AN ANALYSIS OF SELECTED EDITORIAL CARTOONS PUBLISHED DURING ZIMBABWE’S 2008 ELECTIONS

Knowledge Mushohwe

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for Degree Magister Technologiae Graphic Design

Faculty of Arts Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

Supervisors: I. Economou Dr. H. Hattingh

November 2011

Declaration

I, Knowledge Mushohwe (Student number: s209080466), hereby declare that the dissertation for MTech, Graphic Design is my own work and that it has not previously been submitted for assessment or completion of any postgraduate qualification to another University or for another qualification.

Knowledge Mushohwe

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Acknowledgments

I thank God for making everything possible. Thank you to Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University for the opportunity to further my studies in a conducive and resourceful learning environment. My supervisors, Inge Economou and Heidi Hattingh, I am grateful for your insights and all the time you sacrificed during the course. Thank you to Anthony Sparg, the language editor. I thank the Faculty of Arts, and my gratitude extends to members of the postgraduate forum, whose input shaped several sections of this study.

I am grateful to my family for their support and understanding. Thank you, too, to my former editors – Francis Mdlongwa of the Financial Gazette, and Pikirayi Deketeke of the Herald – for shaping both my career as a cartoonist and my study on Zimbabwean subjects. I wish also to extend my gratitude to my research assistant, Justin Mutenda, for his efforts.

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Dedication

The study is dedicated to the memory of my father, Nevson Torai Mushohwe, and my late sister, Sally.

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Abstract During Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections the country’s media laws had a direct impact on the way editorial cartoonists expressed themselves. Although the online newspapers were unregulated and the print media published under Zimbabwe’s media laws, Public Order and Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy act - the editorial cartoons from both sources show deliberate bias towards one candidate and contempt towards the main rival. The study contextualises the understanding of the editorial cartoon, as practised in an environment of freedom of speech and defined by the four categories identified by Press (1981) and Manning and Phiddian (2004), and delineates the effect of media laws on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe. The four categories of editorial cartoons identified are descriptive editorial cartoons, laughing satirical editorial cartoons, destructive satirical editorial cartoons, and savage indignation editorial cartoons. The study reviews eight editorial cartoons, read using a semiotic framework investigating non-verbal communication, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and a text and language grid, as suggested by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). A comparative analysis of the cartoons reveals that objectives and functions of the unregulated zimonline.co.za and the regulated the Herald newspapers are the same. They constitute propagandistic representations of Zimbabwean politics that are more an extension of political ideology than they are a reflection of the country’s sociopolitical landscape.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Aims and objectives of the study 3 1.3 Significance of the study 4 1.4 Delimitation 5 1.5 Chapter division 6 Endnotes 8

CHAPTER 2: CONTEXT AND BACKGROUND 2.1 Introduction 9 2.2 The post-independence media in Zimbabwe 9 2.3 Independent newspapers in Zimbabwe 10 2.4 Zimbabwean online newspapers 18 2.5 Chapter synthesis 20 Endnotes 21

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 3.1 Introduction 22 3.2 What is an editorial cartoon? 23 3.3 Categorisation of the editorial cartoon 24 3.4 The state of world press freedom 28 3.5 Editorial cartoons and censorship 31 3.6 The general role of editorial cartoons 39 3.7 Chapter synthesis 42 Endnotes 43

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY 4.1 Introduction 44 4.2 Research design 45 4.3 Data collection 45 3.4 Data analysis: Introduction to semiotics 48 4.5 Key concepts and terminology used in semiotic image analysis 51 4.6 Editorial cartoons and signs 56 4.7 Semiotic models for visual analysis 58 4.7.1 Signs 59 4.7.2 Interpersonal communication 59 4.7.3 Codes of content 60 4.7.4 Codes of form 61 4.7.5 Field forces 62 4.8 Language and meaning 66 4.9 Analysis criteria 66 4.10 Chapter synthesis 69 Endnotes 70

CHAPTER 5: ANALYSIS 5.1 Introduction 71

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5.2 The analysis of editorial cartoons depicting Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai during the 2008 election period in Zimbabwe 72 5.2.1 The editorial cartoon coded A1i 72 5.2.2 The editorial cartoon coded A1ii 74 5.2.3 The editorial cartoon coded A2i 77 5.2.4 The editorial cartoon coded A2ii 81 5.2.5 The editorial cartoon coded B1i 85 5.2.6 The editorial cartoon coded B1ii 88 5.2.7 The editorial cartoon coded B2i 92 5.2.8 The editorial cartoon coded B2ii 96 5.3 Findings 99 5.3.1 The function of editorial cartoons in the Zimbabwean context 100 5.3.2 The effect of media regulations on depictions of President Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai in editorial cartoons during Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised general elections 102 5.4 Conclusion 105 Endnotes 108

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION 6.1 Summary of the preceding chapters 109 6.2 Recent developments in Zimbabwe 113 6.3 Implications of the GNU on the print media in Zimbabwe 114 6.4 Further recommendations 115 6.5 Further research 116 Reference list 117

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1: MDC cartoon advert in the Daily News (Daily News, 2003) 17 Figure 4.1: Peirce’s elements of meaning 50 Figure 4.2: Saussure’s elements of meaning 51 Figure 4.3: Barthes’ two orders of signification 53 Figure 5.1: An online editorial cartoon 72 Figure 5.2: An online editorial cartoon 74 Figure 5.3: An editorial cartoon from a conventional newspaper 77 Figure 5.4: An editorial cartoon from a conventional newspaper 81 Figure 5.5: An online editorial cartoon 85 Figure 5.6: An online editorial cartoon 88 Figure 5.7: An editorial cartoon from a conventional newspaper 92 Figure 5.8: An editorial cartoon from a conventional newspaper 96

LIST OF TABLES Table 4.4: The modified semiotic grid for editorial cartoon analysis 64 Table 4.5: The semiotic grid for text and language analysis 66

ABBREVIATIONS (PF) ZAPU (Patriotic Front) Zimbabwe African People’s Party AIDS Acute Immune Deficiency Syndrome AIPPA Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act

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AMH Alpha Media Holdings AMI Africa Media Investments BBC British Broadcasting Cooperation CNG Community Newspapers Group CNN Cable News Network DRC Democratic Republic of Congo ESAP Economic Structural Adjustment Programme G8 Group of Eight (Most industrilised countries) GNU Government of National Unity GPA Global Political Agreement MDC Movement for Democratic Change MDC-T Movement for Democratic Change - Tsvangirai MIC Media and Information Commission NGO Non-Governmental Organisation POSA Public Order and Security Act SADC Southern African Development Community UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees ZAMPS Zimbabwe Advertising and Marketing Products Survey ZANU (PF) Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) ZEC Zimbabwe Electoral Commission ZMC Zimbabwe Media Commission ZRP Zimbabwe Republic Police

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

On 29 March 2008, Zimbabweans went to the polls in what was termed “harmonised general elections”1 to elect, among others, the country’s President. Not only was the election the biggest in the country’s history, it was also the first poll in the country to be held under strict guidelines ratified by the Southern African regional body, the Southern

African Development Community (SADC). The implementation of the guidelines resulted in opposition political parties gaining as much access to the electorate and the media as the ruling party for the first time since independence. As a result, Zimbabwean opposition parties were able to run their advertisements in all of the state media and were also allowed media airtime on radio and television to explain their vision for the nation.

These events made for a closely contested poll.

The strength of Morgan Tsvangirai’s opposition party, the Movement for Democratic

Change (MDC), and the deteriorating standard of living in Zimbabwe, blamed by some on government policies and corruption, and by others on economic sabotage, created two distinct camps. The presence of two arguably evenly matched political parties inevitably and understandably polarised the country into two camps – one camp supporting the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), or ZANU (PF), led by incumbent President Robert Mugabe, and the other camp sympathetic to the MDC.

This polarisation that affected the socio-economic sphere of the country did not spare the country’s print media. The Zimbabwean newspaper landscape was in a peculiar state in

1 2008. Six years earlier, the country’s authorities had introduced two media laws that had

far-reaching effects on the country’s independent media. The laws, the Public Order and

Security Act 2002 [Chapter 11:17] (POSA), and the Access to Information and Protection

of Privacy Act 2002 [Chapter 10:27] (AIPPA) were in 2003 and 2004 directly and

indirectly involved in the closure of the main independent newspaper at the time, The

Daily News, and a few others. The vacuum left by the small but vibrant daily independent

newspapers was gradually filled by a strong online presence of Zimbabwean independent

newspapers based outside the country. Zimbabwean media laws applied only to

publications within the country; the online newspapers were therefore free from

legislation. The Zimbabwean daily media in 2008 were composed only of a dominant,

regulated state-owned print media, on one side, and a cluster of unregulated independent

online newspapers, on the other side. Both of these media paradigms published editorial

cartoons.

Regulation of the press is widespread the world over, and the degree of freedom varies

from country to country, and direct, sharp content published by newspapers, such as

editorial cartoons, is especially susceptible to censure.

Editorial cartoons distinguish themselves from the rest of print media products in that they allow the cartoonist to express views that would be too “extreme”, “mean-spirited”, or “politically incorrect” to express in a news article (Mazid, 2008:437). They are the most extreme form of expression found in newspapers, as they are not bound by the norms of journalistic objectivity (Koetzle & Brunell, 1992; Lamb, 2004). Data from

2 developed nations show that in a Western democracy during peacetime, cartoonists are

“watchdogs”, keeping power-holders “honest” and “accountable” (Press, 1981:56-57).

According to Manning and Phiddian (2004a) and Press (1981), although categories of editorial cartoons exist, the general function of such cartoons is to reflect on the socio- political dispensation in which they are made available.

This analysis of editorial cartoons published for Zimbabwean readers, but made available in two distinct media sources with varying degrees of media freedom, may provide useful insights into the role of editorial cartoons in Zimbabwe, and, by extension, the function of the print media in the country.

1.2 Aims and objectives of the study

The study determines the effect of Zimbabwe’s two media laws, the Public Order and

Security Act (POSA) [Chapter 11:17] 2002, and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act 2002 [Chapter 10:27] (AIPPA), on editorial cartoons in the country during

Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections. It investigates and compares characteristics of

Zimbabwean editorial cartoons, with President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader

Morgan Tsvangirai as respective subjects, published in the regulated The Herald printed newspaper and the unregulated zimonline.co.za online newspaper during that period.

Based on the introduction to the field of study, the following aims and objectives were formulated:

3  To define the meanings of Zimbabwean editorial cartoons found in two sources –

the unregulated online newspapers, and regulated state media, in order to

determine their roles in the country in relation to their general functions.

 To compare cartoons that were published in a regulated environment with those

that were published in an unregulated environment.

 To provide an exposition of Zimbabwe’s post-independence media and political

developments, in order to provide an overview of where the country was coming

from, and where it was in 2008, in relation to the links between politics,

legislation, and the media.

 To examine the role of editorial cartoons in a Western context, where greater

freedom of the press exists, so as to provide an understanding of how such

cartoons work in other countries, particularly Zimbabwe.

 To formulate a method to obtain information from Zimbabwean editorial cartoons

as a way of providing meaning and of understanding them.

 To examine the visual and textual meanings in editorial cartoons, in order to

determine their functions in the Zimbabwean context.

 To compare Zimbabwean editorial cartoons that have been published in a

regulated environment with those that were published in an unregulated

environment, in order to determine similarities and differences in their roles as

cultural artefacts.

1.3 Significance of the study

The study is significant for the following reasons:

4  Editorial cartooning plays an important role in the analysis of political and social

events, and so, analysing the artwork in a newspaper provides insight into a society’s

general political and social systems.

 Editorial cartooning is vital for expressing views that may otherwise be deemed

inappropriate in other forms of print media expression, and so, a comparative

analysis of cartoons published in regulated sources and those published in

unregulated sources may show the extent to which the general functions of such

cartoons are different in different sources.

 By providing insight into the similarities and the differences between Western and

Zimbabwean press laws and editorial cartoons, the study evaluates similarities and

differences between cartoons produced in the Western world and those published in a

developing country such as Zimbabwe.

 The findings of the study have the potential to provide useful insights into elections

and editorial cartoons in Africa, and specifically Zimbabwe, and the general direction

that is taken by newspapers with regard to socio-political issues.

1.4 Delimitation of the study

The proposed study takes into account only editorial cartoons published by a

Zimbabwean traditional newspaper, namely The Herald, and editorial cartoons that

appeared in a Zimbabwean online newspaper, namely zimonline.co.za. The 2008

harmonised elections were held under SADC poll guidelines. The election period, for the

purposes of this study, is from 10 March 2008, when the first SADC observer team

arrived (The Herald(a), 2008), to 27 June 2008, when a subsequent election, namely the

5 presidential run-off election, was held. For any of the editorial cartoons to be considered

for this study, they have to feature either President Robert Mugabe or opposition leader

Morgan Tsvangirai, or both of them. Developments that took place after the elections,

such as the presidential run-off, the formation of a Government of National Unity with

Mugabe and Tsvangirai as partners in government, and constitutional changes towards a

more democratic state, will have no bearing on this research project.

1.5 Chapter division

Chapter 2 discusses the outlook of the political parties and the outlook of the media

concerning Zimbabwe in 2008, specifically exploring the factors that influenced these

two different viewpoints. The chapter addresses the situation in Zimbabwe, firstly, by

discussing the monopoly of the state media in the absence of viable alternatives, and,

secondly, by analysing the media laws that further boosted the state print media by

abolishing new competition provided by the independent media. Lastly, the chapter explores the influence of the media laws that precipitated the closure of the independent daily newspapers, and indirectly created new online media for the country. The chapter is a reflection of Zimbabwe’s media landscape, providing a context to the state-owned daily newspapers and the online daily newspapers.

Chapter 3 contextualises the editorial cartoon, drawing predominantly on Western examples. The chapter provides a definition of the editorial cartoon, reflecting on its role in society. A system of categories of editorial cartoons according to their meaning and function provides a basis for comparison between what is available in the Western world

6 and the cartoons selected for this study. Data drawn from some of America’s most

prominent cartoonists show their major concerns within their profession. This section

explores the processes involved, from the point where the cartoon is only an idea, up to

the stage where it is printed in the newspaper. The chapter will show that the cartoonists

face different challenges, but that at every stage of editorial cartoon development,

censorship exists.

Chapter 4 defines the parameters of the study and describes how the analysis of the

selected editorial cartoons will be done. The study’s methods of extracting information

from the sample draw from the theory of visual semiotics. A brief understanding of the

general semiotic school is provided, to introduce the study of signs and explain how signs

can be used to form meaning in visual communication. Two models, one for visual

analysis, and another for textual analysis, are adopted, and the chapter justifies their use

by drawing from past use of similar models. A criterion is provided for the discussion of

editorial analysis in the following chapter. The chapter thus delineates the study, and then

introduces and justifies methods of analysis.

Chapter 5 discusses deductions drawn from the analysis of the eight selected editorial cartoons. The discussion centres on specific characteristics of the selected editorial cartoons that help provide meaning, using a criterion proposed by one author. A criterion for the discussion is provided by one author, and the analysis is used to answer the questions posed by this study. The analysis also takes into consideration the dynamics of

7 editorial cartoons in the Western world, so as to determine similarities and differences between such cartoons and cartoons in the selected sample.

Chapter 6 is the concluding chapter. It summarises the study by recapitulating the main points of each chapter. It also explores developments that have taken place between the period under investigation and the current period, and recommends policy changes based on the findings of the study.

Endnotes

¹ Under Zimbabwe’s post-independence Constitution crafted in 1980, the country was to hold general elections after every five years. The function of the elections was to elect members of Parliament and a Prime Minister, who held executive powers. A ceremonial President would be hand-picked by the ruling party, subject to ratification by Parliament. The merging of the two biggest political parties at the time, ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU, on 22 December 1987 resulted in constitutional amendments that had an effect on the country’s elections. The post of Prime Minister was abolished and replaced by that of a more powerful executive President, whose term of office was six years. Thereafter, elections for the office of President were held every six years, while elections for members of Parliament were conducted every five years. However, the new set-up proved to be too expensive, and another constitutional amendment in 2007 to “harmonise” the elections was made. It was through this constitutional change that the 2008 harmonised general elections were made possible. On 29 March 2008, Zimbabweans went to the polls to elect a councillor, a member of the Lower House (Parliament), a member of the Upper House (Senate), a President, and, in the case of urban dwellers, a mayor.

8 CHAPTER 2: CONTEXT AND BACKGROUND

2.1 Introduction

This study aims to determine the effect of Zimbabwe’s two media laws, namely the

Public Order and Security Act 2002 [Chapter 11:17] (POSA), and the Access to

Information and Protection of Privacy Act 2002 [Chapter 10:27] (AIPPA), on editorial cartoons in the country during Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections. The chapter provides an exposition of Zimbabwe’s post-independence media and political development, in order to contextualise the links between politics, legislation, and the media in Zimbabwe during 2008. It also explores the socio-political factors that influenced and shaped Zimbabwe’s post-independence print media. Government action soon after independence and government reaction to further developments in the political and media landscapes after the year 2000 are discussed. These developments led to

Zimbabwe having two daily news sources in 2008 – two regulated, dominant state-owned newspapers, on one side, and a cluster of small, unregulated, but vibrant online newspapers. A discussion of these two daily news sources forms the core of this chapter.

2.2 The post-independence media in Zimbabwe

Since independence in 1980, the major determinant shaping the Zimbabwean print media landscape has been the government. The first major media restructuring exercise took place soon after the swearing in of the new government. It involved the setting up of a new company, Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers), which bought the Argus company of

South Africa out of its controlling stake as Zimbabwe’s main media group. Zimpapers inherited five newspaper titles, consisting of two dailies, namely the Herald and the

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Chronicle, and three weeklies, namely the Manica Post, the Sunday News, and the

Sunday Mail. It added to its collection Kwayedza, a vernacular weekly newspaper, in the early eighties and several community newspapers through one of its affiliates,

Community Newspapers Group (CNG). The creation of Zimpapers was a noble idea meant to keep the public informed about the country’s political and social landscape

(Moyo, 2005:112). However, its independence was short-lived, as government started to meddle in the day-to-day running of the company almost immediately after its establishment (Saunders, 1999:8). Moyo points out that the interference has led to a

“peculiar type of journalism that avoid[s] confronting those in power” (Moyo, 2005:113).

The Government, by making part of the media its public relations department, has narrowed the definition of the journalism profession and, in fact, has assigned itself the role of determining what is in the public interest. Since independence, and particularly during election periods, titles under Zimpapers have deteriorated into propaganda mouthpieces, losing much of their credibility in the process (Moyo, 2005:113).

Zimbabweans have, however, been presented with an alternative news source, through the creation of independent media.

2.3 Independent newspapers in Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe did not have an independent daily newspaper until the launch of the Daily

Gazette in 1992. The paper was born during a financial crisis, triggered by the implementation of an ill-fated International Monetary Fund-supported Economic

Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) (Saunders, 1997:3), and by the end of 1994, the paper had closed down due to financial constraints. Former directors of the company

10 that launched the Daily Gazette went on to publish two weeklies, the Zimbabwe

Independent and the Standard, while other media players joined the media platform between the mid-1990s and the turn of the century, notably publishers of the Daily

Mirror, the Zimbabwe Tribune, and the Worker – all weeklies. However, Zimbabwe was not to have another independent daily paper until the launch of the Daily News in March

1999.

Arguably, 1999 was the year that transformed both the political and the print media landscapes in the country. Trade union leaders, led by Morgan Tsvangirai, formed the opposition political party the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September, with a new independent paper, the Daily News having been launched six months earlier.

The MDC grew from strength to strength, capturing the imagination of a public whose standard of living had drastically fallen. The Daily News also grew to become the biggest newspaper in Zimbabwe. In less than a year, according to market research statistics

(ZAMPS, 2001), it had over 2 million readers, representing 30.6 percent of total readership in the country. Its main competitor, the Herald, had 28.9 percent readership and a print run vastly inferior to that of the Daily News (ZAMPS, ibid). The fact that both this newspaper and the opposition party were recipients of substantial foreign funding, particularly British, was a genuine concern for the government. In addition, the new

British Labour Government under Tony Blair had refused to honour part of the Lancaster

House Agreement to compensate white farmers during the Land Reform programme

(Nyaira, 2008:5). It should, however, be noted that acts deemed unlawful and violent according to international law, perpetrated by Zimbabwean Government supporters, to

11 forcibly take back land, in part contributed to the dispute between Harare and London.

The Labour-led British Government openly opposed the actions of the ZANU (PF) government, while offering public support for the opposition.

Authorities in Zimbabwe accused the British Government of using the MDC and the

Daily News to overthrow it, an accusation that the British Government did not deny.

Predictably, the Zimbabwean Government’s stance towards the Daily News hardened.

The paper’s open criticism of the Government did not help. From its first edition in

March 1999, there was never any doubt that the Daily News was anti-establishment, more through its “extensive and systematically negative presentation of [President] Mugabe and ZANU (PF) than from any thorough account of the MDC’s political qualities and activities” (Waldahl, 2004:114-115).

The paper’s shareholding structure further fuelled the notion that it was foreign-funded, and consequently foreign-controlled. The company exploited loopholes in policy at the time – the only requirement for one to set up a newspaper was registration with the

Postmaster-General (Chuma, 2003). On inception, the company was supposed to be 60 percent owned by Africa Media Investments (Zimbabwe) Ltd (AMI), a United Kingdom- based company, and the rest owned by local investors (Moyo, 2005:114). Failure by local investors to raise the necessary funds resulted in AMI ending up with 83 percent of the shares.

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Soon after a narrow election win in 2000, in which the opposition MDC secured 57 of the

120 seats in Parliament, the ZANU (PF)-led government moved to tighten controls on the media. The Information and Publicity ministry, headed by a new minister, Professor

Jonathan Moyo, immediately set up a Media and Ethics Commission, whose job was “to investigate the rating of media products and practitioners by the public” (Mazango,

2005:50), and they observed that “private newspapers in the country were alienated from the people and were more inclined to represent Western interests” (Mazango, ibid). The

Commission’s recommendations were instrumental in the drafting of two laws, the Public

Order and Maintenance Act 2002 [Chapter 11:17] (POSA), and the Access to

Information and Protection of Privacy Act [Chapter 10:27] 2002 (AIPPA). Both laws were promulgated in 2002 after intense debate in Parliament.

Making his second reading of the AIPPA Bill in Parliament in January 2001, Jonathan

Moyo, the then Minister of Information, elaborately explained that the law was meant to deal with “media-led threats to freedom of expression since the private media represents a whole white global network and front that has been formed against landless blacks and their struggle” (Moyo in Mazango, 2005:49). He further claimed that the law was aimed at addressing the serious ethical lapses in the media industry that had led to “crusading journalism”, “campaign journalism”, and “advocacy journalism” (Moyo in Mazango, ibid). Moyo was instrumental in the regulation of the media during his tenure as Minister of Information.

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Under Section 66 of one of the laws, namely AIPPA, all media services were required to register with the Media and Information Commission (MIC), a body exclusively comprised of personnel handpicked by the Government, before they could operate in

Zimbabwe. All companies operating in the industry were compelled to apply, and all its personnel, under Section 79, were obliged to register with the commission. Under

AIPPA, foreign ownership or majority shareholding in local newspapers was outlawed. A local newspaper could only be registered if at least 51 percent of its shares were in the hands of Zimbabwean investors (Chuma, 2003). Foreign news services wishing to operate inside the country had to pay up to US$10,000 for permission to do so.

The other law relating to print media control, the Public Order and Security Act 2002

[Chapter 11:17] (POSA), repealed the notorious Law and Order (Maintenance) Act of the

Rhodesian era that was used to control political movements and information dissemination. Sections 15 and 16 of POSA attracted the attention of journalists, law- enforcement agencies, and the international community. As elaborated by Balule and

Kandjii (2004:122), under Section 15, it was an offence for a person to:

Publish or communicate a statement that is wholly or materially false with the intention or realizing that there is a real risk or possibility of: i) inciting or promoting public disorder or public violence or endangering public safety; ii) adversely affecting the defence or the economic interests of Zimbabwe; iii) undermining public confidence in a law enforcement agency, the prison services or defence forces of the country; or iv) interfering with, disrupting or interrupting any essential service.

And Section 16 of the same law:

i) Prohibits the publication of statements undermining the authority of the President or that are abusive, indecent or false about or concerning the President.

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Other sections of POSA and AIPPA, together with other laws, such as the Official

Secrets Act [Chapter 11:09] and the Prisons Act [Chapter 7:11], were concerned with

procedures to be followed in news gathering, specifically on eliciting information from

Government departments. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

(UNHCR, 2007) comments in a report that the laws were “extremely restrict[ive]”, while

Balule and Kandjii (2004:122-124) concluded that both AIPPA and POSA were “broadly cast”, “vague”, “unclear”, and “notoriously subjective”, prohibiting legitimate criticism of both the Government and the President, and giving law enforcement agencies grounds for action on almost anything political published.

Kasoma (1997:41), however, defends the imposition of such laws, pointing out that, in relation to African independent newspapers, most are “full of exaggerations; base their reports on hearsay; make their headlines ‘cry wolf’; quote sources out of context; deny

‘the accused’ a fair hearing; print downright biased reporting … and publish smear campaign columns based more on the writer’s emotions than on reasoned opinion”. One particular embarrassing example was in April 2002, when the Daily News published a story alleging that a woman in Magunje, a village 150 kilometres west of Harare was beheaded by ZANU (PF) militants while her children were forced to watch. It later turned out that the whole story was a hoax, and the paper had to issue an apology. Moyo

(2005:124) explains that “the paper’s obsession with negativity and sensational stories can be identified as the flaw that led to publication of some of its false reports”.

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On 27 June, 2003, the Daily News was charged under Zimbabwe’s media laws for a cartoon it published. During the same period, Zimbabwean opposition party the

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) announced its intention to engage in a week of protests to remove the sitting President. These protests were billed by the party as the

“final push for freedom” (Peta, 2003). The cartoon below (see Figure 2.1) appeared in the

Daily News as the party’s sponsored advert. It shows President Mugabe running away, with the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, and a mob in hot pursuit. The caption screams, “THIEF!! THIEF!! THIEF!!” The paper’s editor, Nqobile Nyathi1, was arrested and charged under POSA for allegedly insulting the President (Willems, 2011). The case of this cartoon shows the conflict between politics and freedom of creative expression in

Zimbabwe, and how the interpretation of the law affects cartooning in the country’s print media.

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Figure 2.1: MDC cartoon advert in the Daily News (Daily News, 2003)

As mentioned in the Introduction, editorial cartoons are the most extreme form of expression found in newspapers, as they are not bound by the norms of journalistic objectivity (Koetzle & Brunell, 1996; Lamb, 2004). Yet, if they appear in a newspaper bound by media laws, editorial cartoons are equally bound by the same legislation and may be prime targets for censorship.

