters, and speculators. It was at the local level that most settlers had dealings with the regulatory regime of the state. The local Crown lands agent allocated land grants and managed the sale of lots. Crown lands agents had considerable leeway, and imperial regulations were interpreted from colonial vantage points. The free-grant policy was aimed at preventing land speculation in Upper Canada, but, as Gilbert C. Patterson writes, “That bird of evil omen, the land speculator, was not long in appearing on the scene.” Land speculators were marginalized by colonial administrators.2 In Enniskillen Township, oil resource extraction uniquely shaped settlement and land speculation, from the opening of the township to European settlement in 1835 through the “oil boom” of the 1860s, when speculation in oil lands was rampant. Enniskillen Township was a rather unattractive site on the frontier of agricultural settlement. During the early stages of the development of the oil industry, the activities of land speculators in the township were part and parcel of the normal workings of capitalism. A discussion of the particular factors at work in Enni- skillen Township over this period contributes to the literature in social history 1 Randy William Widdis, “Motivation and Scale: A Method of Identifying Land Speculators in Upper Canada”, Canadian Geographer, vol. 23, no. 4 (1979), pp. 338–351; William Shannon, “Brokers, Land Bankers, and ‘Birds of Evil Omen’: The Effect of Land Policies on Settlement in Upper Canada’s Col- lingwood Township, 1834–1860” (MA thesis, University of Ottawa, 1989); John Clarke, Land, Power, and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), pp 304–312. 2 Gilbert C. Patterson, Land Settlement in Upper Canada, 1783–1840 (16th Report of the Department of Archives, Province of Ontario, 1920), p. 32. Land speculation in Enniskillen Township 269 concerned with land transactions during European settlement of colonial Upper Canada. A number of assumptions have been implied in the historical literature about Upper Canada’s land speculators, and some debate has emerged about how to identify speculators. David Gagan, A. G. Brunger, and John Clarke use a “scale of operation” approach.3 These scholars define land speculators as those who acquired large parcels of land, usually 400 or more acres, with- out intending to develop it themselves. Undeveloped land was purchased cheaply with the expectation that it could be resold at a profit. Widdis criti- cizes the “scale of operation” approach and suggests that speculation can be defined only by the “motivations” of the participants. In a similar vein, Shannon argues that the historical use of the term “speculator” in Canadian historiography ignores the elements of risk and quick turnover. Land speculation, moreover, did not always involve large parcels of land, as this study of Enniskillen Township explains.4 In Enniskillen Township speculative activities occurred in a limited geographical area, on small parcels of land where substantial quantities of oil were believed to exist. Clearly, any approach to the historical study of land speculation in Upper Canada must also take into account variations that might be attributed to local geographic, economic, and social conditions. Lambton County forms southern Ontario’s western frontier and the southern border with the United States for a distance of 60 miles or more fronted by the St. Clair River. Geographically, Enniskillen constitutes the central township of Lambton County, bordered on the north by Plympton Township, on the east by Brooke, on the south by Dawn, and on the west by Moore and Sarnia Townships (see Figure 1). In the aftermath of the War of 1812, colonial officials encouraged the immigration of persons of British origin who, in their opinion, were more likely to be loyal subjects than those settlers who had already migrated from the United States. The colonial government sought land for British settlers in the Western District of Upper Canada where any further American incursions were likely to occur. Long before the arrival of Europeans in the area, however, Native peoples had dug below the surface for oil. They believed that petroleum oil was sacred medicine. As Lieutenant-Governor John Graves Simcoe and his wife jour- neyed from Newark (later renamed Niagara-on-the-Lake) to Detroit in Feb- ruary 1795, Simcoe noted in his journal that “the Indians discovered a spring 3 John Clarke, “The Role of Political Position and Family and Economic Linkage in Land Speculation in the Western District of Upper Canada, 1788–1815”, Canadian Geographer, vol. 19, no. 1 (1975), pp. 18–34; A. G. Brunger, “A Spatial Analysis of Individual Settlement in Southern London District, Upper Canada, 1800–1836” (PhD dissertation, University of Western Ontario, 1973); David Gagan, “Property and Interest: Some Preliminary Evidence of Land Speculation by the Family Compact in Upper Canada, 1820–1840”, Ontario History, vol. 70, no. 1 (1978), pp. 63–70. 4 Widdis, “Motivation and Scale”, pp. 338–351; Randy William Widdis, “A Perspective on Land Tenure in Upper Canada: A Study of Elizabethtown Township, 1790–1840” (MA thesis, McMaster University, 1977); Shannon, “Brokers, Land Bankers, and ‘Birds of Evil Omen’ ”. 270 Histoire sociale / Social History Figure 1 Map of the Western Townships of Lambton County. of an oily nature which upon examination proved to be a kind of petroleum”.5 Colonial officials were keenly interested in the economic potential of the region, and subsequently scientists at the Geological Survey of Canada con- ducted geological

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