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Although the two laws, POSA and AIPPA, evidently undermined press freedom in

Zimbabwe, by introducing measures that were viewed as both strict and vague, it can be

argued that the Daily News itself played a large part in its closure. Under AIPPA,

registration of a media house with the MIC was a requirement. Three days before the

expiry of the 2003 deadline for registration, the Daily News chief executive officer, Sam

Siphepa Nkomo, indicated in a newspaper article that, even though there were some

objectionable sections in the act that needed to be looked at, they would still be

registering with the MIC (Moyo, 2005:122). Geoffrey Nyarota, the paper’s founding

editor, who was no longer with the paper at the time, claimed that the newspaper’s

financial books were in a shambles (zimbabwesituation, 2005). Nyarota further alleges

that showing its books to the MIC, itself a requirement for registering, would have

revealed that the Daily News was still foreign-funded (Moyo, 2005:122). Trevor Ncube2, owner of the Zimbabwe Independent Newspapers Group and another newspaper proprietor, Elias Rusike, then owner of the Financial Gazette, advised the Daily News management to register first and then launch a combined challenge with them against

AIPPA (Moyo, 2005:123). The Daily News did not register, and when it lost its challenge against the law at the Supreme Court on Thursday, 11 September 2003, on the grounds that it was not registered, the next edition of the paper, on the following day, turned out to be the last.

2.4 Zimbabwean online newspapers

When the Daily News closed its doors after its failed legal challenge against AIPPA, its 2

million-plus readers were left with no source of alternative independent news. Similarly,

18 dozens of trained journalists that had worked for the paper lost their jobs. The shrinking newspaper marketplace forced most of the redundant journalists to seek opportunities outside the country and outside local traditional news companies. Some of them found the Internet to be an ideal medium for information dissemination.

Following the closure of the Daily News, new online newspapers published by

Zimbabweans, but operating outside the country, emerged. Zimbabwean journalists used technology to inform readers and escape press regulation. Since they published online, they were not bound by Zimbabwean laws. Post-millennium Zimbabwean media laws did not cover online publications, although the government had previously attempted to introduce legal measures seeking to monitor and regulate Internet content. In 2006, the

Interception of Communications Bill was presented to Parliament, but was eventually passed in 2008 minus the statutes that aimed at regulating Internet content.

Online access in the country had started to bloom, with six Internet service providers and

30,000 users as of December 1999, the number rising sharply to 48,000 by the end of the year 2000 (Kumbula, 2002:1). A 2004 report by Internet World Stats commented that at the time, about a million, almost 10 percent of Zimbabwe’s 14 million people had access to the Internet, figures confirmed by Nyaira (2008:9). Most members of an estimated population of between 1 million (Pasura, 2006:7) and 5 million (Nyaira, 2008:16)

Zimbabweans then living outside the country were frequent visitors to these online newspaper sites. As with their print counterparts, one prominent feature of these online newspaper sites was the editorial cartoon.

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2.5 Chapter synthesis

The chapter contextualised the Zimbabwean story, by exploring the history of both its political and its print media. These two media were noted to have close links. The

Zimbabwean Government, dominated by President Mugabe’s ZANU (PF) party, has continually since independence in 1980, directly and indirectly, intentionally and unintentionally, shaped the country’s print media landscape. The government’s direct involvement with Zimpapers created a dominant state print press that, although it suffered slight negative growth after the introduction of the independent Daily News on the market in 1999, recovered its dominance after the closure of this independent newspaper. The closure, in part precipitated by the Daily News’ own misinterpretation of media laws, and in part due to the interpretation of the same laws by the Government, gave rise to the creation of new online media for Zimbabwean consumers.

This chapter discussed the developments that led to a peculiar daily print media paradigm that consisted only of regulated state-owned traditional newspapers and online newspapers operated from outside the country and free from legislation. Both sides of this media divide published editorial cartoons.

The next chapter explores editorial cartooning. It defines the editorial cartoon and discusses the role that this form of visual communication has played in the developed world. Categories of editorial cartoons are also identified according to how they function within the cultures they are made available to.

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Endnotes

1Nqobile Nyathi became the first female editor of a major newspaper in 2003, having moved from the Financial Gazette, where she was assistant editor. She is currently the vice-chairperson for the Zimbabwe Media Commission, the country’s media regulatory body.

2Trevor Ncube is an independent media proprietor who is a majority shareholder in Alpha Media Holdings (AMH), the publishers of News Day, one of Zimbabwe’s newest daily titles established in 2010, and the two weeklies the Independent and the Standard. He is also a majority shareholder in South African weekly newspaper the Mail and Guardian.

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CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

3.1 Introduction

The aim of this theoretical framework chapter is to define editorial cartoons, in order to provide an understanding of their roles as social constructs and socio-political commentary. The chapter underscores the importance of the editorial cartoon as a social construct, outlining the positive and negative aspects of its existence in relation to the society it is made available in. It examines the types and roles of editorial cartoons in a

Western context, so as to enable an understanding of how they work in other countries, particularly Zimbabwe. The state of media freedom in the world press is also briefly explored, to present an overview of Zimbabwe’s ratings on the media freedom scale in relation to the rest of the world. Background information on editorial cartoons, press freedom, and general censorship is central to the study, as the main objective of the study is to compare Zimbabwean editorial cartoons that have been published in a regulated environment with those that have been published in an unregulated environment, to determine similarities and differences in the roles of these cartoons as cultural artefacts.

3.2 Defining the editorial cartoon

In the broadest sense, an editorial cartoon is described as consisting of two principal elements, namely graphic art, and commentary (Zyglis, 2003:13). This definition is, however, too broad and encompasses other forms of graphic art, such as comics, and illustrations for advertisements. Scholarly studies on editorial cartoons or cartoons in general, are a fairly recent phenomenon. Zyglis makes a distinction between editorial cartoons and other forms of graphic art by stating that “a work of graphic art with

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commentary is an editorial cartoon only if its commentary conveys a distinct editorial

message portrayed in a clever or witty manner” (Zyglis, 2003:14). Although the above

explanation appears to distinguish the editorial cartoon from all other forms of graphic

art, it is not without its shortcomings. Some works of comic art have embraced political

subjects, blurring the distinction between comic art and editorial cartooning. However,

Harrison (1981:14) offers three elements that not only differentiate editorial cartoons

from other forms of graphic art, but also stand out as the aspects of this art form that the

ruling elite, in the form of government, has had problems with throughout history. They

are:

a. [the editorial cartoon’s] savage ability to depict in unflattering caricature, b. the ability to crystallize complex issues into a simple metaphor, and c. the cartoon’s availability, even to those who may not be especially literate or politically aware.

There are other definitions of editorial cartoons that give a clearer description of their

elements and, by implication, their role in society. Devane (1983:87) describes them as “a

type of visual shorthand designed to provoke, through exaggeration, some sort of

response-recognition (sic) mixed with amusement, at the very least, although social or

political comment is often implied too”. The cartoonist’s objective, then, is to present a

visual image to newspaper readers that asks the tacit question “What do you think?”

Readers are therefore encouraged to judge cartoons. A cartoon can also be described as

“a shorthand by which humorous ideas can be absorbed by the reader with minimum

effort” (Fougasse in Hewison, 1977:138). Cartoons are defined as single-panel graphics

that comment on events and policy as they define and record topical political or social

issues at a particular period in time (Edwards & Winkler, 1997:300). A cartoon can be

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any graphic representation done as a one-panel, non-continuing format that expresses an

independent view or observation on political happenings or social policy (Edwards &

Winkler, ibid). An editorial cartoon can therefore pass as social commentary. Although

the above exposition shows that editorial cartoons do have uniform characteristics, a

closer analysis indicates that there are some differences, making it possible for one to

categorise such cartoons.

3.3 Categorisation of the editorial cartoon

Press1 (1981), a prominent scholar in the field of editorial cartoons, identifies three different categories of editorial cartoons. He, however, notes that one of these categories is too broad and requires further subdividing. The researchers Manning and Phiddian2

(2004a) took up the challenge and added a fourth category.

The first category is the descriptive editorial cartoon. This is arguably the most neutral category of editorial cartoons, since it does little more than describe a situation or events

(Press, 1981:75), albeit with a little humour (Townsend, McDonald & Esders, 2008:8). It may well make readers laugh, but only in response to general humour, rather than satire

(Manning & Phiddian, 2004a:27). It is a very basic form of comic commentary that comments on the affairs of the day, and its objective is to merely amuse readers, while its

“chief side effect is to naturalise the political process for the audience” (Manning &

Phiddian, 2004a:27). Because of this, descriptive editorial cartoons are consequently

“especially suited to the expression of status quo viewpoints” (Manning & Phiddian,

2004a:28). Manning and Phiddian add that at one point or the other, all cartoonists

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employ this form of cartoon, “when they lack strong convictions about the subject they

are working on” (Manning & Phiddian, 2004a:27).

The second category is the laughing satirical cartoon. These are most common in

Western-style democracies. They have “a ‘corrective’ tone indicating that although the political system the cartoonist is commenting about is generally viewed as legitimate, there is need for reform and for the politicians and the powerful to modify their behaviour” (Townsend, McDonald & Esders, 2008:8). These editorial cartoons accept the legitimacy of authority, but they point out whatever flaws are inherent in the system.

They are the “checks and balances” of a democratic system, and they “make it difficult for people to get away with abuses of common standards of morality, probity, and wisdom” (Manning & Phiddian, 2004a:30). Press (1981:75) adds:

The cartoons are aimed at reform of administration rather than destruction of the system. They are corrective in keeping politicians honest without chastising them severely. A kind of chaffing tone, with some bite suggests the message ‘You have these faults, and we wish you would reform, but whether you do or not, we will still support and perhaps even like you’.

The destructive satirical cartoon, found in the third category, is not as lenient as the laughing satirical cartoon. In fact, it is “revolutionary”, and fails to accept the legitimacy of the political system about which it comments (Townsend, McDonald & Esders,

2008:9). Such cartoons are not merely critical, but use language and signs bordering on contempt, radicalism, and hate. Though in rare cases the satire may be harmless humour, it is mostly “hate [that] shines through, uncontrolled and slightly insane”, since “the drawing is meant to be cruel and to hate” (Press, 1981:76). Destructive satirical cartooning is clearly motivated by extremist views that “come out of revolutionary

25 fervour or social despair” (Manning & Phiddian, 2004a:30). Given the nature of the message in such cartoons, they are not widely distributed. “They tend overwhelmingly to circulate among the already converted”, and therefore they “seldom change minds, though they may strengthen revolutionary cadres in their convictions” (Manning &

Phiddian, 2004a:30).

Cartoons that depict savage indignation form the final category. This category, initially overlooked by Press (1981), is identified by Manning and Phiddian (2004a:29). The two researchers argue that it is possible for an editorial cartoon to “express quite deep reservations about the established patterns of distribution of power and resources without hating the system and its minions or seeking their wholesome (sic) destruction” (Manning

& Phiddian, 2004a:29). They seek “revision of the world without demanding revolution”

(Townsend, McDonald & Esders, 2008:8). “For savage indignant cartooning, the legitimacy of the system and those who hold office is not the urgent issue” (Manning &

Phiddian, 2004a:31). Rather, the issue is poorly handled national issues, or scandals in the political system.

According to Townsend, McDonald and Esders (2008:8), The nature of these cartoons is fairly serious and the cartoonists appear to raise alarm , although “they do not propose a systematic solution to society’s ills” (Manning & Phiddian, 2004a:30). The primary objective of these cartoons is to say something like “Whether or not most things are OK in this country of ours, this act/inaction is rotten. Any citizen of good faith needs to concentrate on fixing this plight” (Manning & Phiddian, 2004a:32). In savage

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indignation cartoons, “the cartoonists are expressing their alarm at the distribution of

wealth and power and the urgent need for action on the issue at hand” (Townsend,

McDonald & Esders, 2008:8). Manning and Phiddian, however, warn that “if done too

persistently or predictably, savage indignation can descend into alarmist preachiness

(sic)”, but if done well, it has the ability to “provoke serious thought about the

distribution of power, wealth and justice” (Manning & Phiddian, 2004a:32).

Editorial cartoonists may specialise in certain categories and may distinguish themselves

from other editorial cartoonists, but one common aspect of their job is that they go

through similar processes to get their products published. Here, they face the same

challenges in their jobs as other editorial cartoonists, although the magnitude of the

challenges varies from country to country, and from newspaper to newspaper. A

universal problem that many editorial cartoonists face is censorship.

3.4 The state of world press freedom

Commemorations for World Press Day are held every year on the third day of May. The

day, proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in 1993, following a

recommendation adopted at the 26th session of UNESCO’s General Conference in 1991,

is “an opportunity to celebrate the fundamental principles of press freedom, to evaluate

press freedom, to defend the media from attacks on their independence and to pay tribute

to journalists who have lost their lives in the line of duty” (United Nations, 2008).

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History is littered with instances where the persons or groups with political power deliberately interfere in the production and dissemination of information, for the sole purpose of protecting or furthering their own interests. Criticism of the ruling elite by the media has in many instances been countered by actions intended to lessen the negative publicity, or shut it out altogether. Reaction from the authorities has ranged from the enactment of laws intended to monitor the press and encourage responsible journalism, to violent clampdowns resulting in the banning of newspaper titles, and the imprisonment, torture and, in some cases, killing of journalists. Press freedom has, since the birth of the newspaper, been a familiar battleground for publishers and powerful members of society.

“From its beginnings”, remark Rudin and Ibbotson (2002:18), “journalism was seen by the establishment as a threat to their existence, or, at the very least, those holding power in society were alarmed that their actions might be challenged and that this would have unforeseen consequences.”

Censorship has taken different forms. In this regard, Smith (1980:21) notes that “no society … has all its machinery of information and entertainment supplied with precisely the same kinds of freedoms, or the same degree of freedom”. His assessment remains a true reflection of the world today. For instance, the United States print media is protected under the First Amendment, which falls under the Bill of Rights enshrined in their

Constitution. The first amendment is broad and mentions basic human rights that guarantee that:

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. (LectLaw, 2011)

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The Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment allows “people [to] have the right to

criticize the government and to share their opinions with others” (Freedom Forum). The

law is more specific regarding freedom of the press and makes direct reference to

newspaper content. It guarantees plurality of the press, encouraging diverse views to be

printed in newspapers. In addition, “the government cannot control what is printed in

newspapers … or offered online” (Freedom Forum). The bill also empowers its citizens

to “respond to views with which they disagree”, and it assures citizens that they have the

right to “offer their opinions to others through the many means made available by the

Internet” (Freedom Forum).

In England, the Declaration of Right and the Bill of Rights in 1689 gave citizens

“liberties and free customs” (British Constitution Group, 2011). Under the Bill of Rights,

“the Government cannot arrest any man because he disagrees with the Government’s

policies” (British Constitution Group, 2011).

Both Britain and the United States are signatories to the Universal Declaration on Human

Rights (UDHR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression. Article 19 of the bill says, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes the right to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers” (British Council,

2004:1). Britain and the United States are widely seen as setting the benchmark in terms of the provision of press freedom and other freedoms.

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According to an annual report released by Reporters Without Borders (2009), which is a credible press freedom watchdog often quoted by the United Nations, the worst violators of press freedom in 2008, in descending order of severity, were Burma, Cuba, China,

North Korea, Vietnam, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria, and Iraq. The media watchdog did not rank countries by numbers, but placed them in respective groups. The “second tier” grouping consisted of relatively less restrictive countries, but the countries were still labelled “not free”. Zimbabwe was one of the countries in this grouping. Central to the negative global assessment of Zimbabwe’s media landscape was the introduction of the two media laws, AIPPA and POSA, as well as their interpretation by Government officials, as discussed in Chapter 2.

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3.5 Editorial cartoons and censorship

Colldeweih & Goldstein (1998)’s Graphic opinions: editorial cartoonists and their art, an American book exploring the lives and professions of 24 of the country’s top newspaper cartoonists, provides useful insights into editorial cartoons – from the stage of conception, until they reach their final destination. Although this book profiles artists in a relatively free media environment, there is evidence to suggest that censorship is part and parcel of the profession. Indeed, the two authors state that one of the primary issues affecting the cartoonists concerned is censorship (Goldstein & Colldeweih, 1998:268).

This section of this chapter explores the dilemmas facing the editorial cartoonist, with specific reference to censorship.

The book Graphic opinions: editorial cartoonists and their art is important to this study, as it provides comments and opinions solicited from the cartoonists themselves. The inspiration to draw an editorial cartoon comes from an idea, or set of ideas. Cartoonists get ideas from a number of sources, including newspapers, journals, television, the

Internet, observations of society, family, or personal experiences, and ideas are also provided to them by others (Goldstein & Colldeweih, 1998: 268). The first form of censorship takes place here, as artists choose what they may deem appropriate for the paper that carries their work. Consequently, a number of supposedly “unfit” ideas are thrown out in favour of cartoons that conform to a publication’s set standards. A second form of censorship that appears to affect cartoonists comes from their editors, who reserve the right to accept or reject their products. After completing the editorial cartoon, or a sketch of it, a cartoonist may consult his or her editor for approval, and the response

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can be anything from an emphatic “yes” to a demoralising “no”. Even if the response is

favourable, the editorial cartoon still has to contend with potential regulators in media

law, as well as personal interference from individuals that could be negatively affected by

its publication.

A cartoonist works on ideas that he or she feels, when developed into an editorial

cartoon, may have the greatest chance of being published. This stage in the creation of a

cartoon may well be defined as part of the job, as brainstorming, but censorship exists

nonetheless. In explaining why he does not pursue some ideas, multiple award-winning

cartoonist David Horsey (in Goldstein, 1998b:98) remarks that “the current wave of

sensitivity is undercutting and restraining vulnerable editorial comment”, suggesting that

expectations of a wider audience are central to a cartoonist’s choice of ideas. Another

cartoonist, Jack Ohman, is less conservative and blunter and lays the blame for censored

ideas on the relationship between cartoonists and editors. He suggests that:

… most cartoonists are their worst enemies. They’ll come up with some things that are a lot more provocative than what they bring to their editors. My thinking is, why not bring in your most provocative idea and let him make the decision? Sometimes they’ll (sic) surprise you. (Ohman in Goldstein, 1998c:165).

Whatever the case, it is obvious that censorship does take place at the idea-generation

stage. The cartoonist-editor working relationship is often compromised by how either views editorial cartoons. Cartoonist Nina Paley (in Goldstein, 1998a:15) declares, “I am highly politicized and reflect my political concerns rather than the concerns of the paper or the editor”, and Jimmy Margulies (in Colldeweih, 1998c:147), in an apparent reference

to his fellow cartoonists, stresses that “many people are using their creativity to sell other

32 people’s messages, and I don’t want to do that; as a cartoonist, I use my creativity to sell my own message”. These two cartoonists are some of the few editorial cartoonists that are given free reign by their editors. There are some cartoonists that work with somewhat accommodating editors. John Trever of the Albuquerque Sentinel is one such cartoonist.

Although he occasionally runs a sketch past his editors for an opinion, Trever makes his own decisions about what and how he draws (Colldeweih, 1998e:256).

Other cartoonists, however, do not enjoy the same privileges. Asked if he feels editorial cartoons should follow one format or the other, another editorial cartoonist, Mike Smith

(in Colldeweih, 1998d:228), remarked that “the real debate should be over ‘the level of guts the editor has’ to run what the artist creates”. The uneasy relationship that exists between the artist and the editor is well chronicled, because “personalities or specific topics aside, there are intrinsic conflicts of interest between cartoonists and editors”

(Goldstein & Colldeweih, 1998:269). Goldstein and Colldeweih suggest that the tensions between cartoonists and editors are, in part, caused by the clash of the professions represented by these two parties, as the cartoonist, who is primarily an artist, has to send his or her work to an editor, who is a trained journalist, for approval. According to

Goldstein and Colldeweih (ibid), “Because editors are word people, they are more comfortable with words and the civilization that language brings”. Signe Wilkinson (in

Goldstein, 1998e:263) of the Philadelphia Daily News claimed that her editor called her

“Attack Quaker”, as a description of her preoccupation with “aggressive methods” of editorial cartooning. However, the stance of editors is not at all surprising, as they generally “tend to avoid offending readers” (Harrison, 1998:244).

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Cartoonist Linda Boileau (in Colldeweih, 1998b:48) sees the problem as emanating from

the significance of the editorial cartoon to the newspaper. She views the editorial cartoon as “the heart of the paper, prominently featured on the editorial page where the newspaper displays its conscience”. Because of this, she argues, editorial cartoons invariably attract the attention of the editor. It is not all gloom for cartoonists though.

Mike Shelton (in Goldstein, 1998d:216) of the Orange County Register admits that

“editors do disappoint … in some cases”, but that “sometimes they surprise me –

sometimes they print cartoons I thought never would get printed”. Cartoonist Wilkinson’s

(in Goldstein, 1998a:16) assertion that “my cartoon … is strictly my own production,

tolerated but not necessarily endorsed by the paper” provides ample evidence that

although censorship exists at this level, some newspapers do publish some cartoons that

may not have been enthusiastically embraced by the paper.

To circumvent the problem of censorship at work, some cartoonists do a bit of

“marketing”. Dana Summers (in Harrison, 1998:244) of the Orlando Sentinel admits that

she usually sells the idea that she likes the best and that the editors usually choose it.

Steve Sack (in Blackwood, 1998:206) from the Minneapolis Star-Tribune, although

stressing that the decision is always his own, says that he likes to avoid making up his

mind until he hears what others have to say. Sack (in Blackwood, ibid), however, admits

that “no matter what you do, somebody will always have a different opinion”.

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The most serious battle that cartoonists all over the world face daily, but in varying

degrees, is how their work is perceived outside the newsroom where it is created. Most

governments in the world have a ministry that oversees the passing of information from

one source to another, and it is through official regulations often suggested by these bodies that the amount of freedom the media enjoys may be determined. This section discusses the general state of affairs with regard to censorship.

The significance of editorial cartoons has greatly increased since their conception in the seventeenth century. In the United States, in the “Mid-century period, editorial cartoonists, especially those working for partisan newspapers, were expected to hew closely not only to a party line but to the lead editorial” (Goldstein, 1998a:7). However,

“now they would feel freer to produce the equivalent of an Op-Ed feature rather than simply reinforce their editor’s views or illustrate the daily headline” (Goldstein, ibid). As far as censorship is concerned, positive steps have thus far been taken in the United

States, but, as the following examples from history will show, editorial cartoons have continually suffered significant setbacks with regard to post-editorial censorship. Because censorship in the United States is not as widespread as it is in developing countries (see top 10 worst press freedom violators listed in section 3.4), the discussion will show that the improved conditions that exist in the Western print media now mean that examples of press freedom violation will be drawn from history, rather than from contemporary practice.

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Cartoonists have a history of resisting control, and one way to avoid being censored has been to assign new meanings and signs that criticise authorities in an indirect way.

Governor Pennypacker of Pennsylvania, for example, imposed control against negative portrayals of him in cartoons, and in 1903 he outlawed visual depictions of persons as animals. Yet his measure led to the use of vegetables instead, demonstrating the resilience of the resistance to state control (Sheppard 1994:26-27).

The French caricaturist Charles Philipon criticised the French king Louis-Philippe (1830-

1848) by playing on the multiple connotations of the French word la poire (“pear”), especially its meaning of “fathead” in slang, to depict the king as a pear. Although the cartoonist was eventually acquitted after pleading his innocence, “his caricature [became] even more popular and permanently conferred upon the pear a new political meaning”

(Moir). A great number of cartoonists have met the same fate, while others have paid the ultimate price for their work. Admittedly, such cases are fewer in the developed world.

One author observed that most governments outside the United States are “more restrictive, especially in regard to government personnel and their policies: [yet] these are precisely the areas that have been typical targets of the editorial cartoonists” (Colldeweih,

1998a:26). But are cartoonists simply innocent professionals doing their duties and being routinely undermined? Evidence suggests that this may not be the case.

Without question, editorial cartoons “test … the boundaries of free speech” (Colldeweih,

1998a:12). Their strong messages, coupled with unflattering caricatures, do guarantee that at least one person depicted in the composition may have reservations. Cartoonist

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Linda Boileau (in Colldeweih, 1998b:48) maintains that “cartoons must have a bite to

them, you’ve got to burn some ego, get the knife out now and then, because if you don’t,

you’re just not worth your stuff”. Pulitzer award3 winner Michael Ramirez (in Langston,

1998:189) concurs that “you’ve got to push the issue to the extreme”. He adds that he feels “neither regret nor guilt about his work, even when some people find it offensive”.

References to “attack” do not end here. Linda Boileau (in Colldeweih, 1998b:44) of the

Frankfort State Journal declares that “one of the best things about a cartoon is that it’s

quick, you’ve got one shot and it’s sort of like shooting an arrow: it’s quick and clean and

you get right to the target”. Because there are no set standards regulating the “extremes”

to which an editorial cartoon can go, how deep the “knife” or “arrow” should go, or how much “burn” should be employed, getting into trouble is not a distant prospect.

It may appear, too, that trouble does not scare cartoonists, with some of them seemingly

viewing it as part of their job. As Colldeweih (1998b:26) points out, “many cartoonists

[in the United States] take pride, even glee in being sued … because they know they have

virtually nothing at risk and feel they have been effective in their work”. A number of

editorial cartoonists share this view. Michael Edward Luckovich, a cartoonist for the

Atlanta Journal/Constitution, was delighted when a heavyweight political figure

displayed anger at one of his cartoons to a national audience, and vowed from that point

forward to ignore all reporters from Luckovich’s paper (Soper, 1998:135). A political

cartoonist, according to Luckovich (in Soper, 1998:135), “could not ask for better

publicity and reward than threats like this”. In addition, cartoonist Mike Smith (in

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Colldeweih, 1998d:219) mentioned that he only got into the profession “once I saw how

much trouble … I could get into, I said this is really fun, I want to do this for real”.

Cartoonists’ open defiance does not only mean that they are wilfully testing the limits of

their freedom, but that they are also excited by the consequences of their actions. Their

strong belief in their work, and their apparent disregard for what those outside their

profession feel, is epitomised in what Michael Ramirez (in Langston, 1998:189) says,

namely “I believe in the right of … groups to express their opinion and I hoped that they

understood I have a constitutional right to ignore them”. And cartoonists’ willingness to

go further away from the traditional role of the newspapers they work for is revealed by

cartoonist Signe Wilkinson (in Goldstein, 1998e:265), who argues that “if that’s where

people are pissed and angry, that’s where cartoonists ought to go”. Mike Shelton (in

Goldstein, 1998d:217) of the Orange County Register enthusiastically adds, “I’d rather

somebody opened their paper in the morning, just as they are lifting the coffee cup to

their mouth, and just sputter hot coffee all over the place as they turn to the cartoon.”

The literature above illustrates that cartoonists deliberately shape their work to “attack”

their subjects and “shock” the audience. With respect to censorship, they may well have a point, as some of the most basic rights for the media are routinely violated in many

countries. However, cartoonists’ actions suggest that they are willing to break the rules,

while gleefully awaiting any heavy-handed measures that potentially elevate their status and significance in society. Despite their apparent fixation on “attack” in most cases, editorial cartoons have a major role to play in society. There is no consensus on whether

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their role is positive or negative, but what is clear is that they are a major part of the

society they are produced for.

3.9 The general role of editorial cartoons

The struggle for freedom against the status quo by editorial cartoonists is not a new

phenomenon. According to Tunç (2002:49), “[editorial] cartoonists’ unique power to

stimulate the intellect and challenge official ideology is often considered a threat in many

countries and dealt with accordingly”. Tunç (ibid) identifies a variety of measures

employed by the state to reign in the cartoonist, such as “official censorship [the

enactment of laws], the ever-present risk of the banning of the newspapers and huge fines

or even imprisonment”. Manning and Phiddian (2004a:3) claim that no form of

commentary has had as much success in transforming public opinion as the editorial

cartoon has, and that therefore it is perhaps not surprising that those in power feel

threatened by it. According to the above literature, editorial cartooning is under serious threat throughout the world. Many writers and researchers have documented the negative effects of post-millennium Zimbabwean media laws on journalism generally (Balule &

Kandjii, 2004; Misa-Zimbabwe, 2007; Nyaira, 2008; Moyo, 2005), and the potential exists that the legislative measures imposed will negatively affect editorial cartooning in

Zimbabwe.

In addition to Asli Tunç’s Pushing the limits of tolerance (2002), other publications have

come out in full support of the editorial cartoon’s role of challenging perceived abuse of

authority. Among the publications is In defence of the political cartoonists’ licence to

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mock by Heydon Manning and Robert Phiddian (2004b). These two authors stress that

“very little would be gained and a significant element of the free press would be lost if

we sought to put conditions on cartoonists’ licence to mock” (Manning & Phiddian,

2004b:41). In The political cartoon, Charles Press (1981) states that because of the ruling

elite’s varying stronghold on the press across the world, the role and nature of editorial

cartoons is now society-based. Press (1981:53) believes that cartooning depends on the

political system under which the product is created and disseminated. In a totalitarian

regime, cartoons must praise the system and denounce its enemies. In a Western

democracy during peacetime, cartoonists are “watchdogs”, keeping power-holders

“honest” and “accountable” (1981:56-57).

There are, however, a number of authors who generally view the editorial cartoon as a

negative component of the media landscape. In Cartoonists and political cynicism,

Hogan (2001) notes, with specific reference to Australian media, that the generalisation

that accompanies stereotyping in editorial cartoons blurs the distinction between “good” and “bad” in politics. He also declares that the very nature of editorial cartooning, where only humorous, critical and popular subjects are explored, undermines the system. He adds that “the unintended consequence of the demands of the [editorial cartooning] genre is that the images are overwhelmingly negative and surely contribute to increasing popular cynicism, primarily about politics and politicians, but consequently about the whole democratic system” (Hogan, 2001:41).

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Danjoux (2007:246) identifies cartoonists’ willingness to work hand in hand with

politicians as a factor that militates against the legitimacy of their art. In Reconsidering

the decline of the editorial cartoon (2007), Danjoux lists a number of instances where

cartoonists have been used by politicians purely for political ends. “Napoleon reportedly

encouraged French artists to create cartoons that sanctioned his policies … [while] the

Central and Allied forces in World War I commissioned cartoonists to demonize the

enemy and glorify the struggle in order to boost public support on the home front”

(Danjoux, 2007:246). He also notes that as recent as 2006, “the Israeli military intelligence department created political cartoons depicting Hezbollah as a snake that threatened the existence of Lebanon to accompany leaflet drops over Southern Lebanon”

(Danjoux, ibid). The cartoonists’ actions here, it may be argued, compromised the quality of their work and altered the general function of the editorial cartoon, by being overtly propagandistic and stereotyping one side as being “all bad” and another side as being “all good”.

One author goes even further, dismissing editorial cartooning as a vicious one-sided attack that he likens to “a frontal assault, a slam dunk, a cluster bomb” (Minix, 2004:76).

In addition, Minix’s Political cartoons: a research note describes editorial cartoons as being “offensive” and “[a form of] destructive art” (2004:79). He even provides a quote from an editorial cartoonist, Mike Peters, to prove his point. Peters (in Minix, ibid) asserts, “Cartooning is not a fair art. You can never treat anyone justly … most cartoonists like me – who like to attack – are the loaded guns.” This point is seconded by

Chicago Tribune cartoonist Jeff MacNelly (in Minix, 2004:80), who claims that “many

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cartoonists would be hired assassins if they couldn’t draw”. The argument implies that

editorial cartoons highlight the negative in an exaggerated way, thus a fair representation of subjects is not possible, or, at the very least, not the norm.

In Arab political cartoons, Andreas Qassim (2006:19) objectively concludes that editorial cartoons may be “conformist or subversive, politically correct or totally prejudiced, [but]

… they do not have any pretensions of being neutral and objective, like for instance, the news media does”. They are “misfits” in the print media landscape, unable to conform to norms and set standards in journalism. It is by no means a coincidence that whatever emotion they evoke, it is normally extreme.

3.10 Chapter synthesis

This chapter focused on the editorial cartoon. Various definitions were given of the editorial cartoon, and four different categories of this type of cartoon were identified. The chapter draws from the assertions of scholars and the cartoonists themselves in exploring the role of editorial cartoons in society. The chapter also illustrates that the editorial cartoon may act as a watchdog, commenting on social and political ills, while defending the rights of the underdogs in society.

However, the editorial cartoon has also been used as a vehicle for extreme expressions

that, the authors agree, serve little purpose for society in general, but are more inclined to serve the interests of radical minority groups. The discussion on the editorial cartoon and censorship is central to this study. Contributions from prominent editorial cartoonists

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show that censorship varies from person to person and from place to place, but what is

apparent is that it exists, even in societies that are widely deemed “free” and

“democratic”. The purpose of this study is to find out whether, or to what extent,

censorship in the form of media laws has affected editorial cartoons published in

Zimbabwe during the country’s 2008 harmonised general elections.

The next chapter discusses the methodology of the study. Included here is data collection

from the two news sources, namely unregulated online media, and regulated traditional

newspapers. The chapter will show how eight editorial cartoons, four from each source,

will be analysed. A brief discussion on semiotics will precede an exploration of the

specific methods of image analysis. The chapter will discuss semiotic non-verbal communication and principles of meaning, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and textual analysis, as defined by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). Du Plooy and Leech’s grids and

Fetsko’s criteria will then be employed to deduce and synthesise data from the editorial cartoons in Chapter 5.

Endnotes 1Press’s The political cartoon (1981) is a definitive book exploring the meanings and roles of political/editorial cartoons in Western democracies.

2In Censorship and the political cartoonist (2004), Manning and Phiddian identify categories of editorial cartoons and their possible role in the Western society.

3The Pulitzer Prize is the highest honour bestowed on journalists in the United States. The list of recipients includes editorial cartoonists. According to the Pulitzer website, the awards, started in 1917, pay tribute to 19th century journalist Joseph Pulitzer. Pulitzer, a Hungarian-born American journalist and publisher, “was the most skillful of newspaper publishers, a passionate crusader against dishonest government, a fierce, hawk-like competitor who did not shrink from sensationalism in circulation struggles, and a visionary who richly endowed his profession” (Topping, 2011). Pulitzer Prizes extend beyond journalism, to include literature, music, and drama. The Pulitzer website indicates that Michael Ramirez won the 1994 prize for “his trenchant cartoons on contemporary issues” (Pulitzer Prize, 1994). 43

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY

4.1 Introduction

The main objective of this chapter is to formulate a method of reading Zimbabwean editorial

cartoons, in order to review actual image content of the cartoons, as well as possible symbolic

significance within the Zimbabwean context. The methods devised will be used to examine the

meanings and functions of editorial cartoons, so as to provide a comparison of the cartoons published in a regulated environment and those published in an unregulated environment. The chapter therefore gives a description of how the information relevant to answering the research questions posed by this study may be extracted from the editorial cartoons, starting with where and how the editorial cartoons were obtained. The study identifies an editorial cartoon as

consisting of two principal elements, namely graphic art and commentary (Zyglis, 2003:13). An

editorial cartoon therefore requires two semiotic frameworks – one, a visual semiotic framework

that analyses image content and another, a language and text analysis framework that

investigates the meaning of words infused in the art works under investigation. A description of

semiotics in general is provided, through a brief review of the works of three principal founders

and scholars in the field, namely Ferdinand de Saussure, Roland Barthes, and Charles Sanders

Peirce.

In order to apply the data obtained in the semiotic analysis, Fetsko’s (2001) criteria for analysis

will be applied. A discussion on the data extracted from the editorial cartoons, using the seven

variables for each editorial cartoon, will, in turn, provide the general information that may

provide answers to the research questions posed by the study.

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4.2 Research design

In order to adequately investigate the role and meaning of Zimbabwean editorial cartoons that were published while media laws were in effect, an interpretivist approach will be employed for the proposed study. This approach has been extensively used for editorial cartoon analysis in the past (Bormann, Koester & Bennett, 1978; Brinkman, 1968; DeSousa & Medhurst, 1982;

Edwards, 1995, 1997; Horrigan, Garrett & Resnick, 2004; Ludtke, 2004), and not without justification. The majority of the above authors focussed on the representations of presidential canditates during American elections. Dunford (2004:46) argues that people’s actions, whether individually or collectively, are based on “their constructions of the nature of the world in which they operate”. To gain an understanding of Zimbabwean cartoons in their context through analysis, a qualitative data-collection method will be devised based on two semiotic frameworks

– one for image analysis, based on Du Plooy (1996), and one for text and language analysis, developed by Leech (1974). The codes for analysis will be modified slightly, so as to apply specifically to editorial cartoons in the Zimbabwean context.

4.3 Data collection

Data relating to this study was obtained from two sources, namely a Zimbabwean daily print newspaper, The Herald, and a Zimbabwean online newspaper, zimonline.co.za. The 2008 harmonised elections were held under Southern African Development Community (SADC) poll guidelines. The election period, for the purposes of this study, is from 10 March 2008, when the first SADC observer team arrived (The Herald, 2008), to 27 June 2008, when a subsequent election (a presidential run-off) was held. The actual polling date was 29 March 2008. While the majority of the available Zimbabwe online websites carried editorial cartoons during this period,

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only zimonline.co.za had archived all of their editorial cartoons according to the dates on which

they had been published. Another site, zimdaily.com, made an attempt to store their editorial cartoons, but theirs were not dated, and the total number of available cartoons on their site revealed that a considerable number may be missing. The rest of the online newspapers either had similar erratic archiving methods, or had neglected to archive their editorial cartoons altogether. Online editorial cartoons for the study were sourced from zimonline.com. The only traditional daily newspapers available during the period were the Herald and the Chronicle, both state-owned. Both newspapers had not archived their editorial cartoons electronically.

Consequently, editorial cartoons from the Herald were obtained from stored physical copies of the newspaper. Cartoons from the Chronicle were not used in this study for two reasons. Firstly, problems arose with obtaining the editorial cartoons, owing to the fact that there was no librarian at the newspaper’s premises during the collection period, and, secondly, it was thought that this would ensure a balance between the two respective sources of data, as online editorial cartoons were available from only one website.

The two subjects under investigation are President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan

Tsvangirai. The criteria for the two subjects were as follows;

 The cartoon must make reference to the person’s character, or

 The cartoon must depict the person’s relationship with Zimbabwean issues or people.

The 2008 election period in Zimbabwe was characterised by a deep polarisation of the populace on political grounds. One pole identified itself with the opposition Movement for Democratic

Change (MDC), and the other pole identified itself with the ruling ZANU (PF) party. With

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President Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai leading the rival sides, an explanation of how

these two political subjects were depicted in the two different kinds of newspapers will assist in

explaining the role that editorial cartoons play in the Zimbabwean context. It is also possible for

the characteristics defined above to be measured against contemporaneous news reports about the two subjects. Fetsko (2001) identified background knowledge as one of the properties that provide a greater understanding to meaning. Therefore, it is important that editorial cartoons be analysed in the political context in which they were published.

Collected editorial cartoons were placed into four different categories, namely

A1: Online Zimbabwean newspaper editorial cartoons with President Robert Mugabe as subject.

A2: Traditional Zimbabwean newspaper editorial cartoons with President Robert Mugabe as subject.

B1: Online Zimbabwean newspaper editorial cartoons with opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as subject.

B2: Traditional Zimbabwean newspaper editorial cartoons with opposition leader Morgan

Tsvangirai as subject.

Categories A1 to B2 constitute the population of the study. Two editorial cartoons were selected from the four groups.

The dates of publication cover the full election period. The earliest of the selected cartoons was published on 24 March 2008, five days before the polling date, when election anxiety had gripped the nation. The last editorial cartoon published during the period and selected for analysis is dated 30 April 2008, only two days before the election results were announced.

Depictions of President Robert Mugabe in editorial cartoons appearing in the state-controlled

47 newspapers are extremely rare. During the period under investigation, only one editorial cartoon in the Herald had a figure with similar physical attributes to those of President Mugabe. The cartoon was automatically picked to form part of the sample. Another Herald cartoon picked to complete the A2 subgroup neither captured President Mugabe’s physical attributes nor referred to his name. However, the context in which depictions were made certainly refers to his personality. The rest of the editorial cartoons were selected based on the above criteria.

4.4 Data analysis: Introduction to semiotics

Semiotics is essentially the study of signs. Signs are used to communicate messages in different ways, and include language, gestures, the arts, the media, architecture, clothing, and fashion

(Fourie, 1996:2-3). Semiotics is therefore the study of signs and how they work (Fiske, 1982:3).

Image analysis may be achieved through semiotics. The science of semiotics is deeply embedded in the work of Ferdinand de Saussure and Charles Sanders Peirce. The most fundamental difference between the works of these two scholars was that De Saussure was a languages professor whose approach was purely linguistic in nature and hardly considered the reader, whereas Peirce’s model has the reader as one of its critical components (Crow, 2003:15). De

Saussure argued that there was “no inherent or necessary relationship between that which carries the meaning (the signifier, usually a word or symbol) and the actual meaning which is carried

(the signified)” (Cline, 2011:1). He argued that a car is a physical thing but that the word used to identify it may be made up of random letters of the alphabet. Peirce’s theory of semiotics distinguished three types of signs, namely the icon, the index, and the symbol. According to

Cline (2011:1), “Whether a sign belongs in one category or another is dependent upon the

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nature of the relationship between the sign itself (which he called the referent) and the actual

meaning”. However, the similarities between the two theorists’ approaches form the foundation

on which the analysis of editorial cartoons for this study is based.

Both De Saussure and Peirce’s approaches identify three components as the critical elements of

semiotics, namely the signs themselves, the way they are organised into systems, and the context in which they appear (Fourie, 1996:16). In semiotic analysis in visual communication, the sign is

the smallest known variable. Based on the works of Peirce, the sign can be identified through its

three main characteristics. Firstly, it must be physically perceptible, meaning that it must “in

some degree be visible, audible or tangible”, or one must be able to smell or taste it (Fourie,

1996:38). Secondly, it should refer to something, and therefore it will have a representative

character. Lastly, because it is a representation of something else, it has to have an interpretive

character (Fourie, 1996:38).

Peirce posited a triangular relationship between the sign, which he also termed the representamen, the user, which he called the interpretant, and the external reality, or object, as a necessary means of studying meaning, as illustrated below.

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Figure 4.1: Peirce’s elements of meaning (in Fiske, 1982:45)

Peirce emphasises that each term can be understood in relation to the other terms, through the

use of double-ended arrows. He identifies the sign as referring to something other than itself

(Fiske, 1982:45). Fiske (ibid) contextualises Peirce’s model by asserting that the sign refers to

something other than itself – the object – and is understood by somebody, that is, it has an effect

in the mind of the user – the interpretant. Fiske is, however, quick to point out that the interpretant does not merely refer to a person, but rather the sense made of the object.

De Saussure, on the other hand, was more concerned with linguistics, but, remarkably, his theories have been considerably well adapted for image analysis. He proposes different

terminology to that of Peirce, but his theory posits essentially the same relationship between

signs and what they represent. He notes that the sign consists of three components: a signifier, a

referent, and a signified (Fiske, 1982:47). A signifier is the physically perceptible quality of a

sign, while the referent is the object, concept, or idea being referred to, and the signified is the

meaning attached to the signifier. He identifies two characteristics of the sign. He assigned

different terminology to these characteristics, but they are nevertheless similar to those suggested

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by Peirce. The iconic sign bears resemblances to the icon, and the arbitrary sign is no different

from Peirce’s symbol sign (Fiske, 1982:55). De Saussure’s theory has a linear property, where a

sign is composed of two characteristics, namely the physical existence (the signifier), and the

mental concept (the signified). The sign is applied to signification, De Saussure’s equivalent of

Peirce’s object, in order to form external reality of meaning, as illustrated below.

Figure 4,2: De Saussure’s elements of meaning (in Fiske, 1982:47)

4.5 Key concepts and terminology used in semiotic image analysis

This section identifies key terminology used in semiotics to define and describe the relationship between a sign and the image that is being referred to. The terminology provides a basis for the

understanding of semiotic language and affords the study appropriate vocabulary for visual and

language analysis.

(a) Arbitrary and iconic.

De Saussure declares that the relationship between the signifier and the signified is arbitrary, because “it is determined by convention, rule or agreement among the users” (Botha, 2009:18).

Peirce identifies a similar relationship and calls it “iconic”. According to Peirce, an icon is “a

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non-arbitrary intentional sign – a designation which is to a significant degree representational of,

has some degree of isomorphism with, or bears an intrinsic resemblance to the object it

designates” (Landsberg, 1980:93).

(b) Motivation and constraint.

Signs are said to have different levels of motivation and constraint. These two terms refer to the

extent to which a sign determines meaning. A photograph is said to be highly motivated when

compared to a drawing, because it has a closer resemblance to the object. The term “motivation”, coined by De Saussure, is sometimes substituted with the term “constraint” in descriptions of the extent to which the signified determines the signifier (Chandler, 2009). The more a signifier is

“constrained” by the signified, the more “motivated” the sign is. For instance, iconic signs are

highly motivated, while symbolic signs are unmotivated. Constraint therefore refers to the level

of influence that the sign has on the object.

(c) Denotation and connotation.

A significant figure in the field of semiotics, Roland Barthes (in Fiske, 1982:90), states that the

meaning in any semiotic analysis, which he terms “signification”, is embedded in two layers.

The first layer, called denotation, is “the most obvious message and is uncovered through a

superficial inspection of the [image]” (Giarelli & Talman, 2003:953). Denotation answers the

question “Who or what is depicted [in the composition]?” (Van Leeuwen, 2001:93). The second

and more complex layer manifests in an image in semiotics in the connotation, the latent

meaning of the image that is less obvious and subtextual (Manning & Cullum-Swan, 1994). The

connotation, or signified meaning, of the image attempts to answer the question “What ideas and

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values are expressed through what is represented and through the way in which it is

represented?” (Van Leeuwen, 2001:93). Barthes views connotation as the second-order meaning of the signifier. The connotative meaning of an image is generally arbitrary and specific to one culture, although it frequently has an iconic dimension (Fiske, 1982:92).

(d) Myth.

Barthes (in Fiske, 1982:93) identifies a second-order meaning to the signified, which is also cultural-based and is called “myth”. A myth is “a culture’s way of thinking about something, a way of conceptualising or understanding it” (in Fiske, 1982:93). A myth, according to Barthes, is in existence before the representation and it activates the chains of concepts that constitute myth as a result of what is known about it (in Fiske, 1982:93). Barthes’ two orders of signification are illustrated below.

Figure 4.3: Barthes’ two orders of signification (in Fiske, 1982:93)

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(e) Langue and parole.

Ferdinand de Saussure (in Constas, 1992:257) distinguishes langue from parole by defining

langue as the “social product of the semi-logical behaviour of a ... community” and parole as the

“individual facet of the phenomenon”. A better understanding can be found in an explanation of

language systems, where Lacey (1998:60) likens a language phenomenon to an iceberg:

The surface structure (parole) is visible, but the rules, the supporting or deep structure (langue), are hidden. Thus, the rules of any communication are hidden, but are necessary for the performance (the perceived element of the communication) to be intelligible.

According to the above authors, a phenomenon, image, or language may well be understood in

isolation, but its deeper meaning may only be found in the society or cultural paradigm that it

originates from or is created for.

(f) Codes.

If a sign or, more commonly, a combination of signs is arranged in such a way that it conveys a

meaning, it becomes a visual, signifying code (Fourie, 1996:50). Techniques used to “unite

components of an image to enable them to convey meaning jointly may be described as codes of

content” (Fourie, 1996:54). This is also referred to as the visual mode of the composition in still

images. In editorial cartoons, people, furniture, scenery, buildings, streets, or any identifiable objects created by the cartoonist in the composition fall into this category, collectively forming

the content of the image. The second group comprises the codes of form. According to Fourie

(1996:55), contents of form relate to the way in which content is created.

According to Fourie (1996:55), “Codes exist only in and through the way people use them”.

Editorial cartoonists may use satire, for example, but it is only a technique with no physical

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appearance. Codes are also culture- and context-based. The use of the colour red elicits many

different meanings across the world, meanings that are not always shared by communities.

Additionally, codes function intertextually (Fourie, 1996:55). One can only learn to understand and interpret a code through other codes used elsewhere. One can only know to stop at a traffic light-controlled intersection in a foreign country if the red light means the same thing in the country that one comes from. Another characteristic of the code is that it is dynamic – it has the ability to change.

Codes are essential components of semiotics, as it is through them that meaning can be deduced

(Crow, 2003). An essential ability of the code is its ability to provide two different layers of meaning, namely the main signifying range, and the typical signifying range. The former range answers the question “How are the codes used in the [composition]?” while the latter range responds to the question “What meaning(s) is/are produced?” (Van den Bergh, n.d.:7).

(g) Paradigms or syntagms.

Codes may be described either as paradigms or syntagms, depending on their relationship to the sign. A paradigm, according to De Saussure, is a set from which one unit may be chosen, such as the alphabet. There are two basic characteristics of a paradigm. The first is that all units within it must have something in common that determines their membership within the group. By way of illustration, we must know that M is a member of the alphabetic paradigm, and we must equally recognise that 5 is not, and neither is # (Fiske, 1982:61). The second characteristic is that members within the same paradigm must have distinguishing features that differentiate one member from another. Fiske (1982:62) describes a paradigm by stating that where there is a

55 choice, there is a meaning, and the meaning of what is chosen is determined by the meaning of what is not chosen. A combination of units chosen from a paradigm is what is termed a

“syntagm”. A word, for example, “dog”, is a syntagm, because it is a combination of elements found in the paradigm of the alphabet. The combination of letters in that particular order creates a word with a meaning associated with it.

4.6 Editorial cartoons and signs

Editorial cartoons are created by using one or several techniques in drawing. A link can be found between the drawing and the sign. Ashwin (1984), for example, explored the link between the word “sign” and words meaning “to draw” in several languages. According to Ashwin

(1984:42), the German word Zeichen, meaning “sign”, gives us zeichnen for the verb “to draw”, that is, “to make signs”. Similar connections can be seen, for example, in the Italian language.

The Italian words isegno, meaning “drawing” or “design”, and disegnatore, a word meaning “a designer”, are both derived from segno, the Italian word meaning “sign” (Ashwin, ibid).

Similarly, “design”, the word used in the English language to define a process or product of human creativity, is also derived from the word “sign” (Ashwin, ibid). It can therefore be concluded that the sign is an essential part of a drawing, and one that can be analysed within the context and cultural background in which it was created.

The evidence above suggests that editorial cartoons, being drawings, are combinations of signs that may be understood better through the use of semiotics (Crow, 2003; Moxey, 1991). A semiotic framework would identify a work of art such as an editorial cartoon as a cultural construct, “one that inevitably manifested the social values of the circumstances in which it was

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produced” (Moxey, 1991:986). Crow (2003:15) identifies semiotics as an essential part of image analysis: “The theories [that] apply to graphic design and visual communication are taken from a study of the general science of signs known in Europe as semiology and in the USA as semiotics”. Crow’s view is supported by Trifonas (2003:1), who explains that “semiotics

provides theoretical and methodological framework[s] for isolating and explaining the levels of

meaning, both of language as text and the image as pictorial text”.

The fact that editorial cartoons are one of the few art forms that make use of both image and text

makes semiotics an essential part of their analysis. Trifonas (2003:4) further observes that

because pictorial texts are polysemous, meaning that they have the ability to generate more than

a single meaning, semiotics has functioned to limit the interpretive openness of pictorial texts.

The use of pictorial grammar, which is descriptive language, for image analysis therefore

becomes fundamental, particularly given that images “have no unique visual metalanguage and

require language as an instrument for pictorial analysis” (Trifonas, 2003:4). The 2005

controversy1 caused by the publishing of editorial cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad in

Jyllands-Posten, a Danish newspaper, graphically illustrates how multiple meanings may be

generated from individual cartoons. Semiotics does not offer a universal meaning for images or

for all editorial cartoons, but certainly could succeed in identifying their meanings, relevance,

and roles within a determined social construct. For the purposes of this study, semiotics, then,

may be seen as an integral part of editorial cartoon analysis.

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4.7 Semiotic frameworks for visual analysis

This study critically analyses editorial cartoons. Analysis may be done by using two semiotic frameworks, one for text and language, as developed by Leech (1974), and the other for image analysis, as suggested by Du Plooy2 (1996). The frameworks may be used to obtain information on the meanings and functions of Zimbabwean editorial cartoons, as a way of answering the research questions posed by this study. Leech’s framework and Du Plooy’s framework were designed to analyse any two-dimensional image. For this reason, this section modifies parts of their frameworks in order to suit the analysis of editorial cartoons.

Du Plooy’s suggested approach to non-verbal communication and meaning can be adjusted to apply to a number of visual communication practices. She states that when studying non-verbal communication, such an investigation could include an analysis of a variety of visual forms and media (Du Plooy, 1996:114). She suggests that illustrations, cartoons, and computer graphics are ideal non-verbal communication imagery for image semiotic analysis (Du Plooy, ibid). The availability of editorial cartoon text, usually in the form of speech bubbles, captions, labels, and signs are not catered for in Du Plooy’s generic approach to non-verbal communication analysis.

A second semiotic analysis framework developed by Leech (1974:26) and specific to written text and verbal communication will therefore be employed to address the analysis of text and language.

Du Plooy’s non-verbal communication approach to semiotic analysis of the image investigates both signifying and signified ranges within an image, meaning that both connotative meaning (or signifying range) and denotative meaning (or signified range) are considered. For the purposes of

58 this study, the codes suggested by Du Plooy may be grouped into five categories. The categories are signs, interpersonal communication, codes of content, codes of form, and field forces.

4.7.1 Signs

Fiske (1982:44) identifies a sign as something physical and perceivable by our senses. According to Fiske (1982:44), a sign refers to something other than itself and depends on a recognition by its users that it is a sign. There are three types of signs, namely iconic signs, indexical signs, and symbolic signs. An iconic sign resembles the object it represents in some way, that is, it looks or sounds like the object that it represents, while an indexical sign, such as smoke representing a fire, offers a direct link between the sign and its object (Fiske, 1982:50; Crow, 2003:33).

Symbols are signs with no logical connection to the meaning. According to Crow (ibid), symbols rely exclusively on the reader having learned the connection between the sign and its meaning (Crow, 2003:33). The modified semiotic framework will investigate how signs are employed in the selected editorial cartoons and what possible meanings may be obtained, as a result.

4.7.2 Interpersonal communication

Interpersonal communication refers to the relationship between the depiction of the body, its parts, clothing, or physical structures and the overall meaning of the composition. While Du

Plooy lists six different types of interpersonal communication, only three are appropriate for image analysis, namely kinesics, proxemics, and artefacts. The other three variables apply to video and audio analysis. Kinesics concerns communicating by means of movements of the hands, face, legs, eyes and/or the posture or movement of the body as a whole (Du Plooy, 1996:

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115). Within kinesics, five categories may be identified. They are emblems, illustrators, affect

displays, regulators, and adaptors. The second type of interpersonal communication suitable for

image analysis is proxemics. It relates to how space is used as part of communication behaviour.

There are four types of spatial zones, namely the intimate zone, the personal zone, the social

zone, and the public zone (Du Plooy, 1996:115). The third type of interpersonal communication

suitable for image analysis is artefacts. Artefacts refer to and include fixed features, such as

static architectural structures, semi-fixed objects, such as furniture, and clothing (Du Plooy,

ibid).

4.7.3 Codes of content

Codes of content, constitutes receptable information in visual form. packaged as the essence of a

communicated message or discourse, as comprehended or received by its intended audience, is

investigated by Du Plooy’s framework. Codes of content are analysed according to the factors of

style, lighting, volume duality, and graphic depth. Style is the manner in which the codes are

created. Style is a deliberate action by the creator of the image to form and place images within

the frame. Many cartoonists have developed a specific, consistent style that makes their creations exclusive to them. Style affects content and, by extension, meaning, therefore the style of the selected editorial cartoons will be reviewed.

Lighting in Du Plooy’s framework does not refer to external light sources such as an electronic light beam, but deals “specifically with the light captured by the [camera] lens” (Du Plooy,

1996:119). For this editorial cartoon analysis, lighting will deal with the variation in shades

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within the composition. Editorial cartoons forming the study sample were all published in black-

and-white varying shades of greys and blacks that may be investigated for possible meanings.

Du Plooy’s framework also investigates depth and volume factors, namely volume duality and graphic depth factors. Volume duality refers to positive and negative space, and how these are used to create the illusion of depth. The use of colour or shading, or the presence of white spaces, may delineate spaces, and these may contribute to the overall meaning of an image. The positioning of elements in a composition so that they overlap, or the differing of sizes of components relative to one another, may create the illusion of depth. A lack of clarity of elements in the background can also create the illusion of depth. These factors are collectively called graphic depth factors. Depth and volume factors suggested by Du Plooy will be

incorporated in the proposed semiotic framework for editorial cartoon analysis.

4.7.4 Codes of form

The size of objects is based solely on a comparison of prior knowledge of an object and the size

that it is depicted in a composition in relation to other objects also known to the viewer in real life. The code is particularly important in editorial cartoon analysis, where distortion of objects is employed as a tool for emphasis, comic effect, or various other outcomes. Du Plooy introduces lenses and focus as well as basic camera shots as visual codes in her semiotic framework for image analysis (Du Plooy, 1996:135-139). The two are not necessarily exclusive to photography analysis. The same characteristics that Du Plooy’s non-verbal communication suggests are also

found in editorial cartoons. This study will replace the codes of lenses and focus with

perspective, and the code of basic camera shots with angle of view. Aspect ratio, which

61 investigates the form or shape of the frame, will not be used for this study, because every newspaper usually has uniform space and format for its editorial cartoons, and any direct consequence related to the ratio of length and width may come down to mere coincidence.

4.7.5 Field forces

There are six field forces that Du Plooy (1996:122) claims either clarify or intensify meaning, namely main directions, the magnetism of the frame and attraction of mass, the asymmetry of the frame, figure-ground perception, psychological closure, and vectors. All field forces refer to characteristics found in editorial cartoons. Therefore, they will form part of the semiotic framework for editorial cartoon analysis. Two main directions, namely horizontal (x-axis) and vertical (y-axis), may be identified within an image. An image conveys a certain “feeling” if it emphasises one direction, such as calmness if horizontal, and high energy if vertical.

The corners, top and side edges of the image’s frame have the ability to at times exert a magnetic pull on elements that are positioned close to them. An editorial cartoon may, for instance, suggest emphasis or lead the viewer’s eyes to a particular point if elements such as direction signs or eyes all point in a certain direction. This ability is a visual code of content called magnetism of the frame and attraction of mass. Magnetism of the frame refers to the ability of the image’s edges and/or corners to “pull” objects, for example, an image, depicting several frightened people in one corner with a barking dog in an opposite corner. Attraction of mass relates to the drawing of objects to one side, based on the appeal generated but an object in that direction. Asymmetry of frame investigates the unevenness or lack of balance within the composition.

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Figure-ground perception involves the relationship between the background and the foreground. The background may shed light on the meaning of components in the foreground, and vice versa (Du Plooy, 1996:126).

Psychological closure is based on the Gestalt principle that argues that eyes naturally tend to

“fill in the missing parts to obtain a complete image” (Du Plooy, 1996:127). Based on principles

of proximity, similarity, and continuity, Du Plooy says “we … combine elements which appear

closer to one another (proximity), we will group similarly shaped elements together (similarity),

and we will see a dominant line or shape, rather than detached sections” (Du Plooy, 1996:127).

Psychological closure reveals latent information that may not be apparent at first glance.

Du Plooy defines vectors as “directional forces, such as objects, people or lines, that are placed

within the [composition] in such a way that, when viewing the [composition], one’s eyes are led

from one point to another or to some directional orientation, inside or outside the frame” (Du

Plooy, 1996:127). Two types of vectors – graphic vectors, and index vectors – can be found in

a still image. Graphic vectors are lines or objects leading one’s attention from one object to

another, while index vectors are created by something or someone pointing or looking in a

specific direction (Du Plooy, 1996:128). Three subgroups of index vectors may be identified that

determine whether the vectors’ general direction continues, converges, or diverges. Continuing

vectors can be identified when at least two people or two signs, or a combination of either of

these, look or point in the same direction. Converging vectors are index vectors that face each

other and are best illustrated by two figures of the editorial cartoon facing each other while

63 conversing. Du Plooy (1996:129) states that, depending on the context of the image, converging vectors can contribute to closure or conflict being heightened.

Figure 4.4: The modified approach to Du Plooy’s semiotic non-verbal communication in table form to facilitate the analysis of editorial cartoons

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4.8 Language and meaning

The editorial cartoon’s ability to fuse image and text (Zyglis, 2003:13) means that an analysis of

visual characteristics alone is therefore not enough. A second semiotic framework exclusively

investigating language and text will be used to complement the modified semiotic image analysis

framework. Leech (1974:26) drew up a schematic summary containing seven types of meaning

in language. The conceptual meaning or sense is the logical or denotative content of the text.

Associative meaning is divided into five types, namely connotative meaning, stylistic

meaning, affective meaning, reflective meaning, and collocative meaning. The last type is

thematic meaning, which relates to “what is communicated by the way in which the message is

organized in terms of order and emphasis” (Leech, 1974:26). However, based on the parameters

of the study, its objectives, and the nature of the data sought from the editorial cartoon, only four

of the variables will be investigated.

Conceptual meaning, also seen as “the basic and central meaning in linguistic communication”

(Fourie, 1996:69), will be analysed for each editorial cartoon. Connotative meaning, a cultural- based, “lexical meaning … related to the certain thing it refers to” (Hidayatullah, 2008), will be examined. Stylistic meaning, a form of associative meaning, and referring to “what a piece of language conveys about the social circumstances surrounding its use” (Fourie, 1996:69), will be analysed too. Editorial cartoon textual and language analysis will also focus on affective meaning. Affective meaning relates to “language that reflects the personal feelings of the speaker, including his attitude to the listener or his attitude towards something he is talking about” (Fourie, 1996:69). Investigating the three language variables will provide meaning to the

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verbal communication within the sample of editorial cartoons under review. A text mode

investigating the general properties of the words and their meanings precedes the inquiry into the three main textual codes, as illustrated below.

Figure 4.5: Semiotic table for text and language analysis, based on Leech’s framework

4.9 Analysis criteria

The criteria for the discussion of data extracted from the selected editorial cartoons using the two semiotic frameworks are provided by Fetsko3 (2001). Fetsko (2001:16) lists seven properties of

the editorial cartoon as codes worthy of analysis. These are symbols/metaphors,

exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions and background

knowledge, as presented by the editorial cartoon. Fetsko argues that by analysing the seven criteria listed above, one not only comprehends the meaning, but the obtained data is sufficient to provide an understanding of the meaning, and, by extension, the general function of the editorial cartoons.

Fetsko (2001:8) identifies symbolism as “the use of a sign or an object in a work of art to stand for something other than itself”. Its effectiveness is cultural-based – it depends on a presumption

66 that it may be understood by the audience it is created for (Fetsko, 2001:8). Metaphors are defined by Speedling (2004:ii, 6) as:

rhetorical devices … [that are] not simply the substitution of one concept or image for another. Instead, [they encompass] a complete transformation whereby two originally distinct meanings are merged so that a new meaning is effected to convey [new] meanings.

Their power lies in having inherent in them rhetorical capabilities in both verbal texts and visual texts (Edwards, 1993, 1995, 1997, 2001). In other words, metaphors can “convey a complex message in a much more immediate and condensed fashion than language” (Speedling, 2004:6).

Exaggeration and distortion are primary tools often employed by cartoonists “to stress the power or weakness, the importance or the insignificance, dangerousness or helplessness of some person, group, or social force” (Fetsko, 2001:8). In other words, exaggeration and distortion help to emphasise extremes in personalities or actions.

Caricaturing is closely related to exaggeration and distortion. Caricature is viewed as “an exaggeration of or distortion of one or more of a person’s prominent features” (Fetsko, 2001:12).

Fetsko adds that although caricatures are often unflattering renderings of personalities, they reveal vital information about the subject (Fetsko, 2001:12).

Stereotypes may be defined as simplistic, often exaggerated representations of a person or thing.

They may be defined, too, as “a scheme or a prejudice in terms of which people interpret things and form particular conceptions” (Fourie, 1996:164). Lester and Ross (2003:xi) identified both negative and positive traits of stereotyping, asserting that, on the one hand they could “rather

67 negatively [be] defined as conventional, formulaic and oversimplified conception, opinion or image”, while, on the other hand, they may “communicate dramatically and well without much subtlety or nuance”.

Humour in editorial cartoons is created through the use of irony and satire (Fetsko, 2001:13).

These two humorous devices provide the comic relief found in cartoons. Irony is described as a strong statement that is at odds with reality, while satire refers to the use of exaggeration to poke fun at subjects (Fetsko, 2001:13). These two devices are employed not just as a way to make fun of editorial cartoon subjects, but are also useful in engaging the reader as an active participant in the discourse. Irony and satire provoke and demand an emotional response from the reader.

The use of language in editorial cartoons is common. Words are often employed to “reinforce the cartoon’s non-verbal features” (Fetsko, 2001:14). They complement the visuals, and the combination provides the overall meaning of the editorial cartoon. Results from the semiotic analysis of language and text will be discussed under the discussion of captions. Here, all texts included in the editorial cartoons will be analysed, and their meanings will be combined with those from image analysis, to form the overall meaning of the newspaper products.

The background information/argument is the data that is made available within the society that the editorial cartoon is created for, that is, it is related to the information present within the editorial cartoon. Although there are usually multiple exaggerations or distortions in editorial cartoons, the background knowledge that they are based on is basic knowledge of the subject, and the references found in editorial cartoons are vital for the decoding of the signs given by the

68 cartoonist. The cartoonist therefore bases his or her opinion on topical or current news, and the background information that he or she refers to justifies the production of the artwork.

4.10 Chapter synthesis

The modified non-verbal communication framework for visual semiotic analysis, as described earlier in this chapter, complemented by the second semiotic framework investigating language and text, will be used to guide the analysis of the selected editorial cartoons in an objective, systematic manner, in order to obtain data on the technical aspects, content, and form of the editorial cartoon. Using criteria suggested by Fetsko (2001) for the analysis of editorial cartoons, the information obtained may be organised into issues central to comparing the meanings and contexts of regulated and unregulated editorial cartoons published in Zimbabwe during the 2008 harmonised elections. Fetsko’s properties of the editorial cartoon include the addressing of background knowledge, by investigating possible “stimulants” for the forming of the idea behind the artwork. These “roots” from which the editorial cartoon emerged, together with the general meaning of the cartoon, analysed by means of Fetsko’s (2001) properties of cartoon analysis, have the potential to provide pertinent information on the role of the editorial cartoon in the Zimbabwean context. An investigation of the variables in editorial cartoons using two semiotic frameworks will provide a platform for the analysis of eight editorial cartoons published by two different Zimbabwe news sources during the 2008 elections in that country.

The next chapter uses Fetsko’s (2001) analysis criteria to discuss information obtained from the two suggested semiotic frameworks.

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Endnotes

1The Muslim religion bestows the highest form of respect on the Prophet Muhammad, whom they see as the messenger of God. Depiction of the prophet in any form is not permitted. In Islamic movies, for example, not only is he not shown in human form, but his voice is also not depicted. Showing the prophet in any form is considered a sign of disrespect and contempt towards the Muslim religion. The Jyllands-Posten, a Danish newspaper, on 30 September 2005 published a dozen editorial cartoons by different cartoonists depicting the Prophet Muhammad. The newspaper had said that the publication was aimed at contributing to the debate on criticism of Islam and self- censorship. Critics viewed the cartoons as Islamophobic, racist, and blasphemous. The protests that followed resulted in over 100 deaths worldwide. Most of the cartoonists that drew the controversial drawings received death threats, while some radical Muslim fundamentalists offered cash and gold rewards to anyone that killed any of the said artists.

2Du Plooy deals with non-verbal communication and meaning and proposes a way of reading signs using a code- based framework. 3William Fetsko developed the seven properties for editorial cartoon analysis as an educational package titled Using and analyzing political cartoons (2001). He says “editorial cartoons … express opinions about very specific news events in the real world” (Fetsko, 2001:7). Fetsko’s properties are: symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge.

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CHAPTER 5: ANALYSIS

5.1 Introduction

This study aims to determine the effect of Zimbabwe’s two media laws, the Public Order and

Maintenance Act 2002 [Chapter 11:17] (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of

Privacy Act 2002 [Chapter 10:27] (AIPPA), on editorial cartoons in the country during

Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections. Two frameworks for semiotic analysis suggested in the

previous chapter, one investigating visual characteristics and another examining text and language, were applied to the eight editorial cartoons selected for this study (see Appendices 1 to

8). For discussion and analysis of the results revealed by the semiotic analysis, the chapter employs the “seven editorial cartoon properties” suggested by Fetsko (2001) as criteria to discuss the findings. Fetsko identifies symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge presented by the editorial cartoon as the main variables that are essential for explaining the central meaning of an editorial cartoon and identifying the general function of the editorial cartoon. The frameworks were used to read the visual and textual signs in the editorial cartoons, in order to determine their roles and meanings in a Zimbabwean newspaper environment characterised by regulated and unregulated newspapers.

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5.2 The analysis of editorial cartoons depicting Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai during the 2008 election period in Zimbabwe

5.2.1 The editorial cartoon coded A1i

Figure 5.1: An online editorial cartoon (zimonline.co.za, 2008c)

The editorial cartoon shown in Figure 5.1 was published by the zimonline.co.za newspaper on 17

April 2008, about two weeks after the polling date in the Zimbabwean harmonised elections. It

shows President Mugabe receiving a briefing from a member of the army regarding the outcome

of a particular mission. The mission, as made apparent by the text in the speech bubbles above

the two subjects in the cartoon, was to “rig” the elections by secretly filling ballot boxes with

votes to help swing the presidential elections in Mugabe’s favour. At the time that the cartoon

was published, the election results were yet to be made public, yet the Zimbabwe Electoral

Commission (ZEC), the independent body that ran the polls, had released a statement inviting

competing candidates or their agents to present themselves for a recount of the ballots (Monster

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Sand Critics 2008). The editorial cartoon reflects concerns raised by the opposition figures and their supporters. On 13 April 2008, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) spokesperson,

Nelson Chamisa, said:

We will not accept any recount, because for us that is accepting rigged results. [The] ZEC [have been] in custody of the ballot boxes for two weeks, and heavens know what they have done [with] the ballot papers. They might have stuffed [the ballet boxes] with their [own] votes. (New Zimbabwe, 2008)

The word “might” in the last part of Chamisa’s statement shows that the assertions are based on personal fears, and are not facts based on available supporting evidence. This editorial cartoon is therefore more speculative than it is a reflection of actual political developments in Zimbabwe.

The text and language used in the composition gives the impression that Mugabe uses the army to tip elections in his favour. The speech bubble attributed to the soldier shows that the recently completed act of electoral fraud is a calculated and deliberate task sanctioned by the

Zimbabwean leader, who responds with words suggesting satisfaction with the progress made.

The last two words attributed to President Mugabe, “this time”, allege that the Zimbabwean leader is a “serial rigger” of elections who is not engaging in the act of election rigging with this soldier for the first time.

The irony created by the composition is the suggestion that Mugabe, who as President is obliged to adhere to strict moral and political codes has, in fact, transgressed the laws governing democratic elections, and not for the first time either, to manipulate a democratic process to his favour. The editorial cartoon therefore depicts President Mugabe as a dishonest and cunning politician that intends to hold on to power at all costs, even against the wishes of his own people.

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The Zimbabwean army is reflected as a corrupt, convenient partner to Mugabe that is rewarded with considerable wealth for all the dirty work it does. Evidence of the army’s affluence is provided by the use of an indexical sign, the soldier’s bulging stomach. The soldier’s exaggerated abdomen is a sign of living comfortably. It suggests abundance of wealth. In addition, the soldier’s animated face, aptly caricatured with large dark glasses, suggests flamboyance. President Mugabe’s face is animated too, but the expression on the caricatured face points more to a happy reaction to the news he has just received than a reference to his personality. The composition uses the lone soldier as a metaphorical representation of the

Zimbabwean army, implying that President Mugabe owes his continued stay in power to the uniformed forces.

5.2.2 The editorial cartoon coded A1ii

Figure 5.2: An online editorial cartoon (zimonline.co.za, 2008b)

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The editorial cartoon shown in Figure 5.2 was published by the zimonline.co.za newspaper on 14

April 2008, two weeks after the polling date in the Zimbabwean harmonised elections. It shows

President Mugabe dipping his hand into a cookie jar and grabbing a cookie labelled “Presidential

Elections”. The editorial cartoon effectively suggests that the Zimbabwean President orchestrated a deliberate plan to illegally and unconstitutionally retain political power that he had lost through the election process. Certainly, concern was raised with regard to the delay in the announcement of the presidential elections, in particular – it took 34 days between the polling date and the official release of the results. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) Chief

Election Officer Lovemore Sekeramayi insisted that the delay was technical, as the commission had received ballots from the furthest and most remote areas in the country late. He urged the nation to “remain patient as ZEC ... [went] through ... [a] meticulous verification process”

(Nyamagambiri & Munda, 2008).

The cartoon, by suggesting that the delay automatically translated into electoral fraud, without any supporting evidence being available in the mainstream media or any public forum, challenges the notion of free speech. The cartoon does not comment on current affairs, neither does it creatively “invent” a scene to place a comment in context. Rather, it suggests an event that is at odds with reality. The results that were released two weeks after the publication of this editorial cartoon confirm this. When the official results were finally announced on 2 May 2008,

Tsvangirai had obtained 47.9% of the votes, and President Mugabe had obtained 43.2%, results that both candidates accepted. They furthermore expressed their willingness to participate in a presidential run-off election called by the ZEC, because, as stipulated by the country’s laws, a candidate has to receive at least 50+1% of votes to be declared the outright winner in an election.

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Very short and precise text in the form of labels is used in the cartoon. The labelled cookies contextualise the “harmonised” aspect of the elections. The cartoon shows that, in addition to the presidential elections, parliamentary and senatorial elections were also contested. The lifting of one cookie labelled “Presidential Elections” distinguishes that cookie from the other cookies in the jar, and the use of the caption “The Cookie Jar”, as well as the attire and demeanour of the composition, suggest that the act by the Zimbabwean President is not one of placing a cookie into the jar, but one of taking a cookie out of the jar.

Metaphorical representations feature strongly in this editorial cartoon. The school/boy scout uniform is used as a symbol to suggest mischief, naivety, and immaturity on the part of the

Zimbabwean leader, while the ZEC is depicted as a cookie jar, and the elections are the cookies.

The metaphors feed into the stereotypical representations suggested by this editorial cartoon. The

ZEC is represented as a powerless body that is open to manipulation, and the elections are represented as neither free nor fair, as they are open to abuse. President Mugabe is depicted as a power-hungry, immature leader who is willing to go to extremes to maintain his position as

President. The irony in the composition is the childishness of President Mugabe, who, only two months before, had celebrated his 84th birthday. He is shown wearing clothes associated with children and is also caught in the act of doing a childish deed, namely stealing a cookie from a cookie jar. The caricatured face of the Zimbabwean leader shows his age, with several lines punctuating it. The lines on his forehead, the low jawline, the wrinkles on the lower part of the face, the white hair, and the drooping eyes suggest that the figure is too old to act in the manner

76 in which he is acting. The facial features, however, appear to have been exaggerated to contradict the youthful appearance presented by his attire.

5.2.3 The editorial cartoon coded A2i

Figure 5.3: An editorial cartoon from a conventional newspaper (The Herald(b), 2008)

The editorial cartoon shown in Figure 5.3 was published by the Herald newspaper on 23 April

2008. It refers to behind-the-scenes negotiations for a power-sharing deal between the MDC and

ZANU (PF). Zimbabwe is part of the regional body the Southern African Development

Community (SADC). In 2008, SADC had 15 member states, namely Angola, Botswana,

Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique,

Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, and

Zimbabwe (SADC, 2010). SADC noted the deteriorating relations between the two main

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Zimbabwean political parties, and in 2007, at a summit in Tanzania, the regional body appointed

South African President Thabo Mbeki to mediate, as a way to “promote dialogue of the parties in

Zimbabwe” (My Broadband, 2007). The harmonised elections held in 2008 and the SADC guidelines that regulated them were the products of agreements brokered at the talks (BBC,

2008a). Although Zimbabweans went to the polls to elect a new leadership on 29 March 2008, talks aimed at securing a political solution were taking place behind the scenes.

A major fallout occurred at the talks in April 2008, when Mbeki said “there is no crisis in

Zimbabwe”, a statement he later elaborated on by insisting that he was referring to the election situation, and not the broader Zimbabwean situation (Msomi, 2008). This resulted in Tsvangirai questioning the ability of the South African leader to broker a deal acceptable to the MDC. On

17 April, Tsvangirai stated without elaborating, “We want to thank Mbeki for all his efforts, but he needs to be relieved of his duty” (Msomi, 2008). Tsvangirai suggested that then Zambian

President, the late Levy Mwanawasa, should replace Mbeki, declaring, “We have asked

Mwanawasa to lead a new initiative due to the urgent situation in Zimbabwe [caused by] the violence, intimidation and changing electoral conditions” (Msomi, 2008). The G81, a grouping of the most powerful states in the world, including Britain and the United States, opposed Mbeki’s handling of the talks, suggesting that the South African leader was not putting enough pressure on President Mugabe for political reform in Zimbabwe (Wintour & Elliott, 2008). Yet, despite the reservations by the MDC and several Western countries, SADC refused to bow down to pressure and retained Mbeki as mediator of the Zimbabwean talks. The Zimbabwean government, no doubt, felt uneasy about Mwanawasa, who had, a year before he had become the first African leader to voice strong public criticism of the government south of Zambia’s border,

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likened Zimbabwe to “a sinking Titanic whose passengers are jumping out in a bid to save their

lives” (Muponda, 2007).

The composition of the cartoon, a metaphorical representation of the Zimbabwean talks, shows

the main players in Zimbabwe’s political paradigm on a soccer field. Play has, however, stopped,

as the players, referee, and onlookers listen to Tsvangirai. Soccer is the most popular sport in

Zimbabwe, and the placing of the politicians in a field helps contextualize the topic being

discussed. Text is used to label the majority of those present, namely Mbeki, SADC league

leaders, 2008 American President George W. Bush, and then British Prime Minister Gordon

Brown. Two of the figures are labelled “MDC-T” and “ZANU PF”, and the context in which

they are presented suggests that they are Morgan Tsvangirai and President Mugabe, respectively.

Tsvangirai’s speech bubble reflects his 17 April statement that suggests that Mwanawasa should

replace Mbeki. The repeated shouts of affirmation by the two Western leaders in the background

reflect the supposed twinning of Zimbabwean opposition views to those of their alleged political

partners.

The irony in the composition is created by the treatment of one particular artefact – the soccer uniforms. Tsvangirai, Bush, Brown, and Mwanawasa are depicted wearing similar uniforms.

Mwanawasa, in particular, is being suggested as a replacement for Mbeki, who is seen wearing an impartial black uniform, yet appears as part of Tsvangirai’s team. The irony is extended to include the two Western leaders, who also appear to be playing for Tsvangirai’s team. The ball is

understandably big, exaggerated to suggest the magnitude of the issue facing the Zimbabwean

leader. The two Western leaders in the background are depicted with exaggerated long noses,

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suggesting that they are alien to the forum and subject being discussed. The exaggerated noses

heighten the suggestion of conflict caused by the interference by Western leaders in an internal

issue that is being solved by fellow African leaders, and evoke the familiar metaphor of “sticking

one’s nose in when it does not belong”. The calmness portrayed by the Mbeki and Mugabe

caricatures, juxtaposed with the animated portrayals of Mwanawasa and Tsvangirai suggest that the appointed referee substitute and one of the parties (Mugabe’s party) are ready for the talks, which are being disrupted by a group coming to the negotiating field with bad intentions. As a

result, Mugabe, on the ball, and with remarkably fitter physique than his rival, is seen as calm,

physically fit, and in control, while Mbeki is portrayed as a fair mediator. President Mugabe is

depicted as quite young and almost innocent, with “friendly”, big, childlike eyes. Tsvangirai is

viewed portrayed as a dishonest player seeking an unfair advantage in the negotiations, while

Mwanawasa is depicted as a willing participant in a charade plot to control Zimbabwe’s

mediated issue. Bush and Brown are portrayed as nosy, eavesdropping politicians, openly

meddling in Zimbabwe’s internal affairs to rid Zimbabwe’s political playing field of President

Mugabe.

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5.2.4 The editorial cartoon coded A2ii

Figure 5.4: An editorial cartoon from a traditional newspaper (The Herald(c), 2008)

The editorial cartoon shown in Figure 5.4 was published by the Herald newspaper on 16 May

2008. It refers an impending presidential run-off between President Mugabe and Morgan

Tsvangirai scheduled for 27 June of the same year. Zimbabweans went to the polls on 29 May

2008 to elect the country’s President. Under new electoral laws, a presidential candidate could only be proclaimed the winner if he or she received more than 50% of the votes. Failure by any of the four candidates to get 50+1% meant that the two candidates with the most votes –

Tsvangirai and President Mugabe – had to contest a run-off election (BBC, 2008b). The composition uses a racetrack as a metaphorical representation of the run-off. Similar to an athletics racetrack, the objective of the run-off was to determine one winner at the end of the race. The “athletes” are depicted as ready and waiting in the official starting position, seemingly having similar physical attributes and being ready to race.

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The major difference between the two candidates may be identified in the language and text employed in the editorial cartoon. A thought bubble above Tsvangirai’s head discloses the opposition leader’s opinions. He reflects on three factors that were supposedly in place to enhance his chances of winning the election, namely sanctions, a BBC/CNN media onslaught, and the canvassing of non-governmental organisations (NGOs)2.

Following a land reform exercise characterised by isolated but regular incidents of violence during the 2000 elections in Zimbabwe, Western countries, led by Britain, and including the

European Union and the United States, applied sanctions to Zimbabwe. The sanctions were described as “smart” or “targeted”, meaning that they only affected Zimbabwe’s ruling elite

(Downer, 2002). However, several Asian and African countries, including China (Fin24, 2011),

Malawi (ZBC, 2010), South Africa (Howden, 2010), and Namibia (All Africa, 2011) openly opposed the sanctions, insisting that they hurt ordinary Zimbabweans.

Meanwhile, Tsvangirai and his party supported the imposition of sanctions, and the Western countries insisted that they would only act otherwise on the insistence of the opposition party

(All Africa, 2010). The British government also gave credence to the ZANU (PF) accusations that the sanctions were less about punishing the country for human rights violations, and more about effecting regime change in Zimbabwe. In 2004, then British Prime Minister Tony Blair told the House of Commons (Grebe, 2010:12):

We work closely with the MDC on the measures that we should take in respect of Zimbabwe, although I am afraid that these measures and sanctions, although we have them in place, are of limited effect on the Mugabe regime. We must be

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realistic about that. It is still important … to put pressure for change on the Mugabe regime.

Blair’s assertions challenge the view that the imposition of sanctions on Zimbabwe were solely meant to address human rights issues in the country. However, whatever the reason for the imposition of sanctions on Zimbabwe, there is little doubt that they gave Tsvangirai and his party the upper hand in the Zimbabwean political landscape, as restrictions that were placed on

Mugabe and his close associates were not applied to the opposition.

By the time Zimbabwe held its harmonised elections in 2008, Cable News Network (CNN) and the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) had already been banned for seven years from reporting from Zimbabwe by the Zimbabwean government (Plunkett & Holmwood, 2009), having been accused by authorities in the country of biased reporting against the government.

The Zimbabwean government accused the two media houses and other foreign media of fabricating negative stories about Zimbabwe and blatantly supporting the opposition.

Representatives of the foreign media showed their open support for the opposition at a press conference in 2008, when an MDC senior member erroneously pronounced Tsvangirai as the winner of the presidential election. They reacted to the claims with rapturous applause (Tran,

2008). The two media houses CNN and BBC, however, continued to report on Zimbabwe, at times operating under cover from the country. The Zimbabwean government claimed that news by foreign media on Zimbabwe was mostly inaccurate and without verification, and asserted that the MDC and the foreign media were deliberate partners. This encouraged the notion that most foreign media reports were fabrications meant to tarnish the government’s image and improve the opposition’s position (All Africa, 2007; Tyehimba, 2008).

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The government also had reservations regarding foreign-funded non-governmental organisations

(NGOs), accusing them of using a food distribution programme, which was under way at the time as a result of chronic food shortages, to solicit support for the opposition leader, Morgan

Tsvangirai. President Mugabe, specifically referring to the presidential run-off, alleged, “Food assistance is required, … [but] NGOs were cashing in on that and coming to you saying, ‘We are feeding you so don’t vote ZANU-PF, vote the MDC instead’” (AFP, 2008a). The government alleged that all of the above tactics were orchestrated with the help and blessing of Tsvangirai. A

Mugabe win, according to the cartoon, would therefore be viewed as “honest” and “sincere”.

The words on the extreme right of the composition, taking the “athletes” through the starting rituals but attributed to a figure outside the composition, show that the source is the controller of the race, with the power to start the race. This may mean that the words are coming from the regulator of the elections, the ZEC. These words signify that the start of the race is imminent and reflect the time when the cartoon was published.

There is an interesting distortion of figures in the composition. Mugabe is depicted looking much younger than Tsvangirai, despite the fact that the Zimbabwe President, who was 84 in 2008, is

28 years older than his rival. In addition, Tsvangirai’s face is highly animated, with numerous expressive lines punctuating it, in reference to skin imperfections around his cheeks and forehead. President Mugabe’s face, on the other hand, is depicted as spotless, making the 84- year-old leader look like a teenager. The caricatures and distortions feed into the stereotypical representations highlighted by the composition. Tsvangirai is seen as an anxious politician, not

84 confident in his own abilities, but relying on outside help to secure his victory. The expressive lines on his face create the impression of anxiety. By contrast, President Mugabe is depicted as a calm and focused politician who keeps his cards close to his chest. Unlike his rival, he is not immersed in thought, neither does he utter a word. He is portrayed as the perfect candidate, hence the idealised personality emphasised by the facial features. There is no sign of satire or irony in the composition. It is a somewhat serious presentation that is unusual for a government- owned newspaper to publish. It acknowledges the formidability of Tsvangirai’s challenge, although he is depicted as having an unfair advantage. However, the cartoonist, perhaps prompted by the first round results, which showed that President Mugabe was in second place for the first time in Zimbabwe’s political history, endows the two rivals with identical physical prowess, but suggests, through the statement in the thought bubble, a slight advantage to

Tsvangirai.

5.2.5 The editorial cartoon coded B1i

Figure 5.5: An online editorial cartoon (zimonline.co.za, 2008)

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The editorial cartoon in Figure 5.5 was published online by zimonline.co.za. It shows opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai surrounded by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP). The

ZRP suggest that their frequent detention of the opposition leader is, in fact, a ploy to boost his political ambitions. Although undated, the contents of the cartoon suggest that it was published after 2 May 2008, the day that the presidential election results were made public, but specifically between 4 June and 27 June 2008, the day of the presidential run-off election. The Zimbabwe

Electoral Commission (ZEC) announced the presidential election results on 2 May 2008, which showed that none of the four candidates had secured the 50+1% needed for an outright win. As a result, the two candidates with the most votes, namely Morgan Tsvangirai and President Robert

Mugabe, agreed to a presidential run-off scheduled for 27 June of the same year. On 4 June

2008, 27 days before the run-off, Tsvangirai and about a dozen other party officials were arrested at a police roadblock for threatening public security by addressing a rally in Zimbabwe’s

Matebeleland South province without prior authorisation from the police (IOL News, 2008;

BBC, 2008b). He was released eight hours later. Two days later, Tsvangirai, together with his driver, was again arrested but quickly released, in the same province. He was accused of violating the country’s Customs and Excise Act by using a South African-registered vehicle without proper registration (James, 2008). These two developments were the more recent in a long series of arrests of the opposition leader.

Several arrests before that included one in 2000 and another in 2002, when Tsvangirai was charged with treason (Thornycroft, 2002; BBC, 2007). Another arrest followed in 2007. He later appeared in public with stitches on a bandaged head and a swollen face, with his lawyer alleging

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that he had been assaulted while in police custody. However, President Mugabe insisted that the

beatings were not deliberate, but a direct result of Tsvangirai and some of his colleagues resisting

arrest (Banya, 2007). This cartoon was drawn as a response to the latest arrests in Matebeleland

South at the time, but makes reference to the police ritual of frequently arresting Tsvangirai.

The language and text in the composition reflect an alternative to the two generally agreed

theories with regard to Tsvangirai’s arrests. One view, shared by critics of the Zimbabwean

government, is that his continued arrests were politically motivated and a violation of his basic rights, a view that is supported by the fact that several charges against Tsvangirai were acquitted and several cases were dropped. The other view, shared by pro-government activists and the government itself, is that on each occasion that Tsvangirai had been arrested, he had violated

Zimbabwean laws. For instance, it is unlawful in Zimbabwe to hold a political rally without prior approval from the police, and it can be argued that his arrest for that offence in 2008 was simply a case of the police exercising their duty. The text in the cartoon, however, suggests that the arrests were a ploy to give Tsvangirai an advantage over his rival, and a way for the police to gain patronage from the opposition leader.

The main weapon employed by the cartoonist here is irony. The composition sarcastically suggests a “silver lining” to Tsvangirai’s detentions, stereotypically depicting the ZRP officers as corrupt and acting as “double agents” that, on one level, carry out government orders to arrest

Tsvangirai, and, on another level, enhance the same man’s political portfolio. The caricatured potbellies and general body language of the police officers suggest that they are unfit and fraudulent. Tsvangirai is also shown with a similar bulging stomach, which may in his case,

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however, index wealth. Based on his kinesics, which include the passive resting of his hands at

his side, Tsvangirai is depicted as a defenceless man at the mercy of his captors. His uneasiness

is understandable given his previous encounters with the police. Tsvangirai’s caricatured face is

highly animated, with widened eyes and a general sense of surprise. This adds to the

stereotypical representation of him that suggests that he is defenceless and clearly uncomfortable

in the presence of police officers.

Distortions and exaggerations are confined only to Tsvangirai’s facial expression and the bulging

stomachs, thereby emphasising the “defenceless” stereotype and the “corrupt” stereotype,

respectively, that the composition projects. The dishonest image of the police is also enhanced by

the use of artefacts. The sunglasses on their faces suggest flamboyance, which may be argued to

be a direct result of corruption. The depiction of a handful of police officers, possibly

representing the entire police force, is the only metaphor employed in this editorial cartoon.

5.2.6 The editorial cartoon coded B1ii

Figure 5.6: An online editorial cartoon (zimonline.co.za, 2008a)

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The editorial cartoon in Figure 5.6 was published by the zimonline.co.za online newspaper on 30

April 2008, a month and a day after the polling date of the Zimbabwean harmonised elections. It shows two members of the public walking in a high-density suburb while looking at a billboard that reflects the news at the time. One of the men comments on the billboard, and the other man smiles, seemingly in agreement with the first man. The cartoon makes reference to post-election

events in Zimbabwe in April 2008 where the main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, left

Zimbabwe while he and the entire nation were awaiting the announcement of the results of the

presidential elections that he had participated in. Tsvangirai claimed that he was seeking

temporary refuge in Botswana as a direct result of “fear of being attacked or jailed if he

return[ed] to Zimbabwe” (Nkomo, 2008). Tsvangirai added that going back to Zimbabwe would

compromise his political effectiveness, and then concluded with the rhetorical question “Do you

want a dead hero?” (Banya, 2008). His stay in Botswana, a country with a new leader vigorously

opposed to President Mugabe’s rule, was, however, scoffed at by the Zimbabwean government.

Harare insisted that he was playing to the gallery and forcing the Zimbabwean issue onto the

international agenda.

The billboard on the left side of the frame accurately contextualises the situation at the time. It

simply mentions that Tsvangirai has left the country, seeking to be sheltered temporarily in a neighbouring state. The use of the word ‘asylum’ in the traditional sense refers to an indefinite

stay for a member of the public in a country other than their own for fear of physical, mental or

emotional harm in their native state, but here the word is used to mean a temporary “exile” by an

opposition leader. The man that speaks in the composition is not merely commenting on the

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contents of the billboard, but, rather, is ironically providing an opposing comment that suggests

that Morgan Tsvangirai is, in fact, the legitimate leader of Zimbabwe and is fleeing an unelected

President Robert Mugabe.

The timing is vital. The presidential election was contested by four men – President Mugabe,

Tsvangirai, Simba Makoni, a former government minister who had recently quit government and the ruling party to run as an independent, and Langton Towungana, an independent “wild card” whose name most Zimbabweans were hearing for the first time during the election period. As indicated earlier, according to Zimbabwean laws, a candidate could only be proclaimed winner

of the election if he or she obtained at least more than 50% of the votes. In the event that none of

the competing candidates accumulated enough votes, a run-off would be called that would pit the

two candidates with the most votes against each other.

When the cartoon was developed, the election results had not yet been announced, but estimates

by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network, a non-governmental poll-monitoring body, had

predicted that Tsvangirai would secure 51.8% of the votes (The Telegraph, 2008). Tsvangirai’s

party also announced their own results, based on their “projections”. The party’s Secretary

General, Tendai Biti (in Tran, 2008), claimed at a press conference that the opposition leader had

secured 50.3% of the vote, and added, “Morgan Tsvangirai is the next President of the Republic

of Zimbabwe, without a run-off [election]. … Zanu-PF has lost this election”. The 50.3% figure

was considerably lower than the 60% that the MDC party had claimed from earlier “projections”

(McGreal, 2008).

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Two things are certain here. Firstly, none of the projected results were valid and therefore not a basis for any analysis. Secondly, only the ZEC had the mandate to pronounce a winner. The above cartoon goes further than just providing figures; like the MDC’s Biti, it identifies

Tsvangirai as the official leader of Zimbabwe. It is somewhat irresponsible and malicious for a paper to publish an editorial cartoon that is likely to cause alarm and despondency in a country that is understandably gripped by anxiety following the delayed announcement of the results of an election in which the two main contenders were widely viewed as joint favourites. The seriousness of the insinuations carried by the cartoon is exemplified by the fact that Biti had to face treason charges, punishable by death. The presiding magistrate in the case asserted “after a careful perusal of the submissions by both the state and defense, [that] there [was] a reasonable suspicion that the accused [Biti] committed the offence” (CNN, 2008; News24, 2008). The case was dropped only after a political agreement that created a Government of National Unity after the run-off elections. When official results of the election were finally announced on 2 May

2008, Tsvangirai had obtained 47.9% of the total votes, President Mugabe had obtained 43.2%,

Makoni had obtained 8.3%, and Towungana had obtained 0.6%. None of the candidates had accumulated more than half the total votes, therefore a run-off date for a contest between

President Mugabe and Tsvangirai was set (BBC, 2008a). Both President Mugabe and Tsvangirai accepted the results and prepared for the 2 June 2008 run-off.

There is little attention paid to caricature in this cartoon – the proportions and size of the objects are remarkably realistic, and exaggerations are kept to a minimum. Besides the two men representing Zimbabwe’s working population, there are no other obvious metaphorical representations in the composition, as the creator of the cartoon appears to have been intent on

91 conveying a message in a lifelike setting. Zimbabwe’s workforce is depicted as being diverse, both formal and informal, and well informed about current and topical events.

5.2.7 The editorial cartoon coded B2i

Figure 5.7: An editorial cartoon from a conventional newspaper (The Herald(d):2008)

The editorial cartoon in Figure 5.7 was published by the Herald newspaper on 24 March 2008, five days before the Zimbabwean harmonised elections. The cartoon refers to the opposition leader’s apparent indecision on the issue of land, a pivotal issue in Zimbabwe’s political dispensation.

Land had been a critical and complex issue in the country for many years. When white settlers assumed power in 1890, they apportioned to themselves vast acres of the commodity. The two major liberation wars waged between then and 1980 (the year Zimbabwe finally gained

92 independence) were mainly about political power – and land (BBC, 2002). However, independence only brought about political power, with the land issue left unaddressed, mainly due to a clause in the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement signed by all the main political principals in Zimbabwean politics, including Britain, the colonial power, the white government, and the Black nationalist movements. The agreement was seen as a rule book intended to ensure a smooth transition from the then white minority government to a black majority government.

The clause, though, placed a 10-year restriction on the “new rulers with regard to land redistribution, particularly the demand that government could only acquire land on the basis of a

‘willing seller willing buyer’ principle and that such land should be paid for in foreign currency”

(Mlambo, 2010:55).

However, the white farmers were unwilling to sell, and the new black government had no great financial resources. Britain also failed to live up to their promise made at the Lancaster House

Agreement to provide sufficient funds to enable the new government of independence to redistribute land effectively (Mlambo, 2005). In a bid to speed up the process, following the end of the restrictions imposed by the Lancaster House Agreement, the Zimbabwean government passed the 1992 Land Acquisition Act, which was designed to enable it to acquire land legally and more easily (Mlambo, 2010:62). This led to the following statement by President Mugabe in

1996: “We are going to take the land and we are not going to pay for the soil … our land was never bought [by the colonists] and there is no way we can buy back the land” (in Gumede,

2005:177).

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In February 2000, the Zimbabwean authorities went ahead with implementing a fast-track land

reform programme, aptly named “Third Chimurenga”, loosely translated as “the third liberation

war/revolution”. By the time the 2008 elections took place, most of the land previously in the

hands of 4,500 commercial white farmers “translating to 42 per cent of the country’s total land

area or 70 per cent of the most productive land” (Mlambo, 2010:55) had been transferred into

millions of black hands. The concern was raised that most of the best land had been allocated to

those closest and most loyal to the Zimbabwean President. Sam Moyo, head of the African

Institute for Agrarian Studies in Harare, however, maintains that Zimbabwe’s land redistribution

has been “broad-based and largely egalitarian” (The Economist, 2009).

It is important to realise that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the party that

Tsvangirai leads, was only one year old when the land reforms started. Eight years later, the

party had become a partner for the West’s efforts to dislodge Mugabe, and had also become

close to the white farming community. In fact, a Cable News Network (CNN) clip “conferred

some credence to Zanu-PF’s charge that the MDC was a front for white farmers … [after the

cable broadcaster] showed footage of white farmers signing donation cheques and pledging hard cash to Tsvangirai at an MDC rally” (Tendi, 2009:1).

The closeness of the MDC in general, and Tsvangirai in particular, to the dispossessed white farmers created a real political dilemma. By 2008, the MDC’s position on the issue of land redistribution was still unclear (World Press, 2008). It ranged from assertions by Fidelis Mhashu, a senior executive council member of the party, who suggested in 2001 on BBC’S Hard Talk that the party would return the redistributed land to the white farmers (Wafawarova, 2011), to

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statements by the then MDC spokesperson and parliamentarian, Nelson Chamisa, who remarked,

“The land reform programme is irreversible. It cannot be reversed because it is an important

national issue” (African Crisis, 2010). These two views represent contradictory views regarding

the redistribution of land with Fidelis Mhashu seemingly opposing the distribution of land. And

with Nelson Chamisa seemingly supporting it. The cartoon therefore reflects the indecision by

Tsvangirai, through assertions of his own and those of his party on an important national issue.

The cartoonist uses language and text to complement his images. The newspaper billboard introduces the subject, providing a reference to actual events. Tsvangirai has contradicted a position that he had taken previously, and the billboard here acts as a snapshot of Zimbabwean political events in 2008. A speech bubble attributing a statement to a member of the public in the background is placed on the right. This gives the impression that the cartoonist intended for readers to “read” the cartoon as a text, from left to right. The billboard introduces Tsvangirai’s recent actions, leading the eye to the opposition leader, and the speech bubble at the end completes the cartoon by commenting on the highly irregular action in the foreground. The speech bubble warns of a harmful potential consequence of Tsvangirai’s action, and thus implies

that neither the opposition leader nor the general public may benefit from the action. The cartoon

suggests that Tsvangirai’s actions put him at a disadvantage and it implies that he does not have

the stability required of political leaders in Zimbabwe.

The cartoonist capitalises on the fact of the existence of conflicting MDC opinions, by making

exaggerated claims about the frequency with which such conflicting opinions are expressed.

Usually a U-turn constitutes a single 180-degree change in direction, but here Tsvangirai is

95 depicted in a high-energy, endless motion exercise, as indicated by the symbolic circular lines and arrow vectors around Tsvangirai. The stereotypical representation of the Zimbabwean opposition leader is that of a confused man, suggested here by his highly animated facial features. He is, in fact, caricatured with an irregular nose, and his skin imperfections are amplified, giving an overall impression of an unflattering rendition of Tsvangirai. The image of spinning in the cartoon is a metaphorical representation of political indecision, confusion, and incompetence, which is ironic, as Tsvangirai, being the main opposition leader, would have been expected to be offering viable alternative to the sitting government and to be working on national projects or proposals.

5.2.8 The editorial cartoon coded B2ii

Figure 5.8: An editorial cartoon from a conventional newspaper (The Herald(e), 2008)

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The editorial cartoon above was published by the Herald newspaper on 26 May 2008. The text

on a signpost makes reference to the harmonised general elections held in Zimbabwe three days

later. The time when this cartoon was published was characterised by pro-ZANU (PF)

allegations that sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the United Kingdom, the European Union,

and the United States were at the instigation of Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC party and were

intended as a coercive strategy to effect regime change. A detailed account of the origins of the

sanctions, as well as the controversy that they caused, and their effects, was given in section

5.2.4 (“The editorial cartoon coded A2ii”). The speech attributed to Tsvangirai in this

composition suggests that sanctions are being used as a tool to dislodge the government.

Another factor alluded to as an electioneering tool by Tsvangirai in the editorial cartoon is price

hikes. ZANU (PF), and, in particular, President Mugabe, was incensed at the increase in prices, and these increases were deemed to be artificial, or engineered. Speaking at a rally exactly three weeks before the publication of this editorial cartoon, and quoting from the Bible, the

Zimbabwean leader charged that:

They keep raising and raising prices, and we wonder whether they want to raise the prices until the prices reach heaven. Some are doing it for the elections, saying: ‘Let’s make life hard for the people so that they cry and blame it all on Mugabe’s government. They’ll get 1 000% profit. That’s not profit. That’s profiteering, which is condemned in the Bible. (My Broadband, 2008)

President Mugabe’s claims that the Zimbabwean situation was artificial are supported by the fact

that by October 2008, Zimbabwe’s rate of inflation had officially reached 231,000,000% (BBC,

2008c), a figure not matched by any other country in history. Even war-ravaged states such as

Iraq, at 8.11% (Reuters, 2008), Somalia, at between 110 and 375% (AFP, 2008b), and

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Afghanistan, at 22% (Rawa, 2008), had far better inflation figures than Zimbabwe had.

Historically, before the post-millennium Zimbabwean developments, the greatest inflation hikes

had been triggered by acts of war. Tsvangirai, however, dissociated himself from accusations of

involvement in engineered price hikes, and instead blamed the economic woes of the country on

Mugabe’s alleged years of misrule. Giplin (2008) supports Tsvangirai’s claims and lists three

factors as being solely responsible for Zimbabwe’s economic decline. Gilpin (2008) cites, firstly,

“bad economic governance perpetrated by President Mugabe and his team”, and, secondly,

extreme spending and wrong policies, again attributed to the government. Lastly, the author

claims that “the failure to uphold the rule of law created chaos and uncertainty, which eroded

business confidence, and led to the misallocation of resources and depressed economic output”

(Gilpin, 2008).

This editorial cartoon does not necessarily attribute the imposition of sanctions and price hikes on Tsvangirai, but instead suggests that he is acutely aware that the existence of these problems furthers his political ambitions. The cartoon is devoid of any metaphors or irony; it is a serious reflection of Zimbabwe’s politics, questioning the credentials of the main opposition leader in

Zimbabwe. The cartoon exaggerates the size of Tsvangirai’s head in comparison to the rest of his body. The unflattering caricatured face of the opposition leader looks directly towards the audience as he confidently walks towards the elections with clenched fists. The above-mentioned caricatures and distortions appear to be a plea to the viewers who formed part of the electorate to reconsider voting for Tsvangirai. The cartoon poses the question “Will you consciously vote for this politician, who, even before he assumes office, has caused untold suffering to the general

98 public?” The cartoon, although showing a boastful and confident Tsvangirai, is, in fact, a campaign against his candidature.

5.3 Findings

This section addresses the study’s problem statement and research questions using data gathered through the analysis above. The study determines the effect of Zimbabwe’s two media laws, the

Public Order and Maintenance Act 2002 [Chapter 11:17] (POSA), and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act 2002 [Chapter 10:27] (AIPPA), on editorial cartoons in the country during the country’s 2008 harmonised elections. It investigates and compares characteristics of Zimbabwean editorial cartoons, with President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as respective subjects, published in the regulated Herald conventional newspaper and the unregulated zimonline.co.za online newspaper during that period.

Based on the introduction to this field of study (in Chapter 1), the following aims and objectives were formulated:

 To define the meanings of Zimbabwean editorial cartoons found in two sources – the

unregulated online newspapers, and the regulated state media – in order to determine

their roles in the country in relation to their general functions.

 To compare the cartoons that have been published in a regulated environment with those

that have been published in an unregulated environment.

 To provide an exposition of Zimbabwe’s post-independence media and political

developments, in order to provide an overview of where the country is coming from and

where it was in 2008, in relation to the links between politics, legislation, and the media.

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 To examine the role of editorial cartoons in the Western context, where greater freedom

of the press exists, so as to provide an understanding of how such cartoons work in other

countries, particularly Zimbabwe.

 To formulate a method to obtain information from Zimbabwean editorial cartoons, as a

way of providing meaning and of understanding them.

 To examine the visual and textual meanings in editorial cartoons, in order to determine

their functions in the Zimbabwean context.

 To compare Zimbabwean editorial cartoons that have been published in a regulated

environment with those that have been published in an unregulated environment, in order

to determine similarities and differences in their roles as cultural artefacts.

5.3.1 The function of editorial cartoons in the Zimbabwean context

The meanings of the selected editorial cartoons have been identified in the above analysis discussion. The following section explores, based on their meanings above, the possible functions of editorial cartoons in the Zimbabwean context. In order to determine the meanings of

Zimbabwean editorial cartoons, this section also examines the role of editorial cartoons in the

Western context, where greater freedom of the press exists, so as to provide an understanding of how editorial cartoons work in Zimbabwe.

The background information on Zimbabwe given in Chapter 3 of this study shows that the media laws passed in the country in 2002 precipitated the demise of the independent daily newspapers in Zimbabwe, which, in turn, inspired the proliferation of the online media platform that published Internet-based daily newspapers. The available sources of daily news on Zimbabwean

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issues in the country were the online newspapers, on the one hand, and the state media, on the other hand.

The editorial cartoons published in the above-mentioned two sources of news are remarkably

dissimilar to the general forms of editorial cartoons. In the context of the conventional

newspaper, editorial cartoons should be “watchdogs”, keeping power-holders “honest” and

“accountable” (Press, 1981:56-57). However, the selected Zimbabwean editorial cartoons

generally align themselves with political movements. Instead of “stimulat[ing] the intellect”

(Tunç, 2002:49), a role they should play, the selected editorial cartoons instead act as forms of

political persuasion or propaganda that before the elections dismissed the political aspirations of

a leading candidate (see Editorial cartoons A2ii, B2i, and B2ii), while boosting those of another

(see Editorial cartoon B1i). One cartoon extended its persuasive argument well after the casting

of the votes, by declaring a winner before the official announcement of the results (see Editorial

cartoon B1ii).

The main argument presented, and the principal idea stimulating most of the editorial cartoons, is

the questioning of candidates’ credentials and their ability to hold the office of the presidency

(see Figures 5.1, 5.2. 5,4 5.7, 5.8). The state media editorial cartoons essentially support

President Mugabe’s candidature and dismiss that of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, while

the online cartoons present the direct opposite view, and the objective on both sides appears to be

that of presenting one political side as “good” and the other as “undesirable”. There are also

inherent in the editorial cartoons unproven assertions that cannot be supported by facts available

at the time. Claims that Tsvangirai had won the presidential elections (see Figure 5.6),

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allegations that President Mugabe is an electoral cheat (see Figures 5.1, 5.2), and the MDC’s

suggested involvement in price hikes and adverse government coverage in the foreign press (see

Figure 5.8) could not be supported by objective reports from that period. However, the claims were initiated or reiterated by political movements, which shows that the selected editorial cartoons were developed as a manifestation and reinforcement of political ideology.

5.3.2 The effect of media regulations on depictions of President Mugabe and Morgan

Tsvangirai in editorial cartoons during Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised general

elections

An interesting observation from the selected editorial cartoons is that the manner in which

President Mugabe is depicted in the conventional newspapers is similar to the way Morgan

Tsvangirai is portrayed in the online media. The two men are depicted in the respective media as faultless, ideal, and not saying anything (see Figures 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6). The editorial cartoons

present their preferred candidate as the only ideal option for the country. The cartoons prefer to

present them as quiet, avoiding “putting words in their mouths”, presumably to decrease the

chances of accidental ambiguity. In addition, the men are portrayed in the respective media as

victims of the other (see Figures 5.4, 5.5, 5.6), who are battling against unfair and at times

unethical odds against them (see Figures 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.7).

President Mugabe in the traditional newspapers and Morgan Tsvangirai in the online media are therefore presented as the only hope for the future of Zimbabwe’s politics, and the editorial cartoons warn of disaster should they fail to win the election (see Figures 5.6 5.7). The presentation of President Mugabe by the traditional media is understandable, given that the

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ZANU (PF) government is the majority shareholder in the parent company that prints the

Herald, the paper that published the selected editorial cartoons. In addition, another study has

already established that during the election period, titles under Zimpapers had deteriorated into

propaganda mouthpieces (Moyo, 2005:113). The depiction of Tsvangirai in online media,

however, may be considered as a missed opportunity to embrace true freedom of expression. As

independent newspapers, their role may have been to provide a critical analysis of Zimbabwe’s

political field. Instead, however, they presented editorial cartoons that could easily pass as MDC

political posters.

Similar patterns emerge in the depiction of the “enemy”, the rival to the two opposing parties’

preferred candidate, in online and traditional editorial cartoons, respectively. Tsvangirai in the

state media and Mugabe in the online media, respectively, are portrayed as undesirable and, in a

way, as liabilities that Zimbabwean politics would be better off without. The two are also

accused in the respective media of being manipulators that use unethical methods to gain

political power (see Figures 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.8). However, the specific factors that make the candidates unsuitable are not the same.

Tsvangirai is portrayed by traditional newspaper editorial cartoons as naïve (see Figures 5.3,

5.7), irrational and inconsiderate (see Figures 5.3, 5.4, 5.8), a conspirator (see Figures 5.3, 5.4,

5.8), and a “front” for Western countries’ interests in Zimbabwe (see Figures 5.4, 5.8).

Essentially, the traditional newspaper editorial cartoons campaign against Tsvangirai’s

candidature.

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Online editorial cartoons refer to President Mugabe’s age by employing caricature to suggest that he is too old to continue in his capacity as head of state (see Figure 5.2). They also portray him as an election cheat, questioning his credibility (see Figures 5.1, 5.2) and his legitimacy (see

Figure 5.5). President Mugabe is depicted as an unpopular leader (see Figure 5.1), desperately seeking to cling to power at all costs (see Figures 5.1, 5.2, 5.5). As a result of the stereotypical representations in the editorial cartoons selected from the two respective media sources, it may be concluded that the objectives and functions of the editorial cartoons in online and traditional newspapers are exactly the same. They openly support one candidate and criticise the other, thereby depriving Zimbabweans of objective and critical analysis of their political platform.

A section in POSA prohibits the publication of statements that undermine the authority of the

President, or that are abusive, indecent or false about or concerning the President. The state- controlled editorial cartoonist delicately depicts the President in an idealised manner and chooses not to attribute any words to him, presumably to prevent the possibility of an ambiguous reading of his statements. The unregulated online editorial cartoons exercised their freedom by criticising the Zimbabwean President, alleging electoral fraud and questioning his legitimacy.

The media laws negatively affected editorial cartooning in the independent media in many respects. The closing down of the Daily News, a paper that employed easily the highest number of cartoonists (four) in Zimbabwe was a notable setback. The innovation shown by journalists and cartoonists in setting up online news sources that are free from regulation is commendable.

These online newspaper ventures gave Zimbabweans a choice and, more importantly, an alternative point of view concerning the country’s political environment. However, the redundant

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cartoonists’ newfound freedom did not necessarily translate into publishing of higher quality

editorial cartooning than that found in the regulated sources. Instead, online editorial cartoons

made a series of claims that proved to be false. Had President Mugabe rigged the 2008 presidential election, as alleged by Editorial cartoons A1i and A1ii, he certainly would not have come second when votes for the presidential election were tallied. In addition, at no point was

Morgan Tsvangirai elected President of Zimbabwe, whereas Editorial cartoon B1ii suggests this.

The state media cartoons too insinuated that Tsvangirai was responsible for several of

Zimbabwe’s economic ills, including sanctions, price hikes, and NGO canvassing, when evidence suggested otherwise. The selected editorial cartoons in both respective media sources seemed intent on discrediting one candidate and praising the other, based on propaganda.

5.4 Conclusion

The Zimbabwean media laws, AIPPA and POSA, gave the traditional media less latitude in their

portrayals of the Zimbabwean President. They also abolished independent traditional newspaper

editorial cartoons by being the catalyst in the closure of the daily independent newspapers, but indirectly helped to create a legislation-free, Internet-based media that gave Zimbabweans a choice when it came to the coverage of news. However, the lack of some form of regulation may be blamed for the subversive material that the online media published as editorial cartoons. The

editorial cartoons published in Zimbabwe’s only two daily media sources played the role of

propaganda art. There is intent in both media sources to glorify one side and criticise the other.

The overall message from all the cartoons is “Vote for candidate A; don’t vote for candidate B”.

Even the post-polling-date editorial cartoons maintain this stance, by identifying one candidate

as good and the other as bad, and the main campaign issues, such as land redistribution (see

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Figure 5.7), inter-party talks (see Figure 5.3), and post-election anxiety (see Figure 5.5), are discussed under that predetermination and only within that context. There is prevalence of this trend in the traditional media editorial cartoons, but it may be argued that this is logical, given that the side that is given positive prominence is part owner of the paper that published these cartoons.

The same cannot be said about the supposedly “independent” online titles. Open support for

Tsvangirai and condemnation of President Mugabe appears to be only a response to accusations by the traditional media. The cartoons may easily be mistaken for MDC political posters (such as

the one that appeared as an advertisement and discussed in the Background section of this study),

as they seem intent on persuading the electorate to vote Tsvangirai into office (see Figure 5.5) and allege electoral fraud by the opposition leader’s rival (see Figures 5.1, 5.2).

The online editorial cartoons go even further, by making unfounded allegations against the

Zimbabwean President. Calling him the “unelected leader” and Tsvangirai the “elected leader” well before the announcement of the official election results (see Figure 5.6) is not an example of an expression of freedom of speech, but rather the abuse of the same. Similarly, the publication of unfounded claims of electoral fraud by Mugabe calls into question the

“independence” of the online newspaper that published such claims. Equally, the publication of unsupported claims against Tsvangirai in the state media editorial cartoons challenges the impartiality of the newspaper that published such claims. The selected online editorial cartoons can be said to fit in to the category of destructive satirical cartoons, in that they are

“revolutionary”. However, they do accept the legitimacy of the political system about which they

106

comment (Townsend, McDonald & Esders, 2008:9). By depicting Mugabe in a dark suit and

portraying him as being shown respect by a supposedly senior member of the army, the online

editorial cartoons are, in effect, saying “Although the Zimbabwean President is not our choice,

we accept that he wields enormous political power”. Most of the selected editorial cartoons from

both zimonline.co.za and the Herald do not depict savage indignation. They merely express and

reinforce a one-sided political ideology. The editorial cartoon depicting Morgan Tsvangirai

spinning uncontrollably as a result of his indecision on the issue of land reform (see section

5.2.7) may be the only cartoon that fits into the savage indignation category. It objectively questions the opposition leader’s numerous U-turns on an important national issue.

A possible new category of editorial cartooning, termed “advocacy editorial cartooning”, can

therefore be considered. There are similarities between the selected cartoons and the

characteristics of cartoons, as proposed by Manning and Phiddian (2004a). However, the major

difference is that the Zimbabwean editorial cartoons appear to support and, in some cases, mirror

the political positions of the different political parties. Hence, the role of these editorial cartoons

is not so much to reflect current affairs than it is to promote political activism. The essential

understanding of the Zimbabwean editorial cartoon indicates that this national variety of editorial

cartoon reflects a specific viewpoint that is closely aligned with partisan political movements.

Other editorial cartoons that may fall into the advocacy editorial cartoon category include those

that support or campaign against war during times of elections, cartoons presented by political

parties in their publications, and cartoons used in political posters, especially those published

during election times.

107

Endnotes 1The G8 is a grouping of the world’s eight richest and most powerful countries. It was created by France in 1975 and has the United States, Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Japan, Italy, and Canada as its members (The Telegraph, 2011).

2Zimbabwe has several registered non-governmental organisations (NGOs) working in various disciplines, such as civic society, law, elections, food, health, labour, and constitutional and gender-related issues. However, following post-millennium food shortages in the country, most NGOs were forced to make food security a primary objective.

108

CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Summary of the preceding chapters

This study set out to investigate and compare characteristics of Zimbabwean editorial cartoons, with President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as subjects, published in the regulated Herald conventional newspaper and the unregulated zimonline.co.za online newspaper during the country’s 2008 harmonised elections, based on the following aims and objectives:

 To define the meanings of Zimbabwean editorial cartoons found in two sources –

the unregulated online newspapers, and the regulated state media – in order to

determine their roles in the country in relation to their general functions.

 To compare the cartoons that have been printed in a regulated environment with

those that have been printed in an unregulated environment.

 To provide an exposition of Zimbabwe’s post-independence media and political

developments, in order to provide an overview of where the country is coming

from and where it was in 2008, in relation to the links between politics,

legislation, and the media.

 To examine the role of editorial cartoons in the Western context, where greater

freedom of the press exists, so as to provide an understanding of how such

cartoons work in other countries, particularly Zimbabwe.

 To formulate a method to obtain information from Zimbabwean editorial

cartoons, as a way of providing meaning and of understanding them.

 To examine the visual and textual meanings of editorial cartoons, in order to

determine their functions in the Zimbabwean context.

109  To compare Zimbabwean editorial cartoons that have been published in a

regulated environment with those that have been published in an unregulated

environment, in order to determine similarities and differences in their roles as

cultural artefacts.

The study analysed Zimbabwean editorial cartoons published during the harmonised elections in 2008. The content and background chapter (Chapter 1) provided information on preceding developments that gave Zimbabwe a skewed print media, with only state- owned traditional newspapers, no independent daily printed publications, and a host of private online newspapers. The chapter determined that:

 Upon independence in 1980, the new Zimbabwean government bought the biggest

print media company in the country and assumed control of its operations. The

move negatively affected press freedom, as the government determined what was

of public interest, relegating print media at the time to a political mouthpiece.

 The establishment of Zimbabwe’s private press in the 1990s was initially

problematic due to viability problems, but the popularity of the Daily News,

founded in 1999, created direct competition for the state-owned titles.

 Open criticism of the government, and sensationalism of stories by the private

press, was regarded as “crusading journalism”, “campaign journalism”, and

“advocacy journalism” (Moyo, 2005:115) by the ruling elite, leading to the

passing of two media-related laws, AIPPA and POSA, in 2002.

 The laws were used to close down the Daily News (and a few other independent

newspapers) in 2003. The chapter, however, also notes that the closure of the

110 Daily News was precipitated by the paper itself, which chose not to recognise the

constitutionally crafted laws.

 Following the closure of the Daily News, the chapter noted that mainly former

employees of the paper founded digital publications from outside Zimbabwe but

available online in the country. The unregulated online newspaper publications

published editorial cartoons that the study used to make a comparative analysis

with those editorial cartoons that were published by a regulated state-owned press.

Chapter 3 focused on the editorial cartoons, providing a definition of the editorial cartoon and an exploration of their function as cultural artefacts. The chapter identified various categories of editorial cartoons and their functions. The four categories were the descriptive editorial cartoon, the laughing satirical editorial cartoon, the destructive satirical editorial cartoon, and the savage indignation editorial cartoon. Graphic opinions: editorial cartoonists and their art (Colldeweih & Goldstein, 1998), an

American book exploring the lives and professions of 24 of the country’s top newspaper cartoonists, provides useful insights into editorial cartoons – from the stage of conception until they reach the newspapers’ readers. The chapter gave an understanding of editorial cartoons and the role that they play.

Chapter 4 provided information on the methods used by the study to extract information from selected editorial cartoons, as a way of providing answers to research questions posed by the study. The most important difference between editorial cartoons and other forms of visual art is the presence of a combination of text and commentary. Two

111 semiotic frameworks were suggested for analysis. One of the frameworks, which is recommended by Du Plooy (1996), investigated visual codes in images. The other framework, suggested by Leech (1974), analysed text in images. A set of criteria proposed by Fetsko (2005) was then used to discuss findings of the study presented in

Chapter 5.

Chapter 5 discussed the findings from the two semiotic frameworks used to analyse the editorial cartoons, using Fetsko’s (2005) criteria. The findings showed that the regulated state media sympathised with President Mugabe and viewed him as the ideal candidate, who is seen as having principles and respecting his people’s wishes. On the other hand, opposition leader Tsvangirai was negatively portrayed and seen as a dangerous politician who is unable to win an election without foreign assistance, and who is bent on attaining power at all costs. The online media editorial cartoons idealised Tsvangirai as the suitable candidate, who commands support even from those who openly castigate him. The online media even called Tsvangirai an “elected leader” well before the official results of the elections had been announced. President Mugabe in online publications was portrayed as an undesirable candidate who was old, manipulative, and willing to go to extremes to preserve the status quo.

It is interesting to note how the two main candidates in Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections were portrayed in the online and traditional newspapers. The candidate that one source of media portrayed as ideal had similar character traits as the other candidate on the other side of the media divide. Similarly, the depiction of Tsvangirai’s personality in

112 state media cartoons largely mirrors the depiction of President Mugabe’s personality in the online publications. The results show that during the 2008 harmonised elections held in Zimbabwe, the media platform was so polarised that negative portrayals of both candidates were dominant in editorial cartoons.

6.2 Recent developments in Zimbabwe

The political talks that Editorial cartoon A2i refers to have succeeded. Although, as the editorial cartoon and the discussion about it show, disagreements were common, in

September 2008 the MDC’s Tsvangirai, President Mugabe, and Arthur Mutambara, representing MDC-M, a breakaway party that split from Tsvangirai’s movement in 2005 signed a so-called Global Political Agreement (GPA). The agreement was the basis for the formation of a transitional government. The GPA was regularised by a constitutional amendment (No. 19) in December 2008, and a transitional Government of National Unity

(GNU) was formed in February 2009 (Bratton, 2010). The new “coalition” government enabled Mugabe to retain his post as President and Commander-in-Chief of the

Zimbabwe Defence Forces. His deputies were Joice Mujuru and the now late Joseph

Musika, both from his ZANU (PF) party. Tsvangirai became Prime Minister. He had two deputies, namely Mutambara from MDC-M, and Thokozani Khupe, Tsvangirai’s deputy in the MDC. The ministries and diplomatic missions were shared proportionally to parliament representations of the three parties. The coalition agreement between the

MDC and ZANU (PF) was the second of its kind after independence in the country. The

1987 Unity Accord that merged ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU was the first coalition agreement.

113

6.3 Implications of the GNU on the print media in Zimbabwe

The GNU ushered in a new print media era in Zimbabwe. On 5 June 2009, the Zimbabwe

High Court dissolved the Media and Information Commission (MIC), insisting that it

“had no legal status and therefore no right to demand that journalists register with it”

(Dlodlo, 2009). In its place, and under amended media laws previously alluded to, the new government formed the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC), whose members were selected from diverse political backgrounds (Sibanda, 2010). The new body, immediately upon its formation, called for applications for publishing and broadcasting licences. Since the call, the commission has issued several licences, to, among others, the

Daily News, News Day, Daily Gazette, and the Daily Mail. More licences have been issued to several media players, namely News Times Media, Ekxi Investment, Swim

Africa, Zimbabwe Heritage, The Joe’s Low, and Sentinel Publications (Mashavave,

2011). So far, the Daily News, banned since 2003, has returned to the street corners, together with the new publications News Day and the Daily Mail. In fact, there are more national independent newspapers in Zimbabwe now than there are state-owned print media publications.

The ZMC has reversed the early 2000s’ negative effect on Zimbabwe’s print media, by offering licences that provide plurality of opinions and better access to information. The competition is set to improve the standards of news presentation for readers, while the availability of more publications spells more and better opportunities for Zimbabwe’s

114 media practitioners. However, although these developments are positive, they are not enough.

6.4 Further recommendations

1. It is not known whether Zimbabwean editorial cartoonists are aware of the role

that their work plays in society. However, they may learn more about how

editorial cartoons work in other countries. I propose clinics or workshops that

invite cartoonists from other countries to share their experiences and show

alternative functions of editorial cartoons. This has the potential to improve the

general quality of the work of Zimbabwean editorial cartoonists.

2. I also propose an online self-regulatory body, made up of senior members of the

newspapers’ editorial teams, that checks lapses in the presentation of fair

comment. The depictions of President Mugabe by the online newspapers show

that when one paper shares the vision of a future Zimbabwe without the

incumbent President, the foundation that the cartoon is based on is generally seen

to be less important than the ridicule or attack that may be the main objective of

the cartoon.

3. I propose a revision of Zimbabwe’s media laws. Although the laws have been

amended several times, there are still sections in them that remain vague and that

place practising journalists at the mercy of the interpreters of the laws. Signs of

change from Zimbabwe in this regard are encouraging. In early 2010, Chris

Mutsvangwa, a member of the ZMC, and also a senior member of ZANU (PF),

115 the party that introduced and campaigned for the media laws, was quoted as

saying the following:

The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act, and other oppressive media laws should be removed, as the situation under which they were enacted is no longer ... [in existence]. We all know that these laws came into play because of the political polarization which was in the country, and that situation has since changed. (in Chateta, 2010)

4. Zimbabwe’s number of experienced editorial cartoonists is fewer than 10. This

small group needs to form a society that discusses their work, or at least work

closer together. Input by one cartoonist on another cartoonist’s work may improve

the way Zimbabwean cartoonists view their world. The cartoonists themselves

also need to document their work and be more visible in society, by interacting

with the public.

6.5 Further research

As the contextualisation chapter (Chapter 2) shows, little has been documented about

African editorial cartooning. Only one scholar, Tejumola Olaniyan, has documented works of African editorial cartoonists across the continent (Olaniyan, 2009). His efforts are not enough, however. There is a need for more research and information on editorial cartooning in Africa. Further research may be done on the editorial cartoon and its impact on Africa/Zimbabwe, the function of editorial cartoons during war or other national crises such as AIDS or famine, as well as the understanding of the African editorial cartoonist and his or her inspirations and viewpoints.

116 This study has identified a possible new category for editorial cartoons, namely

‘advocacy editorial cartooning’, based on the meanings and functions of the selected

Zimbabwean editorial cartoons. Given that such a category does not exist in the Western world, where editorial cartoons have a comparatively longer history, studies on African cartoons may provide information on the general functions of editorial cartoons.

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Appendices

7.1 Editorial cartoon coded A1i Part 1: Image analysis. SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears (What meaning can be in the image?) interpreted?)

The figure placed on the All the signs combined give Iconic Signs right wears a dark suit the figure a resemblance to and spectacles, has a thin Zimbabwe’s President, Robert line of white hair around Mugabe. his forehead and has a trimmed, stylized moustache. Symbolic Signs The man on the left in The figure on the left wears a the composition. camouflaged uniform, complete with the head gear. He also stands straight in with clinched fists, suggesting that he is a soldier.

Signifier Referent Relationship The left sided figure has The stomach is a sign of being Indexical Signs a bulging stomach. well fed or living comfortably. It suggests affluence.

The first figure stands at Signifies that he is reporting to Kinesics attention, his fist clasped a higher command, shows at his side. respect for as well as submission to the authority of the person he is addressing.

The figure on the left is He is depicted as being out of given the appearance of shape, a sign of living a flashy being overweight, while lifestyle. The cartoonist made the other figure is an effort to ensure that the markedly thinner. figure on the left resembles President Robert Mugabe. The Interpersonal Communication Interpersonal physical appearance of the figure may be a way of depicting the Zimbabwean president whose overall frame has hardly changed since he assumed power in 1980.

The figure that resembles President It shows that he is pleased and Robert Mugabe stands anticipates a positive outcome relaxed and clasping his from the conversation. hands.

The smile shows happiness, President Mugabe smiles even excitement possibly while the soldier is precipitated by the depicted with an conversation. The soldier’s emotionless face. face epitomizes professionalism and also reflects on the boss/subordinate relationship that exists between the two men.

Proxemics Personal. The two men are acquainted and having a conversation.

Army uniform. The uniform confirms the Artefacts figure is a soldier. A person holding the office of the President in Zimbabwe automatically becomes the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and the uniformed person reporting to the Sunglasses. President in this cartoon may reflect that reporting structure. Black suit and tie. Represents flamboyance.

Traditionally, black suits represent power and here contextualizes the person wearing it.

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears (What meaning can be in the image?) interpreted?)

Notan lighting – no area Feeling of neutrality. Lighting has been singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Volume Positive volume formed by The negative volume - Volume duality the two figures in the delegates a foreground foreground. position to the two figures. Negative volume formed They are alone and not in by the empty space in the any particular place. Codes of Content - Graphic depth background factors No apparent use of graphic depth factors

Area orientation: The size of the figures This allows for a personal - Size of the objects show they are on the same face to face conversation plane. between the two men.

Perspective No apparent emphasis due Neutrality, private to focus with a relatively conversation with no normal space perception. apparent emphasis.

Viewing distance Medium distance. Allows a view of the empty

Codes of Form background indicating they are alone

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears (What meaning can be in the image?) interpreted?)

e

g Main Directions Vertical directions stressed No apparent tension in the in a horizontal frame. force fields indicating calmness.

Magnetism/attraction Space around the figures. Figures not placed on the Force Fields Force Fields of mass edge and seem drawn Within the Ima together in conversation

Asymmetry No lines or forces This gives the composition a depicting up or down natural balance diagonal in the composition

Figure-ground The background in Isolated, private space. perception undefined, comprising wholly of a blank space.

Psychological closure Shading of the figure on Indicated army uniform. the left’s clothing.

Vectors Converging vector – Indicates the two are in an figures facing each other. intimate and possibly private discussion concerning a topic they agree on.

Part 2: Text and language analysis Speech bubble: COMRADE PRESIDENT, WE’VE FINISHED STUFFING THE BALLOT BOXES IN READINESS FOR THE RECOUNT. Speech bubble: GOOD, MAKE SURE THE RIGGING IS RESOUNDING THIS TIME.

WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING ASSOCIATIVE MEANING PHRASE

Comrade Comrade – “(among men) a Connotative: comrade - a title of President. colleague or a fellow member endearment. of an organization. (Also President – the person with the comrade-in-arms) a fellow highest authority. A man in charge. soldier or serviceman. A fellow socialist or communist Stylistic: Comrade is borrowed (often as a form of address). from the ideals of Chinese socialist (In South Africa) a young movement led by MaoTse Tung. militant supporter of the The pre-independent Zimbabwe African National Congress” political movement led by the now (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). President Robert Mugabe modeled its values along those of the President – “1 the elected Chinese movement that also head of a republican state” supplied financial, military and (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). material assistance to it. The use of “2. Christian Church: the ‘comrade’ has continued and is celebrant at a Eucharist widely used in the state media to (Oxford Dictionary, 2011)”. reference any senior member of the Zanu (PF) party. The fusing of ‘Comrade’ and ‘President’ suggests Mugabe is a socialist leader.

Affective: shows the soldier’s deep respect and affection towards the person he is addressing. Stuffing the ballot Stuffing – “1. A mixture used Connotative: stuffing indicates boxes. to stuff poultry or meat before filling to capacity or overfilling cooking” (Oxford Dictionary, boxes that should not be tempered 2011). “2. Padding used to with. stuff cushions, furniture, or soft toys” (Oxford Dictionary, Stylistic: refers to a voting process 2011). 3. Informal, a heavy that is secret yet the filling of boxes defeat in sport (Oxford by a person or people in a Dictionary, 2011). clandestine manner makes the exercise illegal, unfair and undemocratic.

Ballot Box – “a sealed box Affective: the soldier is making into which voters put sure that they have completed their completed ballot papers task to result in the pleasing democratic principles and outcome for the commanding methods” (Oxford Dictionary, officer. 2011). Readiness “1. The state of being fully Connotative: anticipation for an prepared for something” inevitable process to follow. (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). “2. [In singular] [with Stylistic: refers to Zimbabwe’s infinitive] willingness to do presidential election whose results something” (Oxford were delayed to allow the Dictionary, 2011). “3. The commission running it to quality of being immediate, meticulously recount the ballots. quick, or prompt” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Affective: the soldier is making sure that they have completed their . task on time, before the next process started. Recount. “Tell someone about Connotative: an electoral process something; give an account of that involves the repeated tallying an event or experience” of votes to ensure or improve (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). validity of the result. “2. Count again” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Stylistic: refers to Zimbabwe’s presidential election whose results were delayed to allow the commission running it to meticulously repeat the counting of the ballots.

Affective: the solder refers to the recounting process to show his relief that the process he took part in occurred before the Commission started theirs.

Good. “1 To be desired or approved Connotative: a mixture of of” (Oxford Dictionary, happiness and relief. 2011). “2. Having the Stylistic: a reaction to the soldier’s required qualities; of a high remarks that show an action set to standard” (Oxford Dictionary, benefit the speaker has just been 2011). “3 Possessing or completed. Happy that the action displaying moral virtue” buys him more days in office and (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). “4 relieved that without it, an electoral Giving pleasure; enjoyable or win may not have been possible. satisfying. 5 [Attributive] Affective: Happiness. Relief. thorough” (Oxford Grateful. Dictionary, 2011). “6 (usually good for) valid” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). “7. Used in conjunction with the name of God or a related expression as an exclamation of extreme surprise or anger” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Rigging. “1 the system of ropes or Connotative: electoral cheating. chains employed to support a ship's masts (standing rigging) Stylistic: shows the only way the and to control or set the yards Zimbabwean presidential candidate and sails (running rigging)” (speaker) can pull of a win is if he (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). manipulates the results. “2 the ropes and wires supporting the structure of an airship, biplane, hang-glider, or parachute. The system of Affective: shows acute awareness cables and fittings controlling by the speaker that the premeditated the flight surfaces and engines manipulation by the soldier illegal, of an aircraft” (Oxford selfish and undemocratic. Dictionary, 2011). Connotative: landslide. Without a measure of doubt.

Resounding – “1 (of a sound) Stylistic: a close fight was expected loud enough to reverberate” between the President and another Resounding this (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). “2 candidate. A big win would put to time. [attributive] unmistakable; rest doubts of his popularity. total” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Affective: suggests the speaker’s lack of confidence in the electorate Time – “1. The indefinite and his determination to hold on to continued progress of power undemocratically. existence and events in the past, present, and future regarded as a whole” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). “2. The Connotative: ‘this time’ points to a personification of time, particular action or event, but also typically as an old man with a suggests similar corresponding scythe and hourglass” occurrences before the latest one. (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Stylistic: suggests the latest action is not the first time the President is manipulating the election in his favour.

Affective: shows concerns relating to less emphatic outcome(s) of the manipulation of the election in the past.

7.2 Editorial cartoon coded A1ii Part 1: Image analysis SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in the (What meaning can be image?) interpreted?)

Iconic Signs The man depicted in the cartoon All the signs combined give wears spectacles, has a thin line the figure a resemblance to of white hair around his forehead Zimbabwe’s President, and has a trimmed, stylized Robert Mugabe. moustache. Symbolic Signs The cookie jar Represents Zimbabwe’s Electoral commission

Indexical Signs n/a. No apparent insertion of

Signifier Referent Relationship indexical signs in the

composition.

Kinesics The hand reaches out into the Signifies the action of cookie jar. And holds a labeled taking. tablet (cookie).

The face and particularly the Shows that the ‘taking’ is in eyes look away from the action fact stealing. The eyes are performed by the figure’s right either on the lookout for hand. possible witnesses or a form of disguise meant to pull attention away from the right-handed action. The left hand is raised to the front of the face with the index Emphasizes the disguise. finger pointing resting on the left May also be showing a man cheek. in serious thought.

Interpersonal Communication Interpersonal Raised shoulders. Shields the face away from possible onlookers. Epitomizes the secrecy of The face, more pronounced by the act. the position and shape of the mouth gives the figure a pensive Shows the sensitive nature expression. of the actions. This also epitomizes a careful execution of an illegal plan.

The figure is placed alone in the The absence of any other Proxemics center of the frame. There are no figures suggests secrecy of channels of communication the act being performed. between the figure and another person.

Artefacts The boy scout uniform clad by Signifies mischief and the figure. immaturity.

Cookie jar. Contexualises the Zimbabwe elections. Shows a special container for the storage of precious goods. This shows the high The shelf that the cookie jar rests importance of the 2008 on. election.

A device used to raise the position of the jar to allow Cookie jar cap/lid on the table. the stealing action and insures the act is performed with minimum effort.

Signifies effort, though minimum, was taken to lead to the action depicted on the composition. The composition managed to remove the barrier between the taker and the object of desire.

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears (What meaning can be in the image?) interpreted?)

Notan lighting – no area Feeling of neutrality. Lighting has been singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Volume Positive volume formed The negative volume - Volume duality by the figure, the cookie delegates a foreground jar and the place it rests position to the subject. He on. is alone and not in any Negative volume formed particular place. - Graphic depth by the empty space in the factors background Shows the hand is inside The subject’s right hand is the jar and has chosen one seen through the glass jar of the three cookies for Codes of Content holding a tablet where two retrieval. other tablets rest. Perspective. Showing that The shelf is thinner as it the focal point of the table fades away into the right is out of the frame. This sided distance. gives the background depth, showing that no other persons are present within a sizable radius.

Area orientation: President Mugabe’s face is Sign of shame or alertness. - Size of the objects stretched into a longer than normal form. This may be foreshortening, a form of The figure’s left hand is perspective, but it also longer than the right hand. brings the cookie jar closer to the figure, thereby emphasizing the subject’s actions.

Perspective Shown by the table and Showing that the focal the shortened right hand. point of the table is out of Codes of Form the frame. This gives the background depth, showing that no other persons are present within a sizable radius. The shortened arm brings the cookie jar closer to the figure, thereby emphasizing the subject’s actions.

Viewing distance Medium distance. Allows the viewer to see both the facial expression of the subject and the action he is participating in.

THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE CODES SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears (What meaning can be in the image?) interpreted?)

Main Directions The horizontal shelf is Epitomizes the tension crossed by the vertical created as a result of the figure figure being caught doing something that is frowned on.

Magnetism/attraction Little space between the Shows particular interest of of mass figure and the cookie jar. the figure to at least one content of the jar.

Asymmetry Down diagonal. Represented by the lowering of the right hand into the cookie jar. There is no apparent difficulty in the manner in which the act is performed.

Figure-ground The background in Isolated, private space. perception undefined, comprising wholly of a blank space.

Psychological closure The figure is clad in a boy This suggests that the Force Fields Within the Image Frame Image Frame Within the Force Fields scout uniform but the figure is too old to act in facial features show he is the manner he is seen aged. The lines on his taking part in. forehead, the low jaw line, the wrinkled on the lower part of the face and the dipping eyes

Vectors Diverging vector – the Suggests disguise and a figure’s face looks away way of looking out for from the hand act. witnesses, leading the attention away from the deed being carried out.

Part 2: Text and language analysis Caption: THE COOKIE JAR… Labels: ‘PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS’, ‘PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS’, ‘SENATORIAL ELECTIONS’

WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING ASSOCIATIVE MEANING PHRASE

Connotative: refers to the cookie The Cookie Jar. “A jar for biscuits or small jar depicted in the composition. cakes” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). “(Phrase) with one's Stylistic: the cookie jar is used as a hand in the cookie jar: metaphorical representation of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, engaged in surreptitious theft the body that ran the elections. from one's employer” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Affective: no sign of affective meaning.

Presidential “A formal and organized Connotative: Stands for exclusive Elections. choice by vote of a person for power and prestige. a political office [of the President]” (Oxford Stylistic: refers to the 2008 Dictionary, 2011). Presidential elections held in Zimbabwe.

Affective: No evidence of cartoonist’s personal feelings.

Parliamentary, “A formal and organized Connotative: Stands for exclusive Senatorial choice by vote of a person for power, prestige and the privilege to elections a political office [as Senator make national decisions. or member of parliament]” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Stylistic: refers to the 2008 Parliamentary and Senatorial elections held in Zimbabwe.

Affective: No evidence of cartoonist’s personal feelings.

7.3 Editorial cartoon coded A2i Part 1: Image analysis. SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

The man standing second He therefore represents Iconic Signs from left bears white hair and then South African beard, has a darker President, Thabo Mbeki. moustache and is labeled ‘Mbeki’.

The description resembles The man standing third from that of Zimbabwe the left. The figure has a opposition leader Morgan trimmed moustache, Tsvangirai. protruding cheeks and has short hair. He resembles the now late Figure standing third from Zambian president, Levi the right is clean shaven with Mwanawasa. Signifier Referent Relationship white hair, Represent 2008 President of the United States Two figures in the George W. Bush and the background. Have long noses British Prime Minister

and labeled, ‘Bush’ and during the same period, ‘Brown’. Gordon Brown.

Thought labeled Zanu Man with foot on the ball. (PF), within the context where all the main players in Zimbabwe’s political paradigm are depicted as individuals, the figure represents President Mugabe.

Symbolic Signs The figure with back to view. Labeled ‘SADC LEAGUE LEADERS’. Represents the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a sub-Saharan regional body that Zimbabwe is part of.

Soccer environment Suggests the start or Indexical Signs resumption of action, as well as the trickery, determination and endurance associated with the sport. President Mugabe has a leg Shows control; an upper Kinesics on the ball. hand in proposed negotiations.

President Mugabe folds his His hand gestures are hands. evidence that action on the field has stalled.

President Mugabe widely Signifies surprise, even opens eye, raises eyebrows shock at recent and opens mouth only developments. slightly.

President Mbeki looks Shows he is acting with the Interpersonal Communication Interpersonal straight ahead towards the blessing of the regional Sadc league leaders. body. He seeks further mandate to continue to do his job in the face of new President Mbeki holds his developments. whistle away from the mouth. Further evidence that Mbeki’s mouth is open yet he action on the field has doesn’t speak. stalled.

Signifies shock and Tsvangirai points to the amazement at proposals figure on his immediate left presented in the (Mwanawasa). composition.

Tsvangirai Looks at the Sadc League Leaders. Reinforces his message with the index vector.

President Mwanawasa drops his hands to the waist and Seeks mandate to make places his whistle in the changes to the established mouth. set-up

President Bush and President Signifies his readiness to Brown look to the five men assume refereeing duties. in the foreground.

President Mugabe’s legs are Shows they have vested thicker, more pronounced interests in the goings on in than those on the rest of the front of them. figures in the composition. Signifies strength, an upper hand in the sport.

Proxemics Personal/social. All are Public communication in participating in the event the sense that the message depicted. is made available to all, including supposed non- participants standing in the background. Personal in that the message is direct towards the Sadc League Leaders as a measure that may benefit its carrier.

Artefacts President Mbeki’s black Shows he is the referee. uniform. Shows his legitimacy and suggests impartiality in his approach. Identical uniforms worn by presidents Bush and Shows the impartiality of Mwanawasa, Prime Minister Mwanawasa, who has a Brown and Tsvangirai. refereeing whistle in his mouth, and supposed onlookers, President Bush Soccer ball and Prime Minister Brown.

Represents Zimbabwe’s Whistle device. political power and legitimacy. Soccer field Mandate. The right to chair Soccer boots. negotiations.

Zimbabwe’s political arena.

Everyone on the field wears them, signifying that they are either part of the proceedings or they are keen to take part. CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

Notan lighting – no area has Feeling of neutrality. Lighting been singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Volume Positive volume formed by The negative volume - Volume duality five figures in the foreground delegates a foreground and the two figures in the position to the figures. background. Thought it is obvious they Negative volume formed by are in a soccer field, the the blank space in the space is not defined. background. Codes of Content - Graphic depth factors delineates the field and The figures form four levels shows the playing field and of depth. The figure the players expected on it, representing Sadc League contrasted by the smaller Leaders is closest to the figures in the background viewer, therefore is much that show that they are bigger than the rest. The willing to be part of the second layer is where the process. The presence of Zimbabwe political process is Mwanawasa on the same taking place. Depicted here plane as the ‘acceptable’ are Presidents Mugabe, players and wearing a Mbeki and Mwanawasa, and uniform similar to one opposition leader Tsvangirai. representing one side of the The next layer has the two political groups is the Western leaders, President source of the irony Bush and Prime Minister presented by the cartoon. Brown. The final layer is The Zimbabwe political wholly made up of empty process has been placed in space. the middle with the contrast Western leaders on one extreme and regional leaders on the other.

Area orientation: Heads bigger in relation to Ensures the positive - Size of the objects the rest of the body. identification of the main five figures forming the second layer of depth. Mugabe’s eye bigger compared to those on the rest Heightens his shock and of the figures. surprise at the turn of events. Bigger than normal ball. Shows the mammoth task facing the political players in achieving their goal. President Mugabe’s legs are Also gives the cartoonist Codes of Form thicker, more pronounced space to label the ball. than those on the rest of the figures in the composition. Signifies strength, an upper hand in the sport.

Perspective Linear. Figures further away Delineates the playing from the front are smaller space by placing the active compared to those closer to players on the same layer the viewer. of depth and relegates the rest to spaces outside the soccer field.

Viewing distance Long shot. Allows the viewer to see and identify the figures, both invited and uninvited, in a sporting environment. CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

Main Directions Vertical directions stressed No apparent tension in the by the political figures. force fields indicating calmness.

Magnetism/attraction Magnetic pull by the left- The disputed issue, of mass sided frame. Figures in the signified by the ball is composition all look to the placed there and under the left of the composition. leg of one of the political players.

There is space between The nature of a contact figures. sport is not shown here. Shows the period is one where the players are considering what move to make next while taking a break from the action.

Asymmetry n/a. No lines or forces depicting up or down diagonal in the composition.

Force Fields Within the Image Frame Image Frame Within the Force Fields Figure-ground With the exception of the two Isolated, private space only perception men, the background in interrupted by the presence undefined, comprising of a of two uninvited guests in blank space. the background.

Psychological closure Tsvangirai wears the same Stresses the reliance of striped uniform as a supposed Tsvangirai on outside substitute referee and two players to achieve his onlookers. President Mugabe political goals. President wears grey, President Mbeki Mugabe is seen as a self- black and Sadc League reliant political figure, leaders white. President Mbeki as a legitimate and impartial leader and Sadc League leaders as fair observers.

Vectors Converging vector – Shows procedural action, a President Mbeki, Sadc thinking process on the League leaders facing each way forward. other. Converging vector – Heightens the tension in Presidents Mugabe and the composition. Mwanawasa facing each other.

Converging vector –President Stresses uniform opinion Bush and Prime Minister and a common goal in the Brown facing the same battle for possession. direction. Index vectors – Tsvangirai Reinforces his proposal. pointing at President Mwanawasa. Index Vector – President Stresses his readiness to Mbeki’s whistle pointing resume or start the match. towards his mouth.

Part 2: Text and language analysis Speech bubble: LET’S SUBSTITUTE WITH A NEW REFEREE. Speech bubble: YES! YES! Label: MEDIATED ZIM ISSUE. Label: ZANU (PF) Label: MBEKI. Label: MDC-T. Label: SADC LEAGUE LEADERS. Label: BROWN. Label: BUSH. WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING ASSOCIATIVE MEANING PHRASE

LET’S LET’S – “to allow something Connotative: LET’S –Refers to the SUBSTITUTE to happen or someone to do major stakeholders in the WITH A NEW something by not doing Zimbabwe negotiated settlement REFEREE. anything to stop an action or between the ruling party and the by giving your permission” government. (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). SUBSTITUTE – discard.

SUBSTITUTE – “a sports NEW – partisan. player nominated as eligible REFEREE – envoy, negotiator. to replace another after a match has begun” (Oxford Stylistic: Talks for a political Dictionary, 2011). settlement between the two main parties, MDC-T and ZANU (PF) WITH – “in the company or had collapsed after Tsvangirai and presence of a person or thing” his party alleged favouratism by the (Cambridge Dictionary, then South African President Thabo 2011). Mbeki against them. President Levy Mwanawasa of Zambia meanwhile NEW – “recently created or had strongly criticized President having started to exist Mugabe and went further by calling recently” (Cambridge Zimbabwe a sinking Titanic. Dictionary, 2011).

REFEREE – “an official who Affective: agitated, frustrated. watches a game or match closely to ensure that the rules are adhered to and (in some sports) to arbitrate on matters arising from the play” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). YES! YES! YES – “used to express Connotative: show support. willingness or agreement” Political backing. (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). Stylistic: both Britain and America had said the only way forward for ! – exclamation mark. Zimbabwe was to effect regime change.

Affective: in agreement or showing support for the suggestion being put forward. Happy. Content.

MEDIATED ZIM MEDIATED – “intervene in a Connotative: MEDIATED – ISSUE. dispute in order to bring about necessary compromise. an agreement or reconciliation” (Oxford ZIM – short for Zimbabwe. Dictionary, 2011). ISSUE – Political impasse. ZIM – no dictionary meaning. Stylistic: both of the main rival ISSUE – “a subject or political parties got slightly less problem which people are than half of the votes in the first thinking and talking about” round of the Presidential election. (Cambridge Dictionary, Similar voting patterns were 2011). observed in the Senatorial and Parliamentary election. The two parties and another, smaller opposition party decided to negotiate for a Government of National Unity.

Affective: no sign of affective meaning. ZANU (PF) No dictionary meaning. Connotative: -acronym standing for Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), a political party led by President Robert Mugabe. Here it may also represent the President himself. Stylistic: ZANU (PF) was the ruling party during the 2008 elections Affective: no sign of affective meaning. MBEKI. No dictionary meaning. Connotative: reference to the then South African president, Thabo Mbeki. Stylistic: Mbeki chaired the negotiations between Zimbabwe’s political parties as a SADC- appointed mediator. Affective: no sign of affective meaning. MDC-T. No dictionary meaning. Connotative: acronym for Movement for Democratic Change – Tsvangirai. Stylistic: the name of Zimbabwe’s main opposition was altered following a split in the early 2000s. A splinter group also used the same name, therefore a ‘T’ was added at the end to represent the leader of the party. Affective: no sign of affective meaning. SADC LEAGUE SADC - No dictionary Connotative: SADC is an acronym LEADERS. meaning. for Southern African Development Label: BROWN. Community, a regional grouping Label: BUSH. LEAGUE – “a collection of that most sub-Saharan African people, countries, or groups countries south of the equator, that combine for mutual including Zimbabwe, belong to. protection or cooperation” SADC LEAGUE LEADERS is a (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). reference to the body’s executive members, majority of whom are Presidents representing their LEADER – “the person who respective countries. leads or commands a group, Stylistic: SADC LEAGUE organization, or country” LEADERS were the custodians and (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). guarantors of the Zimbabwe talks meant to end political impasse. Affective: no sign of affective meaning. BUSH. Brown – “(of) the colour of Connotative: reference to the then chocolate or soil” (Cambridge American President, George W. Dictionary, 2011). Bush. May also represent the United States of America as a whole. Stylistic: the Bush-led administration imposed ‘targeted sanctions’ on Zimbabwe’s leadership and restricted trade between the two countries, measures that were widely viewed by the African country’s government as interference in the country’s internal matters and a plot to impose a new leadership structure. Affective: n/a BROWN. “A shrub or clump of shrubs Connotative: reference to the then with stems of moderate British Prime Minister, Gordon length” (Oxford Dictionary, Brown. May also represent the 2011). United Kingdom as a whole. Stylistic: the Brown-led administration supported and maintained measures against Zimbabwe’s government initially introduced by the previous Prime Minister, Tony Blair. The measures included ‘targeted sanctions’ on Zimbabwe’s leadership and restricted trade between the two countries. The Zimbabwe government viewed them as interference in the country’s internal matters and a plot to impose a new leadership structure. Affective: n/a.

7.4 Editorial cartoon coded A21ii Part 1: Image analysis. SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in the (What meaning can be image?) interpreted?)

Iconic Signs The figure has a trimmed The description resembles moustache, protruding cheeks, that of Zimbabwe opposition short hair and skin leader Morgan Tsvangirai. imperfections around the cheeks. The description resembles that of Zimbabwe President The figure wears prescription Robert Mugabe. glasses and spots a trimmed stylized, vertically pronounced Athletics race track. moustache. Race starting point

Straight, down-diagonal lines.

Signifier Referent Relationship Line running across down- diagonal lines.

Symbolic Signs Race track. Represents Zimbabwe’s presidential election. Racetrack Where there is a race there Indexical Signs needs to be a winner.

Both men are squatting, with Shows they are depicted as Kinesics their hands resting on the line athletes about to start a race. across the race track. Tsvangirai’s face shows Tsvangirai’s face is animated anxiety and inexperience while President Mugabe’s is while President Mugabe’s is emotionless. depicted as mature and

Interpersonal Interpersonal experienced. Communication Communication

Raised eyebrows and lines on Signifies anticipation. the forehead of both men.

Proxemics No communication between the Signifies tension and rivalry. two men. Socially linked in that they are taking part in the same activity

Artefacts Athletes’ attire. Shows the two are eligible and are both ready for the race.

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in the (What meaning can be image?) interpreted?)

Notan lighting – no area has Feeling of neutrality. Lighting been singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Positive volume formed by the The negative volume Volume figures in the foreground. delegates a foreground - Volume Negative volume formed by the position to the subject. The duality empty space in the background two political rivals are alone on a race track. There is at least one other person present but outside the frame, as shown by the

Codes of Content Figures are of the same size and speech attributed to someone - Graphic depth positioned next to each other. on the left but not visible in factors the shot.

Shows anticipation of a tight race.

de Co Area Heads bigger in relation to the Ensures the positive orientation: rest of the body. identification of the two - Size of the figures. objects Tsvangirai’s mouth bigger and Shows anxiety of more pronounced than that of Tsvangirai’s self and Mugabe. calmness on the face Mugabe. Wide cheeks on Mugabe’s face. Gives the face a rounder, Tsvangirai’s large irregular wider youthful look. nose, well defined pockmarks, and lines above and across the Distortion whose end result eyes. is an unflattering image of the politician.

Perspective Thought the angle of view is Exclusiveness. Shows the marginally above ground, there two are the only eligible is no apparent emphasis due to candidates for the race. focus with a relatively normal space perception.

Viewing Long short. Allows the viewer to identify distance the figures and see the hand and leg gestures, and the fraction of the race track..

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in the (What meaning can be image?) interpreted?)

Main Directions Horizonal directions stressed by No apparent tension in the the track lines. force fields indicating calmness.

Magnetism/attra The men are separated by a Shows they are rivals. The e Frame e Frame g ction of mass horizontal line, but squat closer presence of the one draws

Ima to the next line that to the one another away. delineating them.

Force Fields Within the Within the Force Fields The bottom right hand corner pulls the figures in the The bottom right hand corner composition. The race track is therefore the next point of stretches from the center of the focus. page to the right hand corner.

Asymmetry Down diagonal emphasized by The two men are placed on the race track. the same track and seen here to have equal chances of winning on a downhill setting. The extra strength for one of the candidates referred to by text becomes cetral to the meaning of the cartoon.

Figure-ground The background in undefined, Exclusiveness. Shows the perception comprising wholly of a blank two are the only eligible space. candidates for the race.

Psychological Tsvangirai’s face is slightly Signifies that President closure tilted upwards while President Mugabe is physically better Mugabe looks straight ahead. prepared that his rival.

Vectors Converging vector – President Shows focus on a similar Mugabe and Tsvangirai facing target. the same direction. Index vectors – all four hands ‘pointing’ to the ground. Shows the athletics starting position.

Part 2: Text and language analysis Speech bubble: SANCTIONS, BBC/CNN MEDIA ONSLAUGHT AND N.G.O CANVASSING ARE ON MY SIDE! Speech bubble: ON YOUR MARKS, GET SET… WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING ASSOCIATIVE MEANING PHRASE

SANCTIONS, SANCTIONS – “a threatened Connotative: SANCTIONS – BBC/CNN penalty for disobeying a law intentional sabotage. MEDIA or rule. Official permission or BBC – Acronym for British ONSLAUGHT approval for an action” Broadcasting Cooperation, the AND N.G.O (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). United Kingdom public broadcaster CANVASSING that has a world service available in BBC/CNN – no dictionary most countries. meanings. CNN – an acronym for Cable News MEDIA – “Newspapers, Network, an American news magazines, radio and company available in most television considered as a countries on subscription. group” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). MEDIA – Broadcasters, television news. ONSLAUGHT: “a fierce or destructive attack” (Oxford ONSLAUGHT – negative Dictionary, 2011). portrayals of Zimbabwean issues.

N.G.O. - no dictionary N.G.O. – acronym for Non- meanings. Governmental Organisations, Zimbabwean based donor and CANVASSING – “to try to humanitarian organizations. get political support or votes, especially by visiting all the CANVASSING – open support and houses in an area” advert for one political party. (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). Stylistic: following a rather chaotic land reform exercise, Western countries, led by Britain, the former colonial master, and the United States applied sanctions to Zimbabwe’s political elite. The measures were said to be ‘smart sanctions’ effecting travel bans and affecting business interests of the President and his inner circle. Tsvangirai and his party supported the move and the Western countries insisted they would only act otherwise on the insistence of the opposition party. President Mugabe and his party meanwhile alleged the sanctions were not targeted and effectively isolated Zimbabwe from all Western countries and its allies. The sanctions were viewed from the ruling party angle as a conspiracy meant to impoverish the general population, turn it against the government and effect regime change. After the passing of two media laws that required media houses to register with a government- appointed media regulation body. CNN and BBC were refused the privilege to report from Zimbabwe after their applications were turned town. The two media houses however continued to report on, and at times from Zimbabwe. Most of their reports were considered to be complete fabrications meant to tarnish the government’s image and improve the opposition’s. The government also had reservations with foreign-funded non- governmental organisations it accused on using a food distribution programme that was under way at the time to solicit support for the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai. The government alleged that all of the above were orchestrated with the help and blessing of Tsvangirai.

Affective: boastful. Confident. ARE ON MY ARE - Second person singular Connotative: ARE – A host of SIDE. and plural and first and third factors. person plural present indicative of be. ON – allegiance.

ON – “used to show that MY SIDE – Common political something is in a position ideology. Part and parcel of a above something else and complex mega political persuasion. touching it, or that something is moving into such a Stylistic: the allegations against position” (Cambridge Tsvangirai were that he was using Dictionary, 2011). the factors discussed above for political gain. MY SIDE – “close to … [the speaker or writer], especially Affective: boastful. so as to give them comfort or moral support” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

ON YOUR ON YOUR MARKS, GET Connotative: ON YOUR MARKS, MARKS, GET SET – “something called out GET SET – A phrase used to tell SET… to competitors at the political leaders that the polling day beginning of a running race” is imminent. (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). Stylistic: cartoon was published a few weeks before the date of the Presidential run-off elections.

Affective: anxiety.

7.5 Editorial cartoon coded B1i Part 1: Image analysis. SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

All the figures in the Represent Zimbabwe’s police Iconic Signs composition, with the force. exception of the one in the middle wearing a checkered shirt. The uniforms are similar to those used by the Zimbabwe police. Symbolic Signs The man in the middle. The figure has a trimmed moustache, protruding cheeks, short hair and skin imperfections around the cheeks. The description resembles that of Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Signifier Referent Relationship Tsvangirai. The figures all have bulging The stomach is a sign of living Indexical Signs stomachs. comfortably. It suggests abundance of wealth. being

well looked after The second from left Meant to direct the voice codes Kinesics policeman walking towards to a specific recipient, signifies Tsvangirai places his hand on secrecy of the message. the side of his mouth as he speaks. Shows anonymity. A general None of the policemen’s eyes look is given to the members are visible. They are either of the police, giving the covered by their figures’ head message a greater significance. gear or behind sunglasses. The message is not coming from a specific or particular section of the police; the generalization gives the Interpersonal Communication Interpersonal impression that it is a universal stance within the entire force. Tsvangirai’s eyes are opened wide. Signifies surprise or a general sense of anxiety. It shows his reaction to the message.

The hands of the two Shows their relaxed nature. policemen on the extreme There is a lack of agility or right are lowered. physical strength in the policemen.

The policemen’s stomachs are Suggesting a lack of physical protruding and heavy. strength by members of a group known for physical prowess.

There is a lack of emotion on Shows the seriousness of the the policemen’s faces. plot under discussion.

Shows movement by the police The second from left office towards the opposition policeman has one leg in the leader with the intention of air and the other touching the passing a private message. ground but barely resting.

Signifies his haplessness, uneasiness around the crowd. Tsvangirai’s hands rest on his side.

Proxemics Personal. The policemen and Tsvangirai are acquainted and having a conversation.

Artefacts Morgan Tsvangirai wears Signifies his lack of political informal, casual clothing. power.

Police sunglasess. Represents flamboyance. Also used as a tool to hide true identity. The police uniforms are oversized and This suggests the militant accommodating bulging nature of the police force. The stomachs. The boots are caps further defines the men as similar to those worn by the the police, but also used in this army. instance as a tool to hide the men’s true identity. CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

Notan lighting – no area has Feeling of neutrality. Lighting been singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Positive volume formed by The negative volume delegates Volume the figures in the foreground. a foreground position to the - Volume Negative volume formed by subject. Morgan Tsvangirai duality the empty space in the and the cops are alone and not background in any particular place.

Overlapping of figures. The The first two layers simply - Graphic depth composition shows four creates a crowd around factors layers of depth. The first is Tsvangirai, the third is made formed by Tsvangirai and the up of a ‘lookout’, a policeman two policemen on either side; standing in the distance. He is the second comprises the two part of the plan but has a figures directly behind specific duty that of making

Codes of Content Tsvangirai. The third is sure the area where the other formed by the lightly parts of the composition is sketched figure on the secure. The last layer is the extreme left hand side while blank background. The the white background forms negative volume delegates a the last layer. foreground position for the figures. They are alone and not in any particular place. .

Area The figures further from the Perspective. Creates the crowd, orientation: front are smaller. The figures showing that it extend away - Size of the also surround the figure from the focal point. objects

Codes of Form Perspective Figures smaller and hazier, Creates the crowd, showing relative to distance away from that it extend away from the the front. focal point.

Viewing Long short. Allows the viewer to define the distance figures and see the hand gestures.

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

Main Directions Vertical directions stressed in No apparent tension in the a horizontal frame. force fields indicating calmness shown by the vertical directions.

Magnetism/attra All policemen, except the one Shows particular interest in the ction of mass on the lookout are looking at, opposition figure and a certain standing close to Tsvangirai. veneration on their part. The closeness also shows the secrecy of the meeting.

Asymmetry Up diagonal. Suggested by the position of the policemen’s faces in relation to where they are looking. They appear in the composition as if struggling to maintain a horizontal viewing line. This emphasizes the insistence on the use of caps to hide true identity.

Figure-ground With the exception of the Isolated, private space. The job Force Fields Within the Image Frame Image Frame Within the Force Fields perception lookout figure, the of the policeman is to keep the background in undefined, background isolated and comprising wholly of a blank private. space.

Psychological The shading of the figures Indicates police uniforms. closure surrounding Tsvangirai.

Vectors Converging vector – Heightens closure. Tsvangirai and the figure on his right facing each other. Diverging vector – policeman Defines his duty as the in the background looking lookout. away from the scene.

Part 2: Text and language analysis Caption: LOOK, MORGAN. THE REASON WE KEEP ARRESTING YOU IS TO KEEP YOU ON TOP OF THE HEADLINES. IT ALSO KEEPS YOURS SUPPORTERS CONTINUOUSLY ANGRY SO THAT COME THE 27TH, THEY WILL VOTE FOR YOU IN DROVES. DON’T FORGET US WHEN YOU WIN…

WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING ASSOCIATIVE MEANING PHRASE

Look, Morgan. Look – “to direct your eyes in Connotative: look - listen, pay order to see” (Cambridge attention. Dictionary, 2011). Morgan –reference to opposition leader Tsvangirai’s first name.

Morgan – “a horse of a light Stylistic: Look Morgan – after thickset breed developed in enduring years of an uneasy New England” (Oxford relationship with the police that Dictionary, 2011). included allegations of tourture and beatings, the opening part of the statement signals a change in approach by the law enforcement agency.

Affective: lacks respect by addressing an influential member of society using his first name. Reason we keep Reason – “the cause of an Connotative: Reason- justification. arresting you. event or situation or We – represents Zimbabwe’s police something which provides an force. excuse or explanation” Keep – shows continuous action. (Cambridge Dictionary, Arresting – any police action 2011). negatively affecting the opposition leader. We – “(used as the subject of You – Morgan Tsvangirai. May a verb) the speaker and at possibly extent to refer to his party least one other person when members too. considered together or as a group” (Cambridge Stylistic: Reason we keep arresting Dictionary, 2011). “Used by a you – a statement referring to a speaker or a writer to refer to series of legal problems the the listener(s) or reader and opposition leader faced and got the person speaking or arrested for, including treason. The writing” (Cambridge police provide a strange angle by Dictionary, 2011). suggesting a positive outcome for Tsvangirai that they are actually Keep – “to have or continue acting in his favour of. to have in your possession” (Cambridge Dictionary, Affective: shows remorse by 2011). suggesting a reason for official action sanctioned by the Arresting – “Seize (someone) government. The police are seen as by legal authority and take playing the field and willing to take them into custody” (Oxford the side of whoever the victor will Dictionary, 2011). be.

You – “used to refer to the person or people being spoken or written to” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). Keep you on top Keep – “to have or continue Connotative: Keep – consistency. of the headlines. to have in your possession” (Cambridge Dictionary, You – Morgan Tsvangirai. May 2011). “To continue or cause possibly extent to refer to his party to continue in a specified members too. condition, position, course , etc” (Oxford Dictionary, On top of – relevance 2011). Headlines – news. Topical.

You – “used to refer to the Stylistic: Keep you on top of the person or people being headlines – an attempt to enhance spoken or written to” the opposition leader’s profile in a (Cambridge Dictionary, country dominated by the state 2011). media that largely ignored any of On top of- “(in the position of his positive contributions. being) most important or successful; best” (Cambridge Affective: The phrase shows Dictionary, 2011). positive intent, therefore the speaker is expectant, hoping to be praised. Headline – “a heading at the top of an article or page in a newspaper or magazine” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

It also keeps your It – “used to refer to a thing Connotative: it – action, occurance. supporters previously mentioned or continuously easily identified” (Oxford Also – added advantage. angry. Dictionary, 2011). Also - In addition; besides. Keeps - shows continuous action.

Keeps – “to have or continue Your – belonging to the person or to have in your possession” group the individual being (Cambridge Dictionary, addressed heads. 2011). “To continue or cause to continue in a specified Supporters – sympathizers, condition, position, course , activists. etc” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Continuously – consistent at a certain level.

Your – “belonging or relating Angry – disillusioned, to the person or group of revolutionary. people being spoken or written to” (Cambridge Stylistic: It also keeps your Dictionary, 2011). supporters continuously angry – hope that protest support may sway Supporters – “a group that the vote in the favour of the approves of and encourages a opposition leader facing a tough public figure, political party, opponent. policy, etc” (Oxford Affective: It also keeps your Dictionary, 2011). supporters continuously angry – hope and anxiety, having put a plan Continuously – “without a in place and awaiting its pause or interruption” effectiveness. (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Angry – “feeling or showing strong annoyance, displeasure, or hostility; full of anger” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

Come the 27th Come – “to move or travel Connotative: Come – on (as in ‘on towards the speaker or with the 27th’). the speaker” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). The – absolute adjective. Denotes exclusivity. The – “used before nouns to refer to things or people when 27th – a day of the month. a listener or reader knows which particular things or Stylistic: Come the 27th – reference people are being referred to, to the 27th of June 2008, the day especially because they have polling took place for a presidential already been mentioned or run-off after the first round because what is happening provided no winner. makes it clear” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). Affective: day dreaming, visualizing the results of their 27th - coming next after the actions. twenty-sixth in position. Being or denoting a numerical order in a series They will vote for They – “used as the subject of Connotative: They – Morgan you in droves. a verb to refer to people, Tsvangirai’s supporters. animals or things already Zimbabweans eligible to vote. mentioned or, more generally, to a group of people not Will – without fail. No choice. clearly described” (Cambridge Dictionary, Vote – give legitimacy, power. 2011). For you – on one’s side. Show of allegiance. Will – “used to talk about what is going to happen in the In droves – landslide. future, especially things that Unprecedented political support. you are certain about or things that are planned” (Cambridge Stylistic: They will vote for you in Dictionary, 2011). droves – refers to expectations for favourable voting patterns for Vote – “a formal indication of Tsvangirai in the presidential run- a choice between two or more off election that was due. candidates or courses of action, expressed typically Affective: happy, anticipation. through a ballot or a show of hands” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

For – “intended to be given to” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

You – “used to refer to the person or people being spoken or written to” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

In – “inside or towards the inside of a container, place or area, or surrounded or closed off by something” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Droves – “a herd or flock of animals being driven in a body” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Don’t forget us Don’t – expressing what Connotative: Don’t – warning with when you win. should not be done. expectation.

Forget – “to be unable to Forget – fail to reward. Kickbacks. remember a fact, something that happened, or how to do Us – group plotting a strategy for a something” (Cambridge poll win. Dictionary, 2011). When – certainty. Something Us – “(used as the object of a expected. verb or a preposition) me and at least one other person” You win – opposition victory. (Cambridge Dictionary, Demise of the status quo. 2011). Stylistic: the cartoon was published When – “at what time; at the during final rounds of campaigning time at which” (Cambridge for the Presidential run-off poll Dictionary, 2011). when the two candidates were soliciting for support from You – “used to refer to the prospective votes. person or people being spoken or written to” Affective: anxiety, hope. (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Win – “acquire or secure as a result of a contest, conflict, bet, or other endeavour” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011)

7.6 Editorial cartoon coded B1ii Part 1: Image analysis. SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in the (What meaning can be image?) interpreted?)

The men in the composition. Both The figures symbolize Iconic Signs men are walking. One figure Zimbabwe’s working class wears a formal outfit while the that is made up by an other is clad in informal clothes established formal sector and but carries a newspaper in his left a fast growing informal hand. industry. Symbolic Signs The lines forming the background, Represents trees or other above the buildings. forms of plant life. This may be a reflection of Zimbabwe’s urban landscape where pockets of bushy, undeveloped land lies

Signifier Referent Relationship adjacent most suburbs.

Indexical Signs No apparent use of indexical

signs. Smile of both figures’ faces. Shows they see the funny Kinesics side of their conversation. They are amused by how the speaker interprets the text on the billboard. Raised eyebrows, widened eyes on the left sided figure. A sense of surprise or

Interpersonal Interpersonal amazement at the newspaper Communication Communication Pacing legs on both figures. billboard he is staring at. Shows movement. Gives the impression that the two are only passing through while The figure on the right tucks engaging in their hands in his pocket. conversation.

It shows the men are relaxed. They are depicted as casual, ordinary man on the street The figure on the left’s right hand having a casual conversation points away from him.

Points to the newspaper billboard and connects the figure’s utterances to the contents of the billboard.

Proxemics Personal. The two men are acquainted and having a conversation.

Artefacts Cap on the left sided figure. Signifies informality and is associated with medium to low class of Zimbabwe’s population. Jacket and suit. May be a reference to the weather condition. But shows the two may not be anything more than middle class given that they walk Prescription glasses on the man from point A to B, and in a with the black suit. low income neighbourhood.

Signifies that he is learned and therefore informed Newspaper in the man with a individual. cap’s hand.

Houses in the background. Signifies he is an informed individual.

Show the setting is a high- Hedge. density, low income residential area. The two buildings are tiny and erected in close vicinity of each The newspaper billboard. other.

Further defines the setting as a low income residential Men’s shadows under their area. The hedge is a cheap figures. form of securing households and is a common site in the low income areas. Introduces the subject to be discussed by the two men.

Indication of light above their head. Shows the conversation took place probably at noon

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in the (What meaning can be image?) interpreted?)

Notan lighting – no area has been Feeling of neutrality. Lighting singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Positive volume formed by the two The positive volume in the Volume figures and the billboard in the background defines the space - Volume foreground. Positive volume in the surrounding the two figures duality background too, formed by the whose temporary presence in hedge, the houses and the trees this particular space is Negative volume formed by the captured. The negative blank space beyond the trees. space places emphasis on the foreground the foreground.

Overlapping of figures. - Graphic depth factors The composition shows five

Codes of Content layers of depth. The fore ground is made up of the two figures and the billboard. The billboard provides the introduction to the subject being discussed while the two men acknowledge its existence and make reference to it. The next three layers formed by the hedge, the buildings and the trees define the type of space surrounding the figures. The negative volume delegates a foreground position to the figures

.

Area The size of the figures show they This allows for a face to face orientation: are on the same plane. conversation between the - Size of the two men. objects The buildings. The two buildings are tiny and erected in close vicinity of each other. Show the setting is a high-density, low income residential area.

Perspective No apparent emphasis due to focus Neutrality, private with a relatively normal space conversation with no

Codes of Form perception. apparent emphasis.

Viewing Long short. Allows the viewer to define distance the figures and see the hand gestures and the newspaper billboard that introduced the topic of discussion.

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in the (What meaning can be image?) interpreted?)

Main Directions Vertical directions stressed by the Vertical lines created by the two men, the houses and the trees two figures signifies in a horizontal frame. movement, it shows the two However, horizontal directions are passing by a series of

e Frame e Frame dominate, stressed by the hedge, horizontal planes. g the hand pointing to the billboard

Ima and the roofs on the houses.

Force Fields Within the Within the Force Fields Magnetism/attr Space around the figures. Figures not placed on the action of mass edge of the frame, bringing the two men closer and therefore poised for a personal communication relationship.

Asymmetry n/a No lines or forces depicting up or down diagonal in the composition.

Figure-ground Two men and a newspaper All the elements placed in perception billboard placed in the foreground the foreground contribute to while houses a hedge and trees the overall meaning of the relegated to the background. cartoon while the background components define the setting of the editorial cartoon.

Psychological Dots on the ground the men are Represent stones and soils closure walking on. grains, showing the road is unpaved. This signifies the suburb is poor.

Vectors Converging vector – both men Both vectors place emphasis facing the newspaper billboard. on the newspaper billboard, Index vector – man in jersey’s indicating that that it is a right hand pointing to the central part of the message. newspaper billboard.

Part 2: Text and language analysis Speech bubble: THAT SHOULD READ: “ELECTED LEADERS FLEES UNELECTED LEADER…” Newspaper billboard: TSVANGIRAI SEEKS ASYLUM IN BOTSWANA. WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING THEMATIC MEANING PHRASE

That should read. That – “Used to identify a ‘Should’ presents the speaker’s specific person or thing alternative assertions as objective observed or heard by the and information that should be made speaker” (Oxford Dictionary, available instead. 2011).

Should – “1 used to indicate obligation, duty, or correctness, typically when criticizing someone's actions” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). “2. (Formal) expressing the conditional mood” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

Read – “look at and comprehend the meaning of (written or printed matter) by interpreting the characters or symbols of which it is composed” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). Elected, unelected Elected leader – “a person ‘Elected leader’ placed first to leader given a legal mandate to be in emphasize the unfairness and control of a group, country or unlawfulness of the development. situation” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011). Unelected leader – “a person without a legal mandate to be in control of a group, country or situation” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Flees. “To run away from a place or Highlights the act as it is placed situation of danger” (Oxford between the two men’s descriptions. Dictionary, 2011). Seeks asylum. Seek – “to try to find or get Focuses on the act of finding refuge, something, especially highlighting the consequences of the something which is not a action that forced him to turn to physical object” (Cambridge desperate measures. Dictionary, 2011). “To ask for advice, help, approval, permission, etc” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Asylum – “protection or safety, especially that given by a government to foreigners who have been forced to leave their own countries for political reasons” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011)

Tsvangirai. No dictionary meaning. Denotes and emphasizes the subject of the cartoon.

Botswana. Southern African country Contextualizes and places focus on with South Africa, Zimbabwe, the country. Namibia, Zambia and Angola around its borders.

7.7 Editorial cartoon coded A2i Part 1: Image analysis. SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

Iconic Signs The two men in the None of their characteristics background. are well defined. They are onlookers that represent members of the general public.

The face in the foreground has The description resembles that a trimmed moustache, of Zimbabwe opposition leader protruding cheeks, short hair Morgan Tsvangirai. and skin imperfections around the cheeks. Symbolic Signs Lines around and below the Suggests high energy motion, face in the foreground. indicating the figure is

Signifier Referent Relationship spinning. n/a No apparent use of indexical Indexical Signs signs.

Figures in the background fold Emphasizes them as onlookers Kinesics their arms. whose only duty in the composition is to provide a reaction to the act in front of them. Raised eyebrows, widened eyes on Morgan Tsvangirai. A sense of bewilderment towards his own actions.

Lines on Tsvangirai’s Heighten his emotional forehead. confusion and indecision.

Interpersonal Communication Interpersonal Proxemics Social. There is no evidence that the two men in the background have a prior relationship. They simply converse based on what they are seeing. Artefacts The newspaper billboard. Introduces the subject to be discussed by the two men. Clothes worn by the figures in the background Uniform white top and black pants. Emphasizes their role as unidentified and undefined members of the public. CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING SIGNIFIED RANGE RANGE (What meaning can be (What actually interpreted?) appears in the image?) Notan lighting – no area Feeling of neutrality. Lighting has been singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Volume Positive volume formed The negative volume delegates - Volume duality by Tsvangirai, the a foreground position to newspaper billboard Tsvangirai. The three figures and the two figures in and the newspaper billboard the background. are alone and not in any Negative volume particular place. formed by the blank space in the - Graphic depth background. factors Shows Tsvangirai is in the foreground and the two men in Tsvangirai’s figure is the background. This gives the Codes of Content bigger compared to the actions of Tsvangirai more two other figures. prominence compared to the onlookers. The figures also stand at a safe distance in case they are sucked into the tornado of indecision displayed by Tsvangirai.

Complete circles only Two circular lines, one interrupted by the head, above Tsvangirai’s head emphasizing a repeated 360 and another below it. degree motion.

Area orientation: The newspaper Square, made big enough to s of Code - Size of the objects billboard. carry a newspaper legible headline.

Tsvangirai’s facial Distortion whose end result is features. The eyes are an unflattering image of the made smaller in relation politician. The overall to the face’s size, while depiction represents an the skin imperfections unattractive and repulsive are given prominence. character. The nose is big and unconventional, and the mount placed much closer to the nose.

Perspective No apparent emphasis Neutrality, private due to focus with a conversation with no apparent relatively normal space emphasis. perception.

Viewing distance Long short. Allows the viewer to define the figures and see the full foreground figure and its expressions and the newspaper billboard that introduced the topic of discussion.

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING SIGNIFIED RANGE RANGE (What meaning can be (What actually interpreted?) appears in the image?)

Main Directions Dominant vertical Calmness created by vertical directions stressed by directions but broken up by the Tsvangirai, the two men motion indicators forming the in the background and horizontal directions. the billboard. Horizontal directions

Frame epitomized by the lines around Tsvangirai.

Magnetism/attraction The two background Creates space between them of mass figures are placed closer and Tsvangirai, signifying that Force Fields Within the Image Within the Force Fields to the right-sided edge the two are not part of the of the frame. actions on the foreground. The distance shows the men are contemptuous of or keeping a distance from Tsvangirai and his indecisive leadership tendencies.

Asymmetry n/a No lines or forces depicting up or down diagonal in the composition.

Figure-ground With the exception of Isolated, private space. perception the two men, the background in undefined, comprising of a blank space.

Psychological closure Circular lines and The two are working as a arrows around combination to emphasize Tsvangirai. spinning.

Vectors Converging vector – Shows Tsvangirai’s actions are both background men extraordinary enough to draw facing Tsvangirai. their attention. Also provides the link between Tsvangirai and the comment they make. Index vectors – the two arrows around Tsvangirai. Emphasize motion.

Part 2: Text and language analysis Newspaper billboard: TSVANGIRAI IN ANOTHER U-TURN ON LAND REFORM. Speech bubble: DOESN’T THAT CAUSE DIZZINESS?

WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING THEMATIC MEANING PHRASE

Tsvangirai. No English dictionary Placed first to emphasize the person meaning. is the subject of the cartoon.

Another. “One more person or thing or Emphasizes that the action is not an extra amount. A lot of being performed for the first time, things, one after the other” shows the action is repeated. (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

U-turn on land U-turn – “a complete change Emphasis on indecision on a reform. from one opinion or plan of national issue. action to an opposite one” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Land reform – “the statutory division of agricultural land and its reallocation to landless people” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

Doesn’t that ‘That’ places focus on Tsvangirai’s cause dizziness? Doesn’t – “Contraction of action, both in the composition and does not” (Oxford Dictionary, in real life. 2011).

That – “used to refer to something which has been mentioned or was involved earlier, or to something with which the listener will be familiar” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Cause – “the reason why something, especially something bad happens” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2011).

Dizziness – “having or involving a sensation of spinning around and losing one's balance” (Oxford Dictionary, 2011).

? – a question mark. Used at the end of questions and in other contexts where doubt or ignorance is implied.

7.8 Editorial cartoon coded A2ii Part 1: Image analysis. SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS: READING NONVERBAL PICTORIAL CODES IN AN EDITORIAL CARTOON

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

The man in the composition. The description resembles Iconic Signs The figure has a trimmed that of Zimbabwe opposition moustache, protruding cheeks, leader Morgan Tsvangirai. short hair and skin imperfections around the cheeks. Symbolic Signs n/a No apparent use of symbolic signs.

Indexical Signs Sign post A reminder of how close the

Signifier Referent Relationship polling date was. Bloated stomach. Suggests wealth.

Kinesics Position of Tsvangirai’s hands Stretched with right leg and and feet. left hand forward and the other two behind. Signifies movement from left to right.

Clinched fists Signifies determination and will to achieve his goal.

Tsvangirai looks straight at the viewer. Suggests his message is meant for the general public.

Open mouth. Shows Tsvangirai is

Interpersonal Communication Interpersonal addressing an audience outside the frame.

Proxemics Public. Converses with no one in particular but looks straight at the viewer.

Artefacts Sign post. Suggests his destination

Casual clothing. Lack of political power.

Plant life under the sign post. Defines ground level. CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

Notan lighting – no area has Feeling of neutrality. Lighting been singled out for attention with the use of light.

Depth and Positive volume formed by Tsvangirai is alone and not in Volume Tsvangirai and the sign post. any particular place. - Volume Negative volume formed by duality the empty space in the background Lack of perspective shows the Codes of Content politician, his message and - Graphic depth No apparent use of graphic the sign post are equally factors depth factors. important in presenting the message in the composition.

Area Tsvangirai’s head is bigger in Emphasis of his facial orientation: comparison to the rest of his features to show his - Size of the body. expressions and ensures that objects the viewer can positively identify him. Tsvangirai’s facial features. The eyes are made smaller in Distortion whose end result is relation to the face’s size, an unflattering image of the while the skin imperfections politician. are given prominence.

Codes of Form Perspective No apparent emphasis due to Neutrality, private focus with a relatively normal conversation. Talking to space perception. himself may be a signal of lack of political support.

Viewing Long shot. Allows a view of the figure’s distance forward motion and his possible destination.

CODES THE REFERENT / THE POSSIBLE SIGNIFYING RANGE SIGNIFIED RANGE (What actually appears in (What meaning can be the image?) interpreted?)

Main Directions Vertical directions stressed. No apparent tension in the force fields indicating calmness.

Magnetism/attra Figure and sign post placed in Emphasizes he is alone and ction of mass the middle with the rest of the suggests isolation. composition undefined and blank. The figure takes steps towards Shows there is magnetism the direction the sign post outside the frame on the right points to. that is drawing the figure.

Asymmetry n/a No lines or forces depicting up or down diagonal in the composition.

Figure-ground The background in undefined, Isolated, private space. perception comprising wholly of a blank space.

Psychological There is no line to delineate May signify the mixture of closure the ground Tsvangirai walks reality and fantasy. Force Fields Within the Image Frame Image Frame Within the Force Fields on.

Vectors Diverging vector – Tsvangirai Multi-tasking. Suggests looking at the viewer while confidence and a need to walking away to the right. address the public on the Index vectors – the sign post. subject he tackles.

Suggests a targeted destination. Additional codes

Part 2: Text and language analysis Speech Bubble: SANCTIONS ARE IN PLACE, PRICE HIKES ARE IN PLACE… Sign post: ELECTION 2008

WORD OF CONCEPTUAL MEANING ASSOCIATIVE MEANING PHRASE

Sanctions are in Sanctions – “a threatened Connotative: sanctions – place. penalty for disobeying a law intentional sabotage. or rule. Official permission or approval for an action” Are – existence. (Oxford Dictionary, 2011). In place – established. Working. Are - the plural form of the present tense (indicative Connotative: Sanctions are in place mood) of be and the singular – following a rather chaotic land form used with you. reform exercise, Western countries, led by Britain, the former colonial In place – “a position in master, and the United States relation to other things or applied sanctions to Zimbabwe’s people” (Cambridge political elite. The measures were Dictionary, 2011). said to be ‘smart sanctions’ effecting travel bans and affecting business interests of the President and his inner circle. Tsvangirai and his party supported the move and the Western countries insisted they would only act otherwise on the insistence of the opposition party. President Mugabe and his party meanwhile alleged the sanctions were not targeted and effectively isolated Zimbabwe from all Western countries and its allies. The sanctions were viewed from the ruling party angle as a conspiracy meant to impoverish the general population, turn it against the government and effect regime change.

Affective: boastful. Confident.

Price hikes in Price hikes – “a sharp Connotative: Price hikes – a place. increase [in] cost” (Oxford deplorable general cost of living. Dictionary, 2011). Are – existence. Are - the plural form of the present tense (indicative In place – established. Working. mood) of be and the singular form used with you. Connotative: Government argued the sprawling inflation rate existing In place – “a position in during the election period was relation to other things or unrealistic and artificial. The people” (Cambridge closeness between most business Dictionary, 2011). leaders and the opposition gave credence to claim by President Mugabe and his party that the price hikes were a form of sabotage meant to catapult Morgan Tsvangirai and his party to power.

Affective: boastful. Confident.

Election 2008. Election – “a time when Connotative: Election 2008 – people vote in order to choose refers to the actual polling date in someone for a political or Zimbabwe’s election during the official job” (Oxford year 2008. The date was 29 March Dictionary, 2011). 2008.

Connotative: when the cartoon 2008 – numerical was published, Zimbabwean was representation of ‘two just days away from voting in an thousand and eight’ election that among others pitted President Mugabe against Morgan Tsvangirai for the presidency.

Affective: no sign of affective meaning.

7.9 Dictionary Sources

Cambridge Dictionary. 2011. Cambridge Dictionary Online Available: http://dictionaries.cambridge.org/default.asp?dict=P [5 June 2011].

Oxford Dictionary. 2011. Oxford Dictionary Online. Available: http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/page/askoxfordredirect [5 June 2011